Newsom Signs Plenty of Bills — But What Makes Him Kill One?
The 'Petro-State' of California
How the Coronavirus Has Changed Lobbying in a Socially Distant Sacramento
Why California’s Efforts to Limit Soda Keep Fizzling
Industry Aims to Snuff Out First Statewide Ban on Flavored Tobacco
Cultivating Clout: Marijuana Money Flows Into California Politics
Bay Area Students Lobby for Tighter Gun Laws
Big Oil Pulls Democratic Lawmakers Through the Revolving Door
Governor Vetoes Bill to Shed More Light on State Contract Lobbying
Sponsored
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His work has appeared on Newsweek.com, Slate.com, CBSNews.com, MotherJones.com, DailyKos.com and NPR’s web site. Fiore’s political animation has appeared on CNN, Frontline, Bill Moyers Journal, Salon.com and cable and broadcast outlets across the globe.\r\n\r\nBeginning his professional life by drawing traditional political cartoons for newspapers, Fiore’s work appeared in publications ranging from the Washington Post to the Los Angeles Times. In the late 1990s, he began to experiment with animating political cartoons and, after a short stint at the San Jose Mercury News as their staff cartoonist, Fiore devoted all his energies to animation.\r\nGrowing up in California, Fiore also spent a good portion of his life in the backwoods of Idaho. It was this combination that shaped him politically. Mark majored in political science at Colorado College, where, in a perfect send-off for a cartoonist, he received his diploma in 1991 as commencement speaker Dick Cheney smiled approvingly.\r\nMark Fiore was awarded the Pulitzer Prize for political cartooning in 2010, a Robert F. Kennedy Journalism Award in 2004 and has twice received an Online Journalism Award for commentary from the Online News Association (2002, 2008). Fiore has received two awards for his work in new media from the National Cartoonists Society (2001, 2002), and in 2006 received The James Madison Freedom of Information Award from The Society of Professional Journalists.","avatar":"https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/fc4e2a612b15b67bad0c6f0e1db4ca9b?s=600&d=blank&r=g","twitter":"MarkFiore","facebook":null,"instagram":"https://www.instagram.com/markfiore/?hl=en","linkedin":null,"sites":[{"site":"arts","roles":["contributor"]},{"site":"news","roles":["editor"]},{"site":"futureofyou","roles":["editor"]},{"site":"science","roles":["editor"]}],"headData":{"title":"Mark Fiore | KQED","description":"KQED News Cartoonist","ogImgSrc":"https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/fc4e2a612b15b67bad0c6f0e1db4ca9b?s=600&d=blank&r=g","twImgSrc":"https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/fc4e2a612b15b67bad0c6f0e1db4ca9b?s=600&d=blank&r=g"},"isLoading":false,"link":"/author/markfiore"},"korr":{"type":"authors","id":"11200","meta":{"index":"authors_1591205172","id":"11200","found":true},"name":"Katie Orr","firstName":"Katie","lastName":"Orr","slug":"korr","email":"korr@kqed.org","display_author_email":false,"staff_mastheads":[],"title":"KQED Contributor","bio":"Katie Orr was a Sacramento-based reporter for KQED's Politics and Government Desk, covering the state Capitol and a variety of issues including women in politics, voting and elections and legislation. Prior to joining KQED in 2016, Katie was state government reporter for Capital Public Radio in Sacramento. She's also worked for KPBS in San Diego, where she covered City Hall.\r\n\r\nKatie received her masters degree in political science from San Diego State University and holds a Bachelors degree in broadcast journalism from Arizona State University.\r\n\r\nIn 2015 Katie won a national Clarion Award for a series of stories she did on women in California politics. She's been honored by the Society for Professional Journalists and, in 2013, was named by \u003cem>The Washington Post\u003c/em> as one of the country's top state Capitol reporters. She's also reported for the award-winning documentary series \u003cem>The View from Here \u003c/em>and was part of the team that won national PRNDI and Gabriel Awards in 2015. She lives in Sacramento with her husband. Twitter: @1KatieOrr","avatar":"https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/41a40b25845adc78f50808670860449e?s=600&d=blank&r=g","twitter":"1katieorr","facebook":null,"instagram":null,"linkedin":null,"sites":[{"site":"news","roles":["subscriber"]},{"site":"stateofhealth","roles":["author"]},{"site":"forum","roles":["author"]}],"headData":{"title":"Katie Orr | KQED","description":"KQED Contributor","ogImgSrc":"https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/41a40b25845adc78f50808670860449e?s=600&d=blank&r=g","twImgSrc":"https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/41a40b25845adc78f50808670860449e?s=600&d=blank&r=g"},"isLoading":false,"link":"/author/korr"},"vrancano":{"type":"authors","id":"11276","meta":{"index":"authors_1591205172","id":"11276","found":true},"name":"Vanessa Rancaño","firstName":"Vanessa","lastName":"Rancaño","slug":"vrancano","email":"vrancano@kqed.org","display_author_email":false,"staff_mastheads":["news"],"title":"Reporter, Housing","bio":"Vanessa Rancaño reports on housing and homelessness for KQED. She’s also covered education for the station and reported from the Central Valley. Her work has aired across public radio, from flagship national news shows to longform narrative podcasts. Before taking up a mic, she worked as a freelance print journalist. She’s been recognized with a number of national and regional awards. Vanessa grew up in California's Central Valley. She's a former NPR Kroc Fellow, and a graduate of the UC Berkeley Graduate School of Journalism.","avatar":"https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/f6c0fc5d391c78710bcfc723f0636ef6?s=600&d=blank&r=g","twitter":"vanessarancano","facebook":null,"instagram":null,"linkedin":null,"sites":[{"site":"arts","roles":["editor"]},{"site":"news","roles":["editor"]}],"headData":{"title":"Vanessa Rancaño | KQED","description":"Reporter, Housing","ogImgSrc":"https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/f6c0fc5d391c78710bcfc723f0636ef6?s=600&d=blank&r=g","twImgSrc":"https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/f6c0fc5d391c78710bcfc723f0636ef6?s=600&d=blank&r=g"},"isLoading":false,"link":"/author/vrancano"}},"breakingNewsReducer":{},"campaignFinanceReducer":{},"firebase":{"requesting":{},"requested":{},"timestamps":{},"data":{},"ordered":{},"auth":{"isLoaded":false,"isEmpty":true},"authError":null,"profile":{"isLoaded":false,"isEmpty":true},"listeners":{"byId":{},"allIds":[]},"isInitializing":false,"errors":[]},"navBarReducer":{"navBarId":"news","fullView":true,"showPlayer":false},"navMenuReducer":{"menus":[{"key":"menu1","items":[{"name":"News","link":"/","type":"title"},{"name":"Politics","link":"/politics"},{"name":"Science","link":"/science"},{"name":"Education","link":"/educationnews"},{"name":"Housing","link":"/housing"},{"name":"Immigration","link":"/immigration"},{"name":"Criminal Justice","link":"/criminaljustice"},{"name":"Silicon Valley","link":"/siliconvalley"},{"name":"Forum","link":"/forum"},{"name":"The California Report","link":"/californiareport"}]},{"key":"menu2","items":[{"name":"Arts & Culture","link":"/arts","type":"title"},{"name":"Critics’ Picks","link":"/thedolist"},{"name":"Cultural Commentary","link":"/artscommentary"},{"name":"Food & Drink","link":"/food"},{"name":"Bay Area Hip-Hop","link":"/bayareahiphop"},{"name":"Rebel Girls","link":"/rebelgirls"},{"name":"Arts Video","link":"/artsvideos"}]},{"key":"menu3","items":[{"name":"Podcasts","link":"/podcasts","type":"title"},{"name":"Bay Curious","link":"/podcasts/baycurious"},{"name":"Rightnowish","link":"/podcasts/rightnowish"},{"name":"The Bay","link":"/podcasts/thebay"},{"name":"On Our Watch","link":"/podcasts/onourwatch"},{"name":"Mindshift","link":"/podcasts/mindshift"},{"name":"Consider This","link":"/podcasts/considerthis"},{"name":"Political Breakdown","link":"/podcasts/politicalbreakdown"}]},{"key":"menu4","items":[{"name":"Live Radio","link":"/radio","type":"title"},{"name":"TV","link":"/tv","type":"title"},{"name":"Events","link":"/events","type":"title"},{"name":"For Educators","link":"/education","type":"title"},{"name":"Support KQED","link":"/support","type":"title"},{"name":"About","link":"/about","type":"title"},{"name":"Help Center","link":"https://kqed-helpcenter.kqed.org/s","type":"title"}]}]},"pagesReducer":{},"postsReducer":{"stream_live":{"type":"live","id":"stream_live","audioUrl":"https://streams.kqed.org/kqedradio","title":"Live Stream","excerpt":"Live Stream information currently unavailable.","link":"/radio","featImg":"","label":{"name":"KQED Live","link":"/"}},"stream_kqedNewscast":{"type":"posts","id":"stream_kqedNewscast","audioUrl":"https://www.kqed.org/.stream/anon/radio/RDnews/newscast.mp3?_=1","title":"KQED Newscast","featImg":"","label":{"name":"88.5 FM","link":"/"}},"news_11892112":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11892112","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11892112","score":null,"sort":[1634172720000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"newsom-signs-plenty-of-bills-but-what-makes-him-kill-one","title":"Newsom Signs Plenty of Bills — But What Makes Him Kill One?","publishDate":1634172720,"format":"standard","headTitle":"CALmatters | KQED News","labelTerm":{"term":18481,"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom has now completed three rounds of the annual ritual of deciding what should become law in California by giving a thumbs-up or thumbs-down to hundreds of bills sent to him by the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11891336\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/07/Capitol-1180x787-3-1020x680.jpeg\"]In year one, he used the routine to demonstrate differences from his predecessor, signing dozens of bills that Jerry Brown had vetoed — but also vetoing a greater proportion of bills than Brown typically did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In year two, with the Legislature largely sidelined by the COVID-19 pandemic, Newsom signed fewer new laws than any governor in more than 50 years, instead governing through numerous executive orders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And this year, his third, Newsom used his veto pen at about half the rate he did in his first year as governor, saying “no” to about 8% of the 836 bills that hit his desk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/_/hxNrlgiB93BuhlMnvrIa?src=embed\" title=\"2021 Vetoes\" width=\"800\" height=\"602\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In doing so, Newsom largely demonstrated a traditional governing philosophy, using his veto power to block bills that cost more than the state budgeted for, clashed with work already underway in his administration or were repeats of ideas he’d already nixed. Essentially, Newsom’s vetoes in 2021 proved more about what he has in common with his predecessors than how he is unique.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He is similar to other governors in that there are some consistent themes or bases for governors to veto legislation,” said Chris Micheli, a lobbyist and attorney who teaches law school courses on the legislative process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“His first year in office was very different.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Newsom held celebratory public events with legislators to sign their bills, he announced vetoes by listing them at the end of press releases. So, many of them flew under the radar. It required reading his veto messages to get explanations or justifications of why he didn’t believe the proposals should become law in California. On some bills, he cited multiple reasons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are some key themes that emerged from Newsom’s 66 vetoes this year:\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>That's not in the budget\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Some bills advancing causes that Newsom has championed in the past got his thumbs-down nonetheless. Why? Because, he argued in many veto messages, the proposal would cost money the state had not budgeted for, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11862460/as-californias-rich-get-richer-state-expects-10-5-billion-surplus-despite-slow-economy\">despite an unprecedented windfall of state revenue and federal aid\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s what Newsom said in nixing a bill to raise the amount of salary that workers can receive while taking paid family leave — even though he signed two expansions of the family leave program in years past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11891396\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/SF-high-school-in-person-class-1020x680.jpg\"]A spokesperson from Newsom’s finance department told CalMatters that the bill would have hiked the cost for both employees and the state, including millions in computer upgrades and public outreach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom also made the cost argument in vetoing a huge expansion of college financial aid. Just months ago, he signed a budget that includes an additional $3.3 billion for colleges and universities, including $1.5 billion in increases for student grants and work study opportunities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Expanding access to financial aid has been a priority for my Administration,” the Governor wrote in his veto. But, he told lawmakers, massive changes to the system need to be considered as part of the regular budget process.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Calling out repeat bills\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>As he’s becoming more seasoned as governor, a new theme is emerging in Newsom’s vetoes: calling out the repeats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As I stated in a veto message on similar legislation in 2019,” Newsom wrote in nixing a bill that would prohibit paying petition circulators per signature gathered, “I appreciate the intent of this bill to incentivize grassroots support for the initiative, referendum, and recall process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11891010\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/illustration_NewsomMoney_v1-1020x678.jpg\"]But, he said, changing the way workers are paid to gather signatures could make the process more costly, giving wealthy interests even more influence over the initiative process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similarly, he vetoed legislation to let supervisors in state government settle disputes through binding arbitration by saying it could add costs and create conflicts with existing procedures, “the same concerns I had with a previous, nearly-identical bill … which I also vetoed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former Gov. Brown — who saw plenty of repeats as California’s longest-serving governor — also had a habit of using his veto messages to highlight the rationale behind his prior vetoes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/_/g74doLv8ZouV2FRyiUiB?src=embed\" title=\"Newsom vetoes compared to other governors, 2021\" width=\"800\" height=\"712\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Overwhelming support is no guarantee\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Newsom blocked a number of bills that were not controversial as they moved through the Legislature, making his veto a surprise after proposals advanced for months drama-free.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An attempt to crack down on the use of “bots” to scoop up camping reservations at state parks, for example, passed the Legislature with sweeping bipartisan support and had no formal opposition. Newsom, however, said the bill is unnecessary because the state has added security measures on its camping reservation website.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11890615\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/GettyImages-1216832918-1020x680.jpg\"]\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB494\">SB 494\u003c/a>, a measure requiring police officers to be trained in “interpersonal communication skills and ethical science-based interviewing,” similarly sailed through the Capitol without a single “no” vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said he likes the idea but doesn’t want to create a mandatory cost for police departments. In \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2021/10/SB-494-Message-Scan.pdf\">vetoing the bill\u003c/a>, he said he’ll direct the commission that trains police to create the training course and leave it up to departments to decide whether their officers take it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Patio umbrellas hardly seem like a controversial subject. Lawmakers overwhelmingly agreed that state law should allow alcohol manufacturers to give away promotional patio umbrellas to venues that sell their liquor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Newsom — owner of the PlumpJack wine and hospitality business, who often talks about launching a small wine shop as a young entrepreneur — vetoed the legislation, saying it would “increase alcohol signage and advertisements in public areas and disadvantage small alcohol manufacturers that cannot compete with the marketing budgets of multibillion-dollar corporations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Approaching some new ideas with caution\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>On two bills meant to address the scourge of drug addiction, Newsom just said no.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billVotesClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB1542\">AB 1542\u003c/a> would have allowed Yolo County to create a rehab program for people with a substance use disorder who commit certain crimes. The bill earned bipartisan support from lawmakers in both houses, but Newsom vetoed it saying it would lead to “forced treatment,” which could hinder “participants’ long-term recovery.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11891403\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS51806_048_Oakland_HighlandHospitalBridgeProgram_10062021-qut-1020x680.jpg\"]Many progressive criminal justice reform groups opposed AB 1542, including the Drug Policy Alliance, whose board member George Soros donated $1 million to help Newsom fight last month’s recall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, Newsom vetoed another bill that the Drug Policy Alliance supported, a measure to allow Medi-Cal to cover money paid to people recovering from drug addiction as an incentive to stay sober.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his veto, Newsom wrote that the state is trying to launch a similar pilot project, the results of which he wants to evaluate before agreeing to any expansion. That bill cleared the Legislature with overwhelming bipartisan support, but was opposed by Newsom’s finance department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similarly, he blocked two proposals aimed at changing rules of the road for walkers and bicyclists. One would have decriminalized jaywalking and the other would have let bicyclists ride through stop signs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of the jaywalking bill said people of color are unfairly targeted. Newsom agreed, but pointed out California’s high rate of pedestrian deaths and warned that the bill “will unintentionally reduce pedestrian safety and potentially increase fatalities or serious injuries.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Likewise, Newsom said the bicyclist bill could backfire and increase collisions and deaths, especially among “children, who may not know how to judge vehicle speeds or exercise the necessary caution to yield to traffic when appropriate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CalMatters reporter Sameea Kamal contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"Just this year, Gov. Gavin Newsom has vetoed dozens of bills, some that cost more than the state budgeted for, others that clashed with work already underway in his office or that were repeats of ideas he'd already rejected.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1634235900,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":true,"iframeSrcs":["https://e.infogram.com/_/hxNrlgiB93BuhlMnvrIa","https://e.infogram.com/_/g74doLv8ZouV2FRyiUiB"],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":37,"wordCount":1400},"headData":{"title":"Newsom Signs Plenty of Bills — But What Makes Him Kill One? | KQED","description":"Just this year, Gov. Gavin Newsom has vetoed dozens of bills, some that cost more than the state budgeted for, others that clashed with work already underway in his office or that were repeats of ideas he'd already rejected.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Newsom Signs Plenty of Bills — But What Makes Him Kill One?","datePublished":"2021-10-14T00:52:00.000Z","dateModified":"2021-10-14T18:25:00.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"disqusIdentifier":"11892112 https://ww2.kqed.org/news/?p=11892112","disqusUrl":"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2021/10/13/newsom-signs-plenty-of-bills-but-what-makes-him-kill-one/","disqusTitle":"Newsom Signs Plenty of Bills — But What Makes Him Kill One?","nprByline":"\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/author/laurel-rosenhall/\">Laurel Rosenhall\u003c/a>","path":"/news/11892112/newsom-signs-plenty-of-bills-but-what-makes-him-kill-one","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom has now completed three rounds of the annual ritual of deciding what should become law in California by giving a thumbs-up or thumbs-down to hundreds of bills sent to him by the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11891336","hero":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/07/Capitol-1180x787-3-1020x680.jpeg","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In year one, he used the routine to demonstrate differences from his predecessor, signing dozens of bills that Jerry Brown had vetoed — but also vetoing a greater proportion of bills than Brown typically did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In year two, with the Legislature largely sidelined by the COVID-19 pandemic, Newsom signed fewer new laws than any governor in more than 50 years, instead governing through numerous executive orders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And this year, his third, Newsom used his veto pen at about half the rate he did in his first year as governor, saying “no” to about 8% of the 836 bills that hit his desk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/_/hxNrlgiB93BuhlMnvrIa?src=embed\" title=\"2021 Vetoes\" width=\"800\" height=\"602\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In doing so, Newsom largely demonstrated a traditional governing philosophy, using his veto power to block bills that cost more than the state budgeted for, clashed with work already underway in his administration or were repeats of ideas he’d already nixed. Essentially, Newsom’s vetoes in 2021 proved more about what he has in common with his predecessors than how he is unique.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He is similar to other governors in that there are some consistent themes or bases for governors to veto legislation,” said Chris Micheli, a lobbyist and attorney who teaches law school courses on the legislative process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“His first year in office was very different.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Newsom held celebratory public events with legislators to sign their bills, he announced vetoes by listing them at the end of press releases. So, many of them flew under the radar. It required reading his veto messages to get explanations or justifications of why he didn’t believe the proposals should become law in California. On some bills, he cited multiple reasons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are some key themes that emerged from Newsom’s 66 vetoes this year:\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>That's not in the budget\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Some bills advancing causes that Newsom has championed in the past got his thumbs-down nonetheless. Why? Because, he argued in many veto messages, the proposal would cost money the state had not budgeted for, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11862460/as-californias-rich-get-richer-state-expects-10-5-billion-surplus-despite-slow-economy\">despite an unprecedented windfall of state revenue and federal aid\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s what Newsom said in nixing a bill to raise the amount of salary that workers can receive while taking paid family leave — even though he signed two expansions of the family leave program in years past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11891396","hero":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/SF-high-school-in-person-class-1020x680.jpg","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>A spokesperson from Newsom’s finance department told CalMatters that the bill would have hiked the cost for both employees and the state, including millions in computer upgrades and public outreach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom also made the cost argument in vetoing a huge expansion of college financial aid. Just months ago, he signed a budget that includes an additional $3.3 billion for colleges and universities, including $1.5 billion in increases for student grants and work study opportunities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Expanding access to financial aid has been a priority for my Administration,” the Governor wrote in his veto. But, he told lawmakers, massive changes to the system need to be considered as part of the regular budget process.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Calling out repeat bills\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>As he’s becoming more seasoned as governor, a new theme is emerging in Newsom’s vetoes: calling out the repeats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As I stated in a veto message on similar legislation in 2019,” Newsom wrote in nixing a bill that would prohibit paying petition circulators per signature gathered, “I appreciate the intent of this bill to incentivize grassroots support for the initiative, referendum, and recall process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11891010","hero":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/illustration_NewsomMoney_v1-1020x678.jpg","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But, he said, changing the way workers are paid to gather signatures could make the process more costly, giving wealthy interests even more influence over the initiative process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similarly, he vetoed legislation to let supervisors in state government settle disputes through binding arbitration by saying it could add costs and create conflicts with existing procedures, “the same concerns I had with a previous, nearly-identical bill … which I also vetoed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former Gov. Brown — who saw plenty of repeats as California’s longest-serving governor — also had a habit of using his veto messages to highlight the rationale behind his prior vetoes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/_/g74doLv8ZouV2FRyiUiB?src=embed\" title=\"Newsom vetoes compared to other governors, 2021\" width=\"800\" height=\"712\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Overwhelming support is no guarantee\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Newsom blocked a number of bills that were not controversial as they moved through the Legislature, making his veto a surprise after proposals advanced for months drama-free.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An attempt to crack down on the use of “bots” to scoop up camping reservations at state parks, for example, passed the Legislature with sweeping bipartisan support and had no formal opposition. Newsom, however, said the bill is unnecessary because the state has added security measures on its camping reservation website.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11890615","hero":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/GettyImages-1216832918-1020x680.jpg","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB494\">SB 494\u003c/a>, a measure requiring police officers to be trained in “interpersonal communication skills and ethical science-based interviewing,” similarly sailed through the Capitol without a single “no” vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said he likes the idea but doesn’t want to create a mandatory cost for police departments. In \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2021/10/SB-494-Message-Scan.pdf\">vetoing the bill\u003c/a>, he said he’ll direct the commission that trains police to create the training course and leave it up to departments to decide whether their officers take it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Patio umbrellas hardly seem like a controversial subject. Lawmakers overwhelmingly agreed that state law should allow alcohol manufacturers to give away promotional patio umbrellas to venues that sell their liquor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Newsom — owner of the PlumpJack wine and hospitality business, who often talks about launching a small wine shop as a young entrepreneur — vetoed the legislation, saying it would “increase alcohol signage and advertisements in public areas and disadvantage small alcohol manufacturers that cannot compete with the marketing budgets of multibillion-dollar corporations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Approaching some new ideas with caution\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>On two bills meant to address the scourge of drug addiction, Newsom just said no.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billVotesClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB1542\">AB 1542\u003c/a> would have allowed Yolo County to create a rehab program for people with a substance use disorder who commit certain crimes. The bill earned bipartisan support from lawmakers in both houses, but Newsom vetoed it saying it would lead to “forced treatment,” which could hinder “participants’ long-term recovery.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11891403","hero":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS51806_048_Oakland_HighlandHospitalBridgeProgram_10062021-qut-1020x680.jpg","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Many progressive criminal justice reform groups opposed AB 1542, including the Drug Policy Alliance, whose board member George Soros donated $1 million to help Newsom fight last month’s recall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, Newsom vetoed another bill that the Drug Policy Alliance supported, a measure to allow Medi-Cal to cover money paid to people recovering from drug addiction as an incentive to stay sober.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his veto, Newsom wrote that the state is trying to launch a similar pilot project, the results of which he wants to evaluate before agreeing to any expansion. That bill cleared the Legislature with overwhelming bipartisan support, but was opposed by Newsom’s finance department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similarly, he blocked two proposals aimed at changing rules of the road for walkers and bicyclists. One would have decriminalized jaywalking and the other would have let bicyclists ride through stop signs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of the jaywalking bill said people of color are unfairly targeted. Newsom agreed, but pointed out California’s high rate of pedestrian deaths and warned that the bill “will unintentionally reduce pedestrian safety and potentially increase fatalities or serious injuries.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Likewise, Newsom said the bicyclist bill could backfire and increase collisions and deaths, especially among “children, who may not know how to judge vehicle speeds or exercise the necessary caution to yield to traffic when appropriate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CalMatters reporter Sameea Kamal contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11892112/newsom-signs-plenty-of-bills-but-what-makes-him-kill-one","authors":["byline_news_11892112"],"categories":["news_6188","news_8","news_13"],"tags":["news_1550","news_26542","news_16","news_3172","news_20081","news_17968","news_30006","news_3231"],"affiliates":["news_18481"],"featImg":"news_11892157","label":"news_18481"},"news_11843376":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11843376","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11843376","score":null,"sort":[1603408323000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"the-petro-state-of-california","title":"The 'Petro-State' of California","publishDate":1603408323,"format":"standard","headTitle":"Mark Fiore: Drawn to the Bay | KQED News","labelTerm":{"term":18515,"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>Fracking made up \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fiorefrackingpetrostate\">only 1.5% of California's oil production in 2019\u003c/a> while traditional drilling made up 77% of the production in our \"petro-state.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The chair of the Natural Resources and Water Committee, state Sen. Henry Stern (D-Los Angeles), points out that there is much more to California's oil and gas-producing picture than fracking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even in a state Legislature dominated by Democrats in a state known for environmentalism, keeping oil in the ground is a lot trickier than you'd think.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In large part, we can thank \u003ca href=\"https://www.jacobinmag.com/2020/09/california-democrats-oil-gas-fracking-ab345\">campaign cash\u003c/a> and aggressive lobbying for that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"Fracking made up only 1.5% of California's oil production in 2019 while traditional drilling made up 77% of the production in our 'petro-state.'","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1603408847,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":6,"wordCount":101},"headData":{"title":"The 'Petro-State' of California | KQED","description":"Fracking made up only 1.5% of California's oil production in 2019 while traditional drilling made up 77% of the production in our 'petro-state.'","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"The 'Petro-State' of California","datePublished":"2020-10-22T23:12:03.000Z","dateModified":"2020-10-22T23:20:47.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"disqusIdentifier":"11843376 https://ww2.kqed.org/news/?p=11843376","disqusUrl":"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2020/10/22/the-petro-state-of-california/","disqusTitle":"The 'Petro-State' of California","path":"/news/11843376/the-petro-state-of-california","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Fracking made up \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fiorefrackingpetrostate\">only 1.5% of California's oil production in 2019\u003c/a> while traditional drilling made up 77% of the production in our \"petro-state.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The chair of the Natural Resources and Water Committee, state Sen. Henry Stern (D-Los Angeles), points out that there is much more to California's oil and gas-producing picture than fracking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even in a state Legislature dominated by Democrats in a state known for environmentalism, keeping oil in the ground is a lot trickier than you'd think.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In large part, we can thank \u003ca href=\"https://www.jacobinmag.com/2020/09/california-democrats-oil-gas-fracking-ab345\">campaign cash\u003c/a> and aggressive lobbying for that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11843376/the-petro-state-of-california","authors":["3236"],"series":["news_18515"],"categories":["news_19906","news_13"],"tags":["news_26650","news_3605","news_1852","news_3172","news_20949","news_4198","news_17781","news_21390","news_23596"],"featImg":"news_11843384","label":"news_18515"},"news_11815436":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11815436","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11815436","score":null,"sort":[1588347179000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"lobbying-in-a-socially-distant-sacramento","title":"How the Coronavirus Has Changed Lobbying in a Socially Distant Sacramento","publishDate":1588347179,"format":"standard","headTitle":"KQED News","labelTerm":{"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>Before the coronavirus pandemic, the California Legislature was expected to tackle issues like homelessness, housing and PG&E’s bankruptcy. But the coronavirus has forced new priorities in Sacramento. That's caused everyone to readjust, including lobbyists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a typical legislative session, the halls of the state Capitol would be teeming with lobbyists by now. They'd be popping in and out of offices, meeting with lawmakers and staff, trying to promote, kill or alter hundreds of bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Very little of that is going on right now, at least, not in person. But Samantha Corbin, a founding partner of the Corbin and Kaiser firm, said conversations are still taking place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Myself and most people I know are on the phone, eight, nine, 10-plus hours a day in 15 to 30 minute increments,\" she said. \"It's actually pretty intense and overwhelming.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The virus has upended the legislative calendar, with several key deadlines missed. Weeks that would have been spent shepherding bills through committees were instead spent working at home and trying to gain some clarity about what's to come. But Corbin said the shortened timeline has made one thing clear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If it's not something that relates to the coronavirus, or critical state infrastructure, or isn’t otherwise exacerbated by (the pandemic), it's really unlikely that legislation is going to move this year,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That dynamic is creating uncertainty for priorities like changing the controversial \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB5\">Assembly Bill 5\u003c/a>, last year’s bill limiting who can be considered an independent contractor. Laura Bennett, a principal consultant at the California Advisors lobbying firm, whose clients include Uber and TaskRabbit, said some policy committee chairs are asking authors to justify their bills with what are called \"criticality statements.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"And they are looking at those statements and how they either relate to COVID-19 or some other urgent, immediate need. And I would categorize AB 5 underneath that category,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Coronavirus Coverage' tag='coronavirus']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the past, it was common to see long lines of people in the hallways waiting to give public comments in committee hearings. That likely won’t be happening now with social distancing rules. Jena Price, a partner at TrattenPrice Consulting, said while it’s important to stay safe, the changes could disadvantage a lot of her clients, many of which are organizations representing disenfranchised communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think it's really important to note that those are stories that need to be told sometimes to the legislative body in those more human moments,\" Price said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Given state finances, education lobbyists are also concerned about the coming budget year. Kevin Gordon is president of Capitol Advisors Group, which represents school districts. His clients are focused on stemming the bleeding from what they expect to be massive budget cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No increases, no big, new money, no new programs obviously,\" Gordon said. \"But not cuts that are so deep that it makes it impossible for school districts to operate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It won’t be fully clear how big an effect COVID-19 will have on the state’s budget until after the July 15 income tax deadline, but everyone is bracing for the worst.\u003c/p>\n\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"COVID-19 has changed how lobbyists at the state Legislature are doing their jobs, and what they expect to get through this year.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1588355361,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":16,"wordCount":544},"headData":{"title":"How the Coronavirus Has Changed Lobbying in a Socially Distant Sacramento | KQED","description":"COVID-19 has changed how lobbyists at the state Legislature are doing their jobs, and what they expect to get through this year.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"How the Coronavirus Has Changed Lobbying in a Socially Distant Sacramento","datePublished":"2020-05-01T15:32:59.000Z","dateModified":"2020-05-01T17:49:21.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"disqusIdentifier":"11815436 https://ww2.kqed.org/news/?p=11815436","disqusUrl":"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2020/05/01/lobbying-in-a-socially-distant-sacramento/","disqusTitle":"How the Coronavirus Has Changed Lobbying in a Socially Distant Sacramento","path":"/news/11815436/lobbying-in-a-socially-distant-sacramento","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Before the coronavirus pandemic, the California Legislature was expected to tackle issues like homelessness, housing and PG&E’s bankruptcy. But the coronavirus has forced new priorities in Sacramento. That's caused everyone to readjust, including lobbyists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a typical legislative session, the halls of the state Capitol would be teeming with lobbyists by now. They'd be popping in and out of offices, meeting with lawmakers and staff, trying to promote, kill or alter hundreds of bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Very little of that is going on right now, at least, not in person. But Samantha Corbin, a founding partner of the Corbin and Kaiser firm, said conversations are still taking place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Myself and most people I know are on the phone, eight, nine, 10-plus hours a day in 15 to 30 minute increments,\" she said. \"It's actually pretty intense and overwhelming.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The virus has upended the legislative calendar, with several key deadlines missed. Weeks that would have been spent shepherding bills through committees were instead spent working at home and trying to gain some clarity about what's to come. But Corbin said the shortened timeline has made one thing clear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If it's not something that relates to the coronavirus, or critical state infrastructure, or isn’t otherwise exacerbated by (the pandemic), it's really unlikely that legislation is going to move this year,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That dynamic is creating uncertainty for priorities like changing the controversial \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB5\">Assembly Bill 5\u003c/a>, last year’s bill limiting who can be considered an independent contractor. Laura Bennett, a principal consultant at the California Advisors lobbying firm, whose clients include Uber and TaskRabbit, said some policy committee chairs are asking authors to justify their bills with what are called \"criticality statements.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"And they are looking at those statements and how they either relate to COVID-19 or some other urgent, immediate need. And I would categorize AB 5 underneath that category,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"label":"Coronavirus Coverage ","tag":"coronavirus"},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the past, it was common to see long lines of people in the hallways waiting to give public comments in committee hearings. That likely won’t be happening now with social distancing rules. Jena Price, a partner at TrattenPrice Consulting, said while it’s important to stay safe, the changes could disadvantage a lot of her clients, many of which are organizations representing disenfranchised communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think it's really important to note that those are stories that need to be told sometimes to the legislative body in those more human moments,\" Price said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Given state finances, education lobbyists are also concerned about the coming budget year. Kevin Gordon is president of Capitol Advisors Group, which represents school districts. His clients are focused on stemming the bleeding from what they expect to be massive budget cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No increases, no big, new money, no new programs obviously,\" Gordon said. \"But not cuts that are so deep that it makes it impossible for school districts to operate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It won’t be fully clear how big an effect COVID-19 will have on the state’s budget until after the July 15 income tax deadline, but everyone is bracing for the worst.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11815436/lobbying-in-a-socially-distant-sacramento","authors":["11200"],"categories":["news_8","news_13"],"tags":["news_18538","news_2704","news_27350","news_27504","news_3172","news_27660","news_17968"],"featImg":"news_11686288","label":"news"},"news_11749471":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11749471","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11749471","score":null,"sort":[1558652611000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"why-californias-efforts-to-limit-soda-keep-fizzling","title":"Why California’s Efforts to Limit Soda Keep Fizzling","publishDate":1558652611,"format":"standard","headTitle":"CALmatters | KQED News","labelTerm":{"term":18481,"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>Earlier this year, Democrats in the state Capitol \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11727515/california-lawmakers-seek-tax-other-limits-on-sugary-drinks\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">introduced several measures\u003c/a> intended to limit Californians’ consumption of soda, arguing that rotting teeth and rising diabetes presented a public health crisis demanding action akin to regulations on cigarettes. They \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11732419/california-has-a-giant-surplus-of-ideas-for-new-taxes-whats-up-with-that\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">proposed taxing soda\u003c/a>, banning Big Gulps, prohibiting in-store discounts on soft drinks, banishing them from the front of convenience stores and slapping safety warning labels on all sugary beverages from Coca-Cola and sports drinks to sweet tea and chocolate milk.[pullquote align='right' citation='State Sen. Bill Monning']'There is no doubt that the industry has a very strong voice in Sacramento and unlimited resources. That’s a tough opponent.'[/pullquote]The soda industry responded by drastically ramping up its lobbying in the statehouse, more than tripling the amount it spent in the first three months of this year, compared with the same period last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, as the Legislature hits the session’s halfway point, three of the anti-soda measures have fizzled. The two that remain in play — one \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB764\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">prohibiting discount pricing\u003c/a> on soda and another \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB347\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">requiring warning labels\u003c/a> — face difficult floor votes by the end of the month, as some lawmakers are likely to argue that the measures amount to “nanny government.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soda’s success so far in thwarting an agenda backed by doctors, dentists and public health advocates shows that despite Democrats’ historically large majority, some corporate interests remain influential in a Capitol dominated by varying shades of blue. The soda industry has gained clout by spending millions on lobbying and campaign donations, hiring well-connected former Capitol aides and forming alliances with labor unions that lend additional political muscle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/d8d7ac70-83a4-4b41-bc08-cd9d94b3cfcb?src=embed\" title=\"soda lobbying\" width=\"550\" height=\"884\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\n“There is no doubt that the industry has a very strong voice in Sacramento and unlimited resources. That’s a tough opponent,” said Sen. Bill Monning, who is carrying the bill to require warning labels on sugar-sweetened beverages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So we try to use moral persuasion, health persuasion to overcome the political forces.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monning, a Carmel Democrat, points to research by the national Centers for Disease Control and Prevention that shows drinking sugary beverages is associated with obesity, diabetes and other ailments. Nationwide, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/nutrition/data-statistics/sugar-sweetened-beverages-intake.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CDC report\u003c/a> says, 63% of youth and 49% of adults drink a sugary beverage on a typical day — though consumption is lower in California than in most of the states surveyed. Other reports suggest Americans are drinking more water and less soda since the time of the CDC study.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monning has carried several unsuccessful bills to tax soda or require warning labels. His current measure would require that sugar-sweetened drinks sold in California carry a notice saying: “STATE OF CALIFORNIA SAFETY WARNING: Drinking beverages with added sugar(s) may contribute to obesity, type 2 diabetes and tooth decay.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He recently narrowed the bill to drop the requirement on flavored milk. No surprise, that hasn’t appeased soda companies.[aside postID=news_11677975,news_11727515,news_11722524 label='More Soda Tax Coverage']“There are already more effective ways to help people manage their overall sugar consumption rather than through mandatory and misleading messages,” said a statement from Steve Maviglio, a Democratic political consultant working for the American Beverage Association, which includes Coke, Pepsi and the Dr. Pepper Snapple company and which is \u003ca href=\"https://www.ameribev.org/education-resources/blog/post/reducing-sugar-through-innovation/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">promoting their drinks\u003c/a> with less sugar than standard sodas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The association hired Fredericka McGee, an attorney and longtime Capitol aide who advised five Assembly speakers, to lead its government affairs in California. The last speaker McGee worked for was Toni Atkins, who is now the leader of the state Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the first three months of this year, the lobbying operation McGee oversees involved taking five legislators and 16 aides to a Sacramento Kings basketball game, and treating many of them to food and drinks. Such goodies account for nearly $6,800 of the $273,704 the American Beverage Association spent on lobbying during the first quarter — a massive jump from the $76,754 it spent during the same period last year. Much of the spending this year went toward \u003ca href=\"http://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/PDFGen/pdfgen.prg?filingid=2380858&amendid=0\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">hiring political strategists and pollsters\u003c/a> who worked on Barack Obama’s presidential campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lobbying ramped up, Maviglio said, in response to the “very comprehensive and well-financed attack on the beverage industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Associations representing dentists and doctors, which support the anti-soda bills introduced this year, also spend big bucks lobbying in the statehouse and bestowing legislators with campaign cash. The California Medical Association spent $457,219 lobbying in the first quarter of this year, though it reported work on far more bills than the soda group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As soda companies fight proposals they believe could harm their business, the message is often amplified by labor unions that carry clout in a Democratic-controlled Legislature. Roughly 25,000 Californians work in the soda industry, many of them in union jobs at bottling plants or delivering beverages to stores and restaurants. Fearing that a decline in soda drinking will reduce their jobs, Teamsters are lobbying against the bill to require warning labels, as they did against the measure to tax soda to pay for public health programs, which stalled last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the employer that has a unionized workforce and the union are on the same side in a legislative fight, it is a very powerful message,” said Shane Gusman, the Teamsters’ lobbyist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hearing the concern from workers makes some Democrats think twice about health policies that could hurt the middle class, Gusman said. The soda tax stalled when the chair of the Assembly’s tax committee said she couldn’t support a regressive tax that would burden people who are poor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The argument that cracking down on soda would be costly to families would likely have emerged had the ban on Big Gulps advanced to a vote. Its author, Democratic Assemblyman David Chiu, pulled the bill before lawmakers could vote on it, following a Twitter dig from one of his fellow Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/LorenaSGonzalez/status/1098308711276208128\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblywoman Lorena Gonzalez, who wields significant power as chair of the appropriations committee, said later that her tweet was a joke, not a policy position. Still, the comment was a clear indication of where debate in the Capitol was heading. The National Association of Theatre Owners made the same argument as Gonzalez in opposing Chiu’s bill. Retailers argued that a size ban wouldn’t decrease consumption because customers would just refill their cups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t mean it in any way to affect the outcome of the bill,” Gonzalez said. “It was just a comment about what happens at the movie theater with my family.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soda politics roiled the Capitol last year when the industry teamed up with the powerful Service Employees International Union to get lawmakers to ban cities from passing new taxes on soda or other grocery items until 2031. Frustrated with local soda bans voters approved in San Francisco, Berkeley and Oakland, beverage companies last year poured $8.3 million into a committee crafting a statewide ballot measure that sought to raise the threshold necessary to pass a new tax.[pullquote align='left' citation='Anthony York, California Medical Association.']'We saw in the early days of the tobacco fight that it was hard to shake the influence of industry in the Legislature.'[/pullquote]Labor unions wanted to keep the lower threshold but didn’t want to spend money fighting the ballot measure. So they struck a deal: If soda companies pulled their initiative off the ballot, the union would support a ban on local grocery taxes. Lobbying together, SEIU and the soda companies persuaded the Legislature to pass the deal, which then-Gov. Jerry Brown promptly signed into law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the deal does not preclude a statewide tax on soda, something doctors and dentists are now working on as they craft an initiative for the 2020 ballot. They’re building an argument that soda industry tactics are similar to those of cigarette companies, and should be taxed and regulated accordingly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We saw in the early days of the tobacco fight that it was hard to shake the influence of industry in the Legislature,” said Anthony York, a spokesman for the California Medical Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Tobacco regulation and taxes had more success … going to voters. And you’re seeing a similar dynamic here, quite frankly. The public is ahead of where their regulators are in many places.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Or maybe health advocates are taking a page from soda’s successful playbook, crafting a ballot initiative they can use as leverage to get what they want from the Legislature next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"Despite public health warnings about sugary drinks, the beverage industry still wields considerable power in the Capitol and is using it to block efforts to tax sodas in California.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1558652611,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":26,"wordCount":1481},"headData":{"title":"Why California’s Efforts to Limit Soda Keep Fizzling | KQED","description":"Despite public health warnings about sugary drinks, the beverage industry still wields considerable power in the Capitol and is using it to block efforts to tax sodas in California.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Why California’s Efforts to Limit Soda Keep Fizzling","datePublished":"2019-05-23T23:03:31.000Z","dateModified":"2019-05-23T23:03:31.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"disqusIdentifier":"11749471 https://ww2.kqed.org/news/?p=11749471","disqusUrl":"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2019/05/23/why-californias-efforts-to-limit-soda-keep-fizzling/","disqusTitle":"Why California’s Efforts to Limit Soda Keep Fizzling","nprByline":"\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/author/laurel-rosenhall/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Laurel Rosenhall\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CALmatters\u003c/a>","path":"/news/11749471/why-californias-efforts-to-limit-soda-keep-fizzling","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Earlier this year, Democrats in the state Capitol \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11727515/california-lawmakers-seek-tax-other-limits-on-sugary-drinks\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">introduced several measures\u003c/a> intended to limit Californians’ consumption of soda, arguing that rotting teeth and rising diabetes presented a public health crisis demanding action akin to regulations on cigarettes. They \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11732419/california-has-a-giant-surplus-of-ideas-for-new-taxes-whats-up-with-that\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">proposed taxing soda\u003c/a>, banning Big Gulps, prohibiting in-store discounts on soft drinks, banishing them from the front of convenience stores and slapping safety warning labels on all sugary beverages from Coca-Cola and sports drinks to sweet tea and chocolate milk.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"'There is no doubt that the industry has a very strong voice in Sacramento and unlimited resources. That’s a tough opponent.'","name":"pullquote","attributes":{"named":{"align":"right","citation":"State Sen. Bill Monning","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The soda industry responded by drastically ramping up its lobbying in the statehouse, more than tripling the amount it spent in the first three months of this year, compared with the same period last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, as the Legislature hits the session’s halfway point, three of the anti-soda measures have fizzled. The two that remain in play — one \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB764\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">prohibiting discount pricing\u003c/a> on soda and another \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB347\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">requiring warning labels\u003c/a> — face difficult floor votes by the end of the month, as some lawmakers are likely to argue that the measures amount to “nanny government.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soda’s success so far in thwarting an agenda backed by doctors, dentists and public health advocates shows that despite Democrats’ historically large majority, some corporate interests remain influential in a Capitol dominated by varying shades of blue. The soda industry has gained clout by spending millions on lobbying and campaign donations, hiring well-connected former Capitol aides and forming alliances with labor unions that lend additional political muscle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/d8d7ac70-83a4-4b41-bc08-cd9d94b3cfcb?src=embed\" title=\"soda lobbying\" width=\"550\" height=\"884\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\n“There is no doubt that the industry has a very strong voice in Sacramento and unlimited resources. That’s a tough opponent,” said Sen. Bill Monning, who is carrying the bill to require warning labels on sugar-sweetened beverages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So we try to use moral persuasion, health persuasion to overcome the political forces.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monning, a Carmel Democrat, points to research by the national Centers for Disease Control and Prevention that shows drinking sugary beverages is associated with obesity, diabetes and other ailments. Nationwide, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/nutrition/data-statistics/sugar-sweetened-beverages-intake.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CDC report\u003c/a> says, 63% of youth and 49% of adults drink a sugary beverage on a typical day — though consumption is lower in California than in most of the states surveyed. Other reports suggest Americans are drinking more water and less soda since the time of the CDC study.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monning has carried several unsuccessful bills to tax soda or require warning labels. His current measure would require that sugar-sweetened drinks sold in California carry a notice saying: “STATE OF CALIFORNIA SAFETY WARNING: Drinking beverages with added sugar(s) may contribute to obesity, type 2 diabetes and tooth decay.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He recently narrowed the bill to drop the requirement on flavored milk. No surprise, that hasn’t appeased soda companies.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11677975,news_11727515,news_11722524","label":"More Soda Tax Coverage "},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“There are already more effective ways to help people manage their overall sugar consumption rather than through mandatory and misleading messages,” said a statement from Steve Maviglio, a Democratic political consultant working for the American Beverage Association, which includes Coke, Pepsi and the Dr. Pepper Snapple company and which is \u003ca href=\"https://www.ameribev.org/education-resources/blog/post/reducing-sugar-through-innovation/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">promoting their drinks\u003c/a> with less sugar than standard sodas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The association hired Fredericka McGee, an attorney and longtime Capitol aide who advised five Assembly speakers, to lead its government affairs in California. The last speaker McGee worked for was Toni Atkins, who is now the leader of the state Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the first three months of this year, the lobbying operation McGee oversees involved taking five legislators and 16 aides to a Sacramento Kings basketball game, and treating many of them to food and drinks. Such goodies account for nearly $6,800 of the $273,704 the American Beverage Association spent on lobbying during the first quarter — a massive jump from the $76,754 it spent during the same period last year. Much of the spending this year went toward \u003ca href=\"http://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/PDFGen/pdfgen.prg?filingid=2380858&amendid=0\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">hiring political strategists and pollsters\u003c/a> who worked on Barack Obama’s presidential campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lobbying ramped up, Maviglio said, in response to the “very comprehensive and well-financed attack on the beverage industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Associations representing dentists and doctors, which support the anti-soda bills introduced this year, also spend big bucks lobbying in the statehouse and bestowing legislators with campaign cash. The California Medical Association spent $457,219 lobbying in the first quarter of this year, though it reported work on far more bills than the soda group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As soda companies fight proposals they believe could harm their business, the message is often amplified by labor unions that carry clout in a Democratic-controlled Legislature. Roughly 25,000 Californians work in the soda industry, many of them in union jobs at bottling plants or delivering beverages to stores and restaurants. Fearing that a decline in soda drinking will reduce their jobs, Teamsters are lobbying against the bill to require warning labels, as they did against the measure to tax soda to pay for public health programs, which stalled last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the employer that has a unionized workforce and the union are on the same side in a legislative fight, it is a very powerful message,” said Shane Gusman, the Teamsters’ lobbyist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hearing the concern from workers makes some Democrats think twice about health policies that could hurt the middle class, Gusman said. The soda tax stalled when the chair of the Assembly’s tax committee said she couldn’t support a regressive tax that would burden people who are poor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The argument that cracking down on soda would be costly to families would likely have emerged had the ban on Big Gulps advanced to a vote. Its author, Democratic Assemblyman David Chiu, pulled the bill before lawmakers could vote on it, following a Twitter dig from one of his fellow Democrats.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"singleTwitterStatus","attributes":{"named":{"id":"1098308711276208128"},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Assemblywoman Lorena Gonzalez, who wields significant power as chair of the appropriations committee, said later that her tweet was a joke, not a policy position. Still, the comment was a clear indication of where debate in the Capitol was heading. The National Association of Theatre Owners made the same argument as Gonzalez in opposing Chiu’s bill. Retailers argued that a size ban wouldn’t decrease consumption because customers would just refill their cups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t mean it in any way to affect the outcome of the bill,” Gonzalez said. “It was just a comment about what happens at the movie theater with my family.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soda politics roiled the Capitol last year when the industry teamed up with the powerful Service Employees International Union to get lawmakers to ban cities from passing new taxes on soda or other grocery items until 2031. Frustrated with local soda bans voters approved in San Francisco, Berkeley and Oakland, beverage companies last year poured $8.3 million into a committee crafting a statewide ballot measure that sought to raise the threshold necessary to pass a new tax.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"'We saw in the early days of the tobacco fight that it was hard to shake the influence of industry in the Legislature.'","name":"pullquote","attributes":{"named":{"align":"left","citation":"Anthony York, California Medical Association.","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Labor unions wanted to keep the lower threshold but didn’t want to spend money fighting the ballot measure. So they struck a deal: If soda companies pulled their initiative off the ballot, the union would support a ban on local grocery taxes. Lobbying together, SEIU and the soda companies persuaded the Legislature to pass the deal, which then-Gov. Jerry Brown promptly signed into law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the deal does not preclude a statewide tax on soda, something doctors and dentists are now working on as they craft an initiative for the 2020 ballot. They’re building an argument that soda industry tactics are similar to those of cigarette companies, and should be taxed and regulated accordingly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We saw in the early days of the tobacco fight that it was hard to shake the influence of industry in the Legislature,” said Anthony York, a spokesman for the California Medical Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Tobacco regulation and taxes had more success … going to voters. And you’re seeing a similar dynamic here, quite frankly. The public is ahead of where their regulators are in many places.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Or maybe health advocates are taking a page from soda’s successful playbook, crafting a ballot initiative they can use as leverage to get what they want from the Legislature next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11749471/why-californias-efforts-to-limit-soda-keep-fizzling","authors":["byline_news_11749471"],"categories":["news_24114","news_457","news_8","news_13"],"tags":["news_2704","news_3172","news_21630","news_3448"],"affiliates":["news_18481"],"featImg":"news_10891346","label":"news_18481"},"news_11748537":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11748537","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11748537","score":null,"sort":[1558395542000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"industry-aims-to-snuff-out-first-statewide-ban-on-flavored-tobacco","title":"Industry Aims to Snuff Out First Statewide Ban on Flavored Tobacco","publishDate":1558395542,"format":"standard","headTitle":"CALmatters | KQED News","labelTerm":{"term":18481,"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>Despite skyrocketing teen use of e-cigarettes, a proposal to make California the nation’s first state to ban flavored tobacco is struggling in the Legislature — and health advocates blame the political potency of the tobacco industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With negotiations underway behind-the-scenes, vaping interests hope to at least weaken the legislation, if not turn it in the industry’s favor.[aside label=\"More on E-Cigarettes\" tag=\"e-cigarettes\"]On the Assembly side, all tobacco-related bills were effectively snuffed out last month when a key committee \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/california-legislators-killing-bills-committee-democrats/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">opted not to hear them\u003c/a>. The committee’s chairman, Merced Democrat Adam Gray, declined to be interviewed. In an email, he wrote that “the authors of the various proposals and the committee are working together to develop a comprehensive proposal that addresses the issue from all sides. We will develop a thoughtful package of reforms and move legislation forward this year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the state Senate, \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB38\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a flavored-tobacco ban\u003c/a> has advanced and is heading for a Senate floor vote, but only after it was amended to exempt hookah products and products patented before 2000, except menthol cigarettes. Even if it passes the Senate, its future in the Assembly is doubtful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What you are seeing there is the influence of big money,” said Kati Phillips of California Common Cause, a government watchdog. “When you can afford to have direct access to lawmakers, they tend to listen to you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tobacco money is nothing new in Sacramento, but now San Francisco-based Juul Labs, the largest electronic cigarette maker, is also moving thousands of dollars to elected officials — particularly targeting members of the Assembly’s Governmental Organization Committee that Gray chairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Electronic cigarettes — known as e-cigarettes or vape pens — heat, for purposes of inhaling, a liquid that typically contains nicotine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Health advocates say California needs to ban flavored tobacco because these products, with flavors such as cotton candy, mango and green apple, lure teenagers and young adults into using e-cigarettes, or vaping, and then to smoking combustible cigarettes and, ultimately, nicotine addiction. Manufacturers and other opponents of a ban insist the products are not targeted to or intended for young people, and that flavored e-cigarettes help long-time smokers quit traditional cigarettes.\u003cbr>\n[pullquote size='small' align='right' citation='Tim Gibbs, American Cancer Society Cancer Action Network']'[The Governmental Organization committee] has a long and sordid history of bottling up tobacco bills.'[/pullquote]It’s unclear exactly what compromise might emerge from negotiations. Gray mentioned alternatives in his email, suggesting “retailer penalties for selling to kids, penalties for youth in possession, advertising restrictions, age verified online sales, track and trace systems, regulated packaging and flavors are all areas where we need to take a good look at how the current law is failing. There is no single solution to this problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gray’s committee “has a long and sordid history of bottling up tobacco bills,” countered Tim Gibbs, senior director of government relations for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.fightcancer.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">American Cancer Society Cancer Action Network\u003c/a>. “That’s often where good tobacco bills go to die. There is no mystery why the tobacco companies disproportionately target their campaign contributions to that committee.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gibbs said no one has invited the network, the American Heart Association or the American Lung Association to be a part of negotiations to create a package of tobacco bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s telling that the deadlines were missed and that they haven’t invited public health stakeholders to any broader negotiation,” he said. “I would go further and say that it’s a farce, a charade, to try and avoid the real issue — to avoid doing anything to hurt the tobacco companies’ bottom line.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Health advocates reject the idea of criminalizing youth possession, but say they welcome stricter penalties on retailers who sell vaping products to kids. Still, they maintain, that’s not enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a way to pretend that something was done without actually doing anything,” Gibbs said. “We are all in favor of stepping up enforcement and making sure retailers are not selling tobacco products to minors. However, it’s not sufficient. Prohibiting the sale of flavored tobacco products is the most important thing we can do to halt the use of teenage e-cigarette use.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Cancer Action Network has created a \u003ca href=\"http://action.fightcancer.org/site/PageNavigator/CA_tobacco_money_home.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">tracker of elected officials\u003c/a> who accept tobacco money, and those who refuse. Of the 21 members of Gray’s committee, 11 didn’t receive tobacco money.\u003cbr>\n[pullquote size='large' citation='Lindsey Freitas, American Lung Association']'We need more folks to stand up and say no to the tobacco industry.'[/pullquote]Another possibility: The vaping industry might agree to weaker state restriction if the Legislature simultaneously preempts stricter local bans. It’s the same strategy the soda industry used last year, when it escaped city soda taxes \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/special-interests-win-as-lawmakers-cut-last-minute-deals-to-pull-initiatives-off-your-ballot/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">by convincing the Legislature\u003c/a> to pass a statewide prohibition on local soda taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, at least 26 counties and cities \u003ca href=\"https://www.tobaccofreekids.org/assets/factsheets/0398.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">have restricted flavored tobacco\u003c/a> in some fashion, after Hayward became the first by prohibiting its sale within 500 feet of schools. San Francisco banned its sale entirely — and city voters then overwhelmingly \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnbc.com/2018/06/06/san-francisco-approves-ban-on-menthol-cigarettes-and-flavored-e-cigarette-liquids.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">rejected a ballot initiative\u003c/a> to overturn the ban. Campaign mailers and TV commercials advocating the overturn were required to acknowledge the source of funding behind the campaign to cancel the ban.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The local campaigns can backfire because the more they do, the more you know it’s paid for by the tobacco industry. And it turns voters off at the local level,” said Larry Tramutola, a campaign consultant who defended the ban. “More money spent at the Sacramento level, who cares? It’s just more money for politicians.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gray insisted the contributions are irrelevant to his actions. “If you want to support my agenda, my voting record and the things I stand for, I’m happy to receive that support,” he wrote. “But it has zero role in how I represent my district or how I make decisions on public policy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need more folks to stand up and say no to the tobacco industry,” said Lindsey Freitas, senior director of advocacy in California for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.lung.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">American Lung Association\u003c/a>. “This is how they get the next generation of people addicted to their products, they entice them with these sweet flavors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Greg Conley, president of the \u003ca href=\"https://vaping.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">American Vaping Association\u003c/a>, credited watermelon-flavored tobacco for getting him to quit traditional cigarettes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Vaping products are essential to helping adult smokers quit,” said Conley. “Some members may not want to hear this bill because it will shut down multiple small businesses in their districts. This bans 90% of the nicotine-containing products sold at vape shops.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the Senate bill, \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB38\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">SB 38\u003c/a> introduced by San Mateo Democratic Senator Jerry Hill, passes the full Senate by the end of the month, it will go to the Assembly, where it’s likely to land in Gray’s committee. That’s the same committee where a similar ban on tobacco-flavored products, \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB739\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Assembly Bill 739\u003c/a> introduced by Sacramento Democratic Assemblyman Kevin McCarty, stalled without even a vote. McCarty declined to be interviewed about his bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far this year, Governmental Organization committee members \u003ca href=\"http://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/PDFGen/pdfgen.prg?filingid=2381476&amendid=0\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">have received $23,500 from Juul Labs\u003c/a>, the maker of e-cigarettes and flavored pods, in political contributions. Those members have also \u003ca href=\"http://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/PDFGen/pdfgen.prg?filingid=2379898&amendid=0\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">taken in $89,300 from the R.J. Reynolds Tobacco Company\u003c/a>, which makes the popular Newport brand of menthol cigarettes. In addition, the “Valley Solutions Ballot Measure Committee,” an initiative committee Gray controls, took in $25,000 from Philip Morris, a tobacco subsidiary of Altria, last year. Altria also has a stake in Juul Labs.\u003cimg class=\"alignright wp-image-11748544\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/vaping-graphic-1-1020x1881.jpg\" alt=\"tobacco money\" width=\"510\" height=\"940\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/vaping-graphic-1-1020x1881.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/vaping-graphic-1-160x295.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/vaping-graphic-1-800x1475.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/vaping-graphic-1-651x1200.jpg 651w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/vaping-graphic-1.jpg 1111w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 510px) 100vw, 510px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our philosophy,” Juul spokesman Ted Kwong wrote in an email, “is to support people and organizations to improve the lives of the world’s one billion smokers and to combat underage uses we keep Juul products out of the hands of young people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the \u003ca href=\"https://e-cigarettes.surgeongeneral.gov/documents/surgeon-generals-advisory-on-e-cigarette-use-among-youth-2018.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">U.S. Surgeon General issued an advisory\u003c/a> about youth use of e-cigarettes, calling out Juul for making an e-cigarette that looks like a sleek USB flash drive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We must take aggressive steps to protect our children from these highly potent products that risk exposing a new generation of young people to nicotine,” the advisory said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, use of e-cigarettes among middle and high schoolers soared 78% over the year before, according to the federal Centers for Disease Control. The agency \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/vitalsigns/youth-tobacco-use/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">reported that more than 1 in 5 students\u003c/a> were now using them. The popularity of e-cigarettes alone drove a 36% annual rise in tobacco use among those students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Juul \u003ca href=\"https://newsroom.juul.com/2018/11/13/juul-labs-action-plan/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">contends\u003c/a> it has never intended for its products to be used by youth. The company said that in the fall, it stopped selling its flavored product through retailers and now offers them only online, which it says is more secure because of a third-party age verification process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the company has been working to educate legislators about its youth prevention efforts, emphasizing that it is focused on adult smokers who are using vaping to quit combustible cigarettes. Juul has been running full-page ads in The Sacramento Bee and prominent ads in Politico’s California newsletter, both read by Sacramento insiders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company also said it is being mixed up with other smaller players that make candy-flavored pods, which can be used in Juul’s USB-looking vape pens. Juul makes four flavors: mint, mango, creme and fruit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While we do not and will not sell flavors which are clearly targeted to youth, we also understand that flavors that drive adults from cigarettes have the potential to appeal to youth,” said Kwong in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Hill said in an email that his focus is on the Senate floor vote, and that he remains “committed to protecting children and teens from the health risks of flavored tobacco products.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"Proposed legislation is struggling to find support, a sign that the tobacco industry is flexing its political muscle.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1558395542,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":33,"wordCount":1759},"headData":{"title":"Industry Aims to Snuff Out First Statewide Ban on Flavored Tobacco | KQED","description":"Proposed legislation is struggling to find support, a sign that the tobacco industry is flexing its political muscle.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Industry Aims to Snuff Out First Statewide Ban on Flavored Tobacco","datePublished":"2019-05-20T23:39:02.000Z","dateModified":"2019-05-20T23:39:02.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"disqusIdentifier":"11748537 https://ww2.kqed.org/news/?p=11748537","disqusUrl":"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2019/05/20/industry-aims-to-snuff-out-first-statewide-ban-on-flavored-tobacco/","disqusTitle":"Industry Aims to Snuff Out First Statewide Ban on Flavored Tobacco","nprByline":"\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/author/elizabeth-aguilera/\">Elizabeth Aguilera\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CALmatters\u003c/a>","path":"/news/11748537/industry-aims-to-snuff-out-first-statewide-ban-on-flavored-tobacco","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Despite skyrocketing teen use of e-cigarettes, a proposal to make California the nation’s first state to ban flavored tobacco is struggling in the Legislature — and health advocates blame the political potency of the tobacco industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With negotiations underway behind-the-scenes, vaping interests hope to at least weaken the legislation, if not turn it in the industry’s favor.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"label":"More on E-Cigarettes ","tag":"e-cigarettes"},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>On the Assembly side, all tobacco-related bills were effectively snuffed out last month when a key committee \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/california-legislators-killing-bills-committee-democrats/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">opted not to hear them\u003c/a>. The committee’s chairman, Merced Democrat Adam Gray, declined to be interviewed. In an email, he wrote that “the authors of the various proposals and the committee are working together to develop a comprehensive proposal that addresses the issue from all sides. We will develop a thoughtful package of reforms and move legislation forward this year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the state Senate, \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB38\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a flavored-tobacco ban\u003c/a> has advanced and is heading for a Senate floor vote, but only after it was amended to exempt hookah products and products patented before 2000, except menthol cigarettes. Even if it passes the Senate, its future in the Assembly is doubtful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What you are seeing there is the influence of big money,” said Kati Phillips of California Common Cause, a government watchdog. “When you can afford to have direct access to lawmakers, they tend to listen to you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tobacco money is nothing new in Sacramento, but now San Francisco-based Juul Labs, the largest electronic cigarette maker, is also moving thousands of dollars to elected officials — particularly targeting members of the Assembly’s Governmental Organization Committee that Gray chairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Electronic cigarettes — known as e-cigarettes or vape pens — heat, for purposes of inhaling, a liquid that typically contains nicotine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Health advocates say California needs to ban flavored tobacco because these products, with flavors such as cotton candy, mango and green apple, lure teenagers and young adults into using e-cigarettes, or vaping, and then to smoking combustible cigarettes and, ultimately, nicotine addiction. Manufacturers and other opponents of a ban insist the products are not targeted to or intended for young people, and that flavored e-cigarettes help long-time smokers quit traditional cigarettes.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"'[The Governmental Organization committee] has a long and sordid history of bottling up tobacco bills.'","name":"pullquote","attributes":{"named":{"size":"small","align":"right","citation":"Tim Gibbs, American Cancer Society Cancer Action Network","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>It’s unclear exactly what compromise might emerge from negotiations. Gray mentioned alternatives in his email, suggesting “retailer penalties for selling to kids, penalties for youth in possession, advertising restrictions, age verified online sales, track and trace systems, regulated packaging and flavors are all areas where we need to take a good look at how the current law is failing. There is no single solution to this problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gray’s committee “has a long and sordid history of bottling up tobacco bills,” countered Tim Gibbs, senior director of government relations for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.fightcancer.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">American Cancer Society Cancer Action Network\u003c/a>. “That’s often where good tobacco bills go to die. There is no mystery why the tobacco companies disproportionately target their campaign contributions to that committee.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gibbs said no one has invited the network, the American Heart Association or the American Lung Association to be a part of negotiations to create a package of tobacco bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s telling that the deadlines were missed and that they haven’t invited public health stakeholders to any broader negotiation,” he said. “I would go further and say that it’s a farce, a charade, to try and avoid the real issue — to avoid doing anything to hurt the tobacco companies’ bottom line.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Health advocates reject the idea of criminalizing youth possession, but say they welcome stricter penalties on retailers who sell vaping products to kids. Still, they maintain, that’s not enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a way to pretend that something was done without actually doing anything,” Gibbs said. “We are all in favor of stepping up enforcement and making sure retailers are not selling tobacco products to minors. However, it’s not sufficient. Prohibiting the sale of flavored tobacco products is the most important thing we can do to halt the use of teenage e-cigarette use.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Cancer Action Network has created a \u003ca href=\"http://action.fightcancer.org/site/PageNavigator/CA_tobacco_money_home.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">tracker of elected officials\u003c/a> who accept tobacco money, and those who refuse. Of the 21 members of Gray’s committee, 11 didn’t receive tobacco money.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"'We need more folks to stand up and say no to the tobacco industry.'","name":"pullquote","attributes":{"named":{"size":"large","citation":"Lindsey Freitas, American Lung Association","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Another possibility: The vaping industry might agree to weaker state restriction if the Legislature simultaneously preempts stricter local bans. It’s the same strategy the soda industry used last year, when it escaped city soda taxes \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/special-interests-win-as-lawmakers-cut-last-minute-deals-to-pull-initiatives-off-your-ballot/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">by convincing the Legislature\u003c/a> to pass a statewide prohibition on local soda taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, at least 26 counties and cities \u003ca href=\"https://www.tobaccofreekids.org/assets/factsheets/0398.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">have restricted flavored tobacco\u003c/a> in some fashion, after Hayward became the first by prohibiting its sale within 500 feet of schools. San Francisco banned its sale entirely — and city voters then overwhelmingly \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnbc.com/2018/06/06/san-francisco-approves-ban-on-menthol-cigarettes-and-flavored-e-cigarette-liquids.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">rejected a ballot initiative\u003c/a> to overturn the ban. Campaign mailers and TV commercials advocating the overturn were required to acknowledge the source of funding behind the campaign to cancel the ban.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The local campaigns can backfire because the more they do, the more you know it’s paid for by the tobacco industry. And it turns voters off at the local level,” said Larry Tramutola, a campaign consultant who defended the ban. “More money spent at the Sacramento level, who cares? It’s just more money for politicians.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gray insisted the contributions are irrelevant to his actions. “If you want to support my agenda, my voting record and the things I stand for, I’m happy to receive that support,” he wrote. “But it has zero role in how I represent my district or how I make decisions on public policy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need more folks to stand up and say no to the tobacco industry,” said Lindsey Freitas, senior director of advocacy in California for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.lung.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">American Lung Association\u003c/a>. “This is how they get the next generation of people addicted to their products, they entice them with these sweet flavors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Greg Conley, president of the \u003ca href=\"https://vaping.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">American Vaping Association\u003c/a>, credited watermelon-flavored tobacco for getting him to quit traditional cigarettes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Vaping products are essential to helping adult smokers quit,” said Conley. “Some members may not want to hear this bill because it will shut down multiple small businesses in their districts. This bans 90% of the nicotine-containing products sold at vape shops.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the Senate bill, \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB38\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">SB 38\u003c/a> introduced by San Mateo Democratic Senator Jerry Hill, passes the full Senate by the end of the month, it will go to the Assembly, where it’s likely to land in Gray’s committee. That’s the same committee where a similar ban on tobacco-flavored products, \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB739\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Assembly Bill 739\u003c/a> introduced by Sacramento Democratic Assemblyman Kevin McCarty, stalled without even a vote. McCarty declined to be interviewed about his bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far this year, Governmental Organization committee members \u003ca href=\"http://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/PDFGen/pdfgen.prg?filingid=2381476&amendid=0\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">have received $23,500 from Juul Labs\u003c/a>, the maker of e-cigarettes and flavored pods, in political contributions. Those members have also \u003ca href=\"http://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/PDFGen/pdfgen.prg?filingid=2379898&amendid=0\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">taken in $89,300 from the R.J. Reynolds Tobacco Company\u003c/a>, which makes the popular Newport brand of menthol cigarettes. In addition, the “Valley Solutions Ballot Measure Committee,” an initiative committee Gray controls, took in $25,000 from Philip Morris, a tobacco subsidiary of Altria, last year. Altria also has a stake in Juul Labs.\u003cimg class=\"alignright wp-image-11748544\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/vaping-graphic-1-1020x1881.jpg\" alt=\"tobacco money\" width=\"510\" height=\"940\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/vaping-graphic-1-1020x1881.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/vaping-graphic-1-160x295.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/vaping-graphic-1-800x1475.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/vaping-graphic-1-651x1200.jpg 651w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/vaping-graphic-1.jpg 1111w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 510px) 100vw, 510px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our philosophy,” Juul spokesman Ted Kwong wrote in an email, “is to support people and organizations to improve the lives of the world’s one billion smokers and to combat underage uses we keep Juul products out of the hands of young people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the \u003ca href=\"https://e-cigarettes.surgeongeneral.gov/documents/surgeon-generals-advisory-on-e-cigarette-use-among-youth-2018.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">U.S. Surgeon General issued an advisory\u003c/a> about youth use of e-cigarettes, calling out Juul for making an e-cigarette that looks like a sleek USB flash drive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We must take aggressive steps to protect our children from these highly potent products that risk exposing a new generation of young people to nicotine,” the advisory said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, use of e-cigarettes among middle and high schoolers soared 78% over the year before, according to the federal Centers for Disease Control. The agency \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/vitalsigns/youth-tobacco-use/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">reported that more than 1 in 5 students\u003c/a> were now using them. The popularity of e-cigarettes alone drove a 36% annual rise in tobacco use among those students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Juul \u003ca href=\"https://newsroom.juul.com/2018/11/13/juul-labs-action-plan/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">contends\u003c/a> it has never intended for its products to be used by youth. The company said that in the fall, it stopped selling its flavored product through retailers and now offers them only online, which it says is more secure because of a third-party age verification process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the company has been working to educate legislators about its youth prevention efforts, emphasizing that it is focused on adult smokers who are using vaping to quit combustible cigarettes. Juul has been running full-page ads in The Sacramento Bee and prominent ads in Politico’s California newsletter, both read by Sacramento insiders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company also said it is being mixed up with other smaller players that make candy-flavored pods, which can be used in Juul’s USB-looking vape pens. Juul makes four flavors: mint, mango, creme and fruit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While we do not and will not sell flavors which are clearly targeted to youth, we also understand that flavors that drive adults from cigarettes have the potential to appeal to youth,” said Kwong in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Hill said in an email that his focus is on the Senate floor vote, and that he remains “committed to protecting children and teens from the health risks of flavored tobacco products.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11748537/industry-aims-to-snuff-out-first-statewide-ban-on-flavored-tobacco","authors":["byline_news_11748537"],"categories":["news_457","news_8","news_13"],"tags":["news_22856","news_23477","news_3172","news_23596"],"affiliates":["news_18481"],"featImg":"news_11748644","label":"news_18481"},"news_11666913":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11666913","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11666913","score":null,"sort":[1525731306000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"cultivating-clout-marijuana-money-flows-into-california-politics","title":"Cultivating Clout: Marijuana Money Flows Into California Politics","publishDate":1525731306,"format":"image","headTitle":"The California Report | KQED News","labelTerm":{},"content":"\u003cp>Lobbyists in slick pinstriped suits and burly veterans with tattooed arms crowded into a Capitol hearing room last week as lawmakers considered a bill to make it easier for Californians to buy legal marijuana. One supporter said people need more access to the “beautiful sacred plant.” But at its core, this was a business dispute -- a question of whether legislators would allow cannabis companies to reach more customers, and make more money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The committee passed the bill -- to stop cities from banning delivery services that sell pot to customers at their doorsteps -- despite objections from cities and counties that favor local control. And the standing-room-only crowd that showed up to push for it revealed the new reality in California, where cannabis interests have become a formidable lobbying force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As marijuana companies seek laws more favorable to their industry, they are using the traditional tools of politics: hiring well-heeled lobbyists and donating money to politicians. Cannabis is big business in California, with sales expected to hit $3.7 billion by the end of the year, according to BDS Analytics. The industry’s spending on California politics soared in 2016, when voters made it legal for adults to use the drug.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They want to be treated like every other business, and part of that is making campaign contributions so they can get access to politicians and have their voice heard,\" said Jim Sutton, an attorney who represents cannabis businesses organizing political campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cannabis companies, entrepreneurs and advocates spent at least $1.8 million to help pass the legalization measure in 2016. Since then, the industry has donated more than $600,000 to California political campaigns -- more than four times as much as it spent on politics in the state during the 2013-14 election campaigns. Cannabis money is flowing to Democrats and Republicans running for re-election to the Legislature, as well as to Democratic candidates hoping to be elected governor and attorney general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the money comes a mainstream political presence for an industry quickly shedding its counterculture image.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the California Democratic Party convention in February, the roster of receptions for delegates included one sponsored by Eaze, a company whose website allows people to order home delivery of marijuana. It was one of three marijuana companies that donated to the state party for the first time this year, for a total of $45,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/f32621e0-2bd0-4168-bdaf-2fc1edc823d2?src=embed\" title=\"Marijuana money\" width=\"800\" height=\"800\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m sure we will [continue] soliciting from the cannabis industry,” said California Democratic Party Chairman Eric Bauman. “It’s a legal industry in California. It’s not one that hurts the environment, it’s not undermining our society. So we welcome their dollars.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The party prohibits donations from tobacco and oil companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic Lt. Gov. Gavin Newsom, the front-runner in the race for governor, has raised more money from cannabis interests than any other California politician: at least $495,000 as of April. Newsom championed the legalization ballot measure and now talks about California rejecting the “war on marijuana” as part of his gubernatorial campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of his opponents, state Treasurer John Chiang, is also touting his cannabis cred. A Democrat who has received at least $10,100 from marijuana interests, Chiang has highlighted his interest in creating a state bank that could serve cannabis businesses. He visited a San Francisco dispensary on April 20, then issued a press release calling the date “National Weed Day.” It included a photo of him examining a cannabis chocolate bar and a jar of buds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorney General Xavier Becerra has taken at least $21,000 from cannabis interests in his re-election campaign. It’s a marked difference from the last election for that office -- in 2014, then-Attorney General Kamala Harris reported no donations from marijuana businesses. She made a deliberate decision, an adviser said, to avoid contributions that could raise questions about her role as the state’s top law-enforcement officer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/77e304ef-ab83-4ddb-9dd4-3cf8b3dbc62f?src=embed\" title=\"marijuana money 3\" width=\"800\" height=\"1000\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although marijuana remains illegal under federal law, attempts to ban contributions from the cannabis sector have been unsuccessful. The state of Illinois prohibited political contributions from weed businesses when it approved its medical marijuana law in 2013. But the ban was \u003ca href=\"http://www.chicagotribune.com/business/ct-medical-marijuana-campaign-contributions-0330-biz-20170330-story.html\">thrown out\u003c/a> last year by a federal judge who ruled it unconstitutional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cannabis businesses in California now have several trade associations and a political action committee for raising money to dole out to politicians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just one tool folks in cannabis policy reform are using to move the conversation in a positive direction,” Lindsay Robinson, executive director of the California Cannabis Industry Association, said, referring to campaign contributions. That PAC has raised more than $290,000 since launching in 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The goal we’re striving for is for cannabis businesses to be regulated and treated like any other business, taxed fairly and able to thrive in the market ... The political giving piece is important,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That point was illustrated back in the hearing room, where lawmakers were considering the bill to expand marijuana delivery services, authored by Sen. Ricardo Lara, a Democrat from Bell Gardens who has taken at least $18,900 from cannabis interests and is now running for state insurance commissioner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not every legislator who accepted marijuana contributions voted for the bill. Sen. Mike McGuire, a Healdsburg Democrat, took a $4,000 check from a marijuana delivery company last year but sided with the local governments that opposed limits on their power to ban delivery services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, marijuana businesses that want to get ahead have to play politics, said Hilary Bricken, a Los Angeles attorney who specializes in cannabis law—and that generally means throwing some money around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cannabis has learned from Big Pharma, Big Alcohol and Big Tobacco that they have to step up in this way,” she said. “They would be stupid to not do what’s worked for the industries that came before them.\"\u003c/p>\n\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"As marijuana companies seek laws more favorable to their industry, they’re using the traditional tools of politics, and spending big.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1526162834,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":24,"wordCount":1002},"headData":{"title":"Cultivating Clout: Marijuana Money Flows Into California Politics | KQED","description":"As marijuana companies seek laws more favorable to their industry, they’re using the traditional tools of politics, and spending big.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Cultivating Clout: Marijuana Money Flows Into California Politics","datePublished":"2018-05-07T22:15:06.000Z","dateModified":"2018-05-12T22:07:14.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"disqusIdentifier":"11666913 https://ww2.kqed.org/news/?p=11666913","disqusUrl":"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2018/05/07/cultivating-clout-marijuana-money-flows-into-california-politics/","disqusTitle":"Cultivating Clout: Marijuana Money Flows Into California Politics","source":"CALmatters","sourceUrl":"https://calmatters.org/","nprByline":"\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/author/laurel-rosenhall/\">Laurel Rosenhall\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>","path":"/news/11666913/cultivating-clout-marijuana-money-flows-into-california-politics","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Lobbyists in slick pinstriped suits and burly veterans with tattooed arms crowded into a Capitol hearing room last week as lawmakers considered a bill to make it easier for Californians to buy legal marijuana. One supporter said people need more access to the “beautiful sacred plant.” But at its core, this was a business dispute -- a question of whether legislators would allow cannabis companies to reach more customers, and make more money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The committee passed the bill -- to stop cities from banning delivery services that sell pot to customers at their doorsteps -- despite objections from cities and counties that favor local control. And the standing-room-only crowd that showed up to push for it revealed the new reality in California, where cannabis interests have become a formidable lobbying force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As marijuana companies seek laws more favorable to their industry, they are using the traditional tools of politics: hiring well-heeled lobbyists and donating money to politicians. Cannabis is big business in California, with sales expected to hit $3.7 billion by the end of the year, according to BDS Analytics. The industry’s spending on California politics soared in 2016, when voters made it legal for adults to use the drug.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They want to be treated like every other business, and part of that is making campaign contributions so they can get access to politicians and have their voice heard,\" said Jim Sutton, an attorney who represents cannabis businesses organizing political campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cannabis companies, entrepreneurs and advocates spent at least $1.8 million to help pass the legalization measure in 2016. Since then, the industry has donated more than $600,000 to California political campaigns -- more than four times as much as it spent on politics in the state during the 2013-14 election campaigns. Cannabis money is flowing to Democrats and Republicans running for re-election to the Legislature, as well as to Democratic candidates hoping to be elected governor and attorney general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the money comes a mainstream political presence for an industry quickly shedding its counterculture image.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the California Democratic Party convention in February, the roster of receptions for delegates included one sponsored by Eaze, a company whose website allows people to order home delivery of marijuana. It was one of three marijuana companies that donated to the state party for the first time this year, for a total of $45,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/f32621e0-2bd0-4168-bdaf-2fc1edc823d2?src=embed\" title=\"Marijuana money\" width=\"800\" height=\"800\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m sure we will [continue] soliciting from the cannabis industry,” said California Democratic Party Chairman Eric Bauman. “It’s a legal industry in California. It’s not one that hurts the environment, it’s not undermining our society. So we welcome their dollars.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The party prohibits donations from tobacco and oil companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic Lt. Gov. Gavin Newsom, the front-runner in the race for governor, has raised more money from cannabis interests than any other California politician: at least $495,000 as of April. Newsom championed the legalization ballot measure and now talks about California rejecting the “war on marijuana” as part of his gubernatorial campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of his opponents, state Treasurer John Chiang, is also touting his cannabis cred. A Democrat who has received at least $10,100 from marijuana interests, Chiang has highlighted his interest in creating a state bank that could serve cannabis businesses. He visited a San Francisco dispensary on April 20, then issued a press release calling the date “National Weed Day.” It included a photo of him examining a cannabis chocolate bar and a jar of buds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorney General Xavier Becerra has taken at least $21,000 from cannabis interests in his re-election campaign. It’s a marked difference from the last election for that office -- in 2014, then-Attorney General Kamala Harris reported no donations from marijuana businesses. She made a deliberate decision, an adviser said, to avoid contributions that could raise questions about her role as the state’s top law-enforcement officer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/77e304ef-ab83-4ddb-9dd4-3cf8b3dbc62f?src=embed\" title=\"marijuana money 3\" width=\"800\" height=\"1000\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although marijuana remains illegal under federal law, attempts to ban contributions from the cannabis sector have been unsuccessful. The state of Illinois prohibited political contributions from weed businesses when it approved its medical marijuana law in 2013. But the ban was \u003ca href=\"http://www.chicagotribune.com/business/ct-medical-marijuana-campaign-contributions-0330-biz-20170330-story.html\">thrown out\u003c/a> last year by a federal judge who ruled it unconstitutional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cannabis businesses in California now have several trade associations and a political action committee for raising money to dole out to politicians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just one tool folks in cannabis policy reform are using to move the conversation in a positive direction,” Lindsay Robinson, executive director of the California Cannabis Industry Association, said, referring to campaign contributions. That PAC has raised more than $290,000 since launching in 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The goal we’re striving for is for cannabis businesses to be regulated and treated like any other business, taxed fairly and able to thrive in the market ... The political giving piece is important,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That point was illustrated back in the hearing room, where lawmakers were considering the bill to expand marijuana delivery services, authored by Sen. Ricardo Lara, a Democrat from Bell Gardens who has taken at least $18,900 from cannabis interests and is now running for state insurance commissioner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not every legislator who accepted marijuana contributions voted for the bill. Sen. Mike McGuire, a Healdsburg Democrat, took a $4,000 check from a marijuana delivery company last year but sided with the local governments that opposed limits on their power to ban delivery services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, marijuana businesses that want to get ahead have to play politics, said Hilary Bricken, a Los Angeles attorney who specializes in cannabis law—and that generally means throwing some money around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cannabis has learned from Big Pharma, Big Alcohol and Big Tobacco that they have to step up in this way,” she said. “They would be stupid to not do what’s worked for the industries that came before them.\"\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11666913/cultivating-clout-marijuana-money-flows-into-california-politics","authors":["byline_news_11666913"],"programs":["news_72"],"categories":["news_1758","news_6188","news_8","news_13"],"tags":["news_19963","news_20191","news_16","news_23202","news_592","news_3172","news_102","news_20378"],"affiliates":["news_18481"],"featImg":"news_11666922","label":"source_news_11666913"},"news_11663349":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11663349","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11663349","score":null,"sort":[1524173484000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"bay-area-students-lobby-for-tighter-gun-laws","title":"Bay Area Students Lobby for Tighter Gun Laws","publishDate":1524173484,"format":"audio","headTitle":"The California Report | KQED News","labelTerm":{"term":72,"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>Students from around the Bay Area are in Sacramento today to lobby for stricter gun laws. They began planning a month ago when junior Ruby Baden-Lasar of Head-Royce School in Oakland and three other high schoolers started a group called \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/bayareastudentactivists/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Bay Area Student Activists\u003c/a> after the Feb. 14 mass shooting in Parkland, Florida, that left 17 dead. This lobbying trip is the group’s first action, and there’s a steep learning curve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have like so many spreadsheets and lists, and it would boggle your mind,” Baden-Lasar says. “I can't keep track of all of them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The organizers say they were expecting at least 200 students to go to the Capitol on buses paid for in part by a Go Fund Me campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fellow organizer Kira Galbraith, a sophomore at Berkeley High School, says part of what motivated her after Parkland was a threat at her own school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was really scared at school, and so I had all these emotions and I didn't know how to deal with them. So planning this was my way of kind of dealing with my emotions but also coping with them,” Galbraith says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11663354\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11663354 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/IMG_0095-e1524162235880-800x525.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"525\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students Ruby Baden-Lasar, Elina Jovonen, Zoe Benjamin, and Kira Galbraith finish last-minute preparations the night before the trip to Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Vanessa Rancaño/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For organizer Zoe Benjamin, a junior at French American International High School in San Francisco, this face-to-face show of force at the Capitol is a way to compensate for the way their age limits their political might.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are so many people who are able to vote and don't, and we're not able to,” she says. “So we felt like it was really important to find another way to find that voice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The student leaders organized their peers into lobbying groups for meetings all over the Capitol, to meet with lawmakers, share personal stories and advocate for a series of gun control bills pending in the Legislature. Among them is \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB3\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Assembly Bill 3\u003c/a>, which would raise the age for buying rifles and shotguns from 18 to 21. It was introduced by Bay Area Assemblyman Rob Bonta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11663392\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11663392\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/IMG_6637-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students sport their \"Bay Area Student Activists\" stickers while posing with Assemblyman Rob Bonta after their meeting. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Assemblymember Rob Bonta's Office)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Bonta says these in-person meetings really do make a difference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As legislators, when you can sit in a room one-on-one and hear someone's story, there's almost nothing more powerful to help inform your actions, your legislation,” Bonta says. “And when it’s this message, this particular message, which is, ‘Adults you're failing us; we're dying. Do something to make us safer,’ it doesn't get more powerful than that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baden-Lasar and the others aren’t expecting change overnight. They see this trip as a learning experience -- a chance to build some political muscle. They say the real goal is to create a network of students who will advocate for themselves long into the future.\u003c/p>\n\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"This lobbying trip is the group’s first action, and there’s a steep learning curve.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1524173484,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":13,"wordCount":531},"headData":{"title":"Bay Area Students Lobby for Tighter Gun Laws | KQED","description":"This lobbying trip is the group’s first action, and there’s a steep learning curve.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Bay Area Students Lobby for Tighter Gun Laws","datePublished":"2018-04-19T21:31:24.000Z","dateModified":"2018-04-19T21:31:24.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"disqusIdentifier":"11663349 https://ww2.kqed.org/news/?p=11663349","disqusUrl":"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2018/04/19/bay-area-students-lobby-for-tighter-gun-laws/","disqusTitle":"Bay Area Students Lobby for Tighter Gun Laws","audioUrl":"https://www.kqed.org/.stream/anon/radio/RDnews/2018/04/RancanoStudentLobbyists.mp3","path":"/news/11663349/bay-area-students-lobby-for-tighter-gun-laws","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Students from around the Bay Area are in Sacramento today to lobby for stricter gun laws. They began planning a month ago when junior Ruby Baden-Lasar of Head-Royce School in Oakland and three other high schoolers started a group called \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/bayareastudentactivists/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Bay Area Student Activists\u003c/a> after the Feb. 14 mass shooting in Parkland, Florida, that left 17 dead. This lobbying trip is the group’s first action, and there’s a steep learning curve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have like so many spreadsheets and lists, and it would boggle your mind,” Baden-Lasar says. “I can't keep track of all of them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The organizers say they were expecting at least 200 students to go to the Capitol on buses paid for in part by a Go Fund Me campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fellow organizer Kira Galbraith, a sophomore at Berkeley High School, says part of what motivated her after Parkland was a threat at her own school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was really scared at school, and so I had all these emotions and I didn't know how to deal with them. So planning this was my way of kind of dealing with my emotions but also coping with them,” Galbraith says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11663354\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11663354 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/IMG_0095-e1524162235880-800x525.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"525\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students Ruby Baden-Lasar, Elina Jovonen, Zoe Benjamin, and Kira Galbraith finish last-minute preparations the night before the trip to Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Vanessa Rancaño/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For organizer Zoe Benjamin, a junior at French American International High School in San Francisco, this face-to-face show of force at the Capitol is a way to compensate for the way their age limits their political might.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are so many people who are able to vote and don't, and we're not able to,” she says. “So we felt like it was really important to find another way to find that voice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The student leaders organized their peers into lobbying groups for meetings all over the Capitol, to meet with lawmakers, share personal stories and advocate for a series of gun control bills pending in the Legislature. Among them is \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB3\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Assembly Bill 3\u003c/a>, which would raise the age for buying rifles and shotguns from 18 to 21. It was introduced by Bay Area Assemblyman Rob Bonta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11663392\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11663392\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/IMG_6637-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students sport their \"Bay Area Student Activists\" stickers while posing with Assemblyman Rob Bonta after their meeting. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Assemblymember Rob Bonta's Office)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Bonta says these in-person meetings really do make a difference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As legislators, when you can sit in a room one-on-one and hear someone's story, there's almost nothing more powerful to help inform your actions, your legislation,” Bonta says. “And when it’s this message, this particular message, which is, ‘Adults you're failing us; we're dying. Do something to make us safer,’ it doesn't get more powerful than that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baden-Lasar and the others aren’t expecting change overnight. They see this trip as a learning experience -- a chance to build some political muscle. They say the real goal is to create a network of students who will advocate for themselves long into the future.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11663349/bay-area-students-lobby-for-tighter-gun-laws","authors":["11276"],"programs":["news_72"],"categories":["news_18540","news_6188","news_8","news_13"],"tags":["news_2795","news_2865","news_3172"],"featImg":"news_11648204","label":"news_72"},"news_11625675":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11625675","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11625675","score":null,"sort":[1509022804000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"big-oil-pulls-democratic-lawmakers-through-the-revolving-door","title":"Big Oil Pulls Democratic Lawmakers Through the Revolving Door","publishDate":1509022804,"format":"image","headTitle":"The California Report | KQED News","labelTerm":{},"content":"\u003cp>Inside the California Assembly chamber on the night of June 1, the presiding officer urged lawmakers to recognize former members in their midst, “the honorable Henry Perea and Felipe Fuentes.” In a familiar Capitol ritual, the former assemblymen waved from the balcony as applause rang out from their onetime colleagues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the two weren’t just retired lawmakers—they were now lobbyists being paid by oil companies to kill a \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billVotesClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB378\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">bill\u003c/a> that would soon meet its fate on the Assembly floor below.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That bill, by Democratic Assemblywoman Cristina Garcia, aimed to force industry to reduce air pollution that comes from their plants. Garcia knew the lobbyists in the balcony were pals with many of her Assembly colleagues, she knew oil and other industries were working hard to defeat her, and she knew her bill was in danger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A million people in her industrial Los Angeles neighborhood “have been treated like a wasteland,” Garcia said in frustration, wiping tears from her eyes. Then she cast a glance toward the balcony. “Clean air is a big deal for a lot of Californians,” she said. “You have a choice: Do we all matter?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her bill fell six votes short, as moderate Democrats joined Republicans to quash it. The moment marked a win for oil—and revolving-door politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today Garcia cites the lobbyists’ special relationships with current legislators as among the \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-california-climate-change-unions-20170920-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">factors\u003c/a> to blame for her bill’s demise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you have a former member on the floor at the same time they are working for or against the bill,” she said, “you open the opportunity to have access in a way lobbyists normally would not have.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11626010\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11626010\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/HenryAtWork-800x890.jpg\" alt=\"Henry Perea (L), former assemblymember and current oil lobbyist, at work in the Capitol.\" width=\"800\" height=\"890\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/HenryAtWork-800x890.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/HenryAtWork-160x178.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/HenryAtWork-1020x1135.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/HenryAtWork.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/HenryAtWork-1180x1313.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/HenryAtWork-960x1069.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/HenryAtWork-240x267.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/HenryAtWork-375x417.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/HenryAtWork-520x579.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Henry Perea (L), former Assembly member and current oil lobbyist, at work in the Capitol. \u003ccite>(Laurel Rosenhall/CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sacramento is full of termed-out or retired lawmakers who make second careers as lobbyists, strolling through a “revolving door” between government and the private sector. Current law prohibits ex-legislators from directly lobbying their former colleagues for one year after they leave the Legislature, and a \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB1620\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">measure\u003c/a> on Gov. Jerry Brown’s desk would slightly strengthen that by barring legislators who quit mid-term from lobbying during the remainder of that two-year-session, plus another year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the oil industry’s strategy this year was striking. After failing last year to \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-jerry-brown-signs-climate-laws-20160908-snap-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">prevent\u003c/a> a new law requiring massive cuts to greenhouse gas emissions, oil came back this year lobbying hard. Now Democrats held a supermajority in the Legislature but were divided over how to redesign the state’s landmark cap-and-trade program, which forces businesses to reduce emissions or pay for permits to pollute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The oil industry’s goal: to shape the next phase of cap and trade through 2030. And it had hired four former lawmakers—all Democrats—to advocate on its behalf.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each hailed from predominantly working-class Latino districts and joined an influential “mod squad” of moderates during their legislative tenures, which covered various periods between 2002 and 2015. Two are from Kern County, the biggest oil producer in California. And three quit their elective office mid-term to work for industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All four declined interviews for this article, as did their employers. Three were registered lobbyists during the peak of cap-and-trade negotiations this year:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Lobbying/Lobbyists/Detail.aspx?id=1396800&session=2017\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Henry Perea\u003c/a>, the son of a Fresno city councilman and grandson of Mexican immigrants, made his mark in the Assembly as the former leader of its mod caucus before quitting mid-term, initially to work for a pharmaceutical trade association. Now he lobbies for the Western States Petroleum Association.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Lobbying/Lobbyists/Detail.aspx?id=1391011&session=2017\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Felipe Fuentes\u003c/a>, raised in the San Fernando Valley, worked as a legislator to secure tax credits to keep filmmakers in the state, then was named to the Los Angeles Times \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/opinion/editorials/la-ed-christmas-naughty-nice-20161225-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">2016 “naughty” list\u003c/a> for bailing on his LA City Council seat to become a lobbyist. His firm’s clients include an oil production company.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Lobbying/Lobbyists/Detail.aspx?id=1397077&session=2017\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Michael Rubio\u003c/a>, who worked his way up in Kern County politics, abruptly quit the state Senate in 2013 to work for Chevron, saying he wanted to spend more time with his family.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>A fourth is not a registered lobbyist, but manages government affairs for a refinery company:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://capitolmr.com/ku-parra/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Nicole Parra\u003c/a>, whose father was a Kern County supervisor, won election to the Assembly at age 32 and also became a mod caucus leader, known for sometimes endorsing Republicans.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>“The industry showed incredible smarts by going out and hiring these people. Nationally, the oil industry is very Republican,” said David Townsend, a Democratic political consultant who knows all four through his work running a fundraising committee that \u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/news/investigations/the-public-eye/article2597114.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">helps elect\u003c/a> business-friendly Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11625979\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RevoDoor-800x800.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RevoDoor-800x800.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RevoDoor-160x160.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RevoDoor-1020x1020.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RevoDoor-1180x1180.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RevoDoor-960x960.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RevoDoor-240x240.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RevoDoor-375x375.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RevoDoor-520x520.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RevoDoor-32x32.jpg 32w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RevoDoor-50x50.jpg 50w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RevoDoor-64x64.jpg 64w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RevoDoor-96x96.jpg 96w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RevoDoor-128x128.jpg 128w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RevoDoor-150x150.jpg 150w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RevoDoor.jpg 1500w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Their knowledge base is enormous. Their relationships are broad-based and deep. If I were in trouble, they are some of the ones I’d hire,” Townsend said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oil companies have a long history of fighting against the aggressive climate policies backed by many California Democrats. This year, though, instead of fighting against cap and trade, oil teamed with other business interests to lobby to make cap and trade more industry-friendly. In the final deal that lawmakers approved on a bipartisan vote in July, oil won a new law forbidding local air quality districts from enacting emissions restrictions tighter than the state’s—as well as a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-climate-deal-net-big-bucks-polluters/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">potential perk\u003c/a> worth hundreds of millions of dollars. Leading environmental groups supported the bill to extend cap and trade for another decade, but other environmentalists wound up opposing it for being too easy on polluters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This easy crossing from legislator to advocate for the industry has happened before, but it seems to have been happening recently in greater bulk. So that, to me, is kind of distressing,” said Kathryn Phillips, a lobbyist for the Sierra Club, which opposed the cap-and-trade plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are people who have been friends with the people they are going to lobby.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gMaWTxBDRSA\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many aspects of those relationships play out in ways the public never sees—through text messages, phone calls or at private get-togethers. Weeks before lawmakers voted on the final cap-and-trade bills, Senate leader Kevin de León dined with Perea and Rubio at an intimate Sacramento restaurant known for \u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/food-drink/restaurants/carla-meyer/article78723247.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">$44 steaks\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/climate-soulmates/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">De León\u003c/a>, a Los Angeles Democrat who has carried many clean energy bills, said former lawmakers didn’t get any special treatment from him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I sit down with everybody across the spectrum. That’s my job as the leader of the Senate,” he said. “I have to sit down with all perspectives, whether it’s oil, whether it’s clean energy, whether it is labor unions, whether it’s businesses.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Perea became a lobbyist, he met with Assembly Speaker \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/gripping-power-for-the-long-term/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Anthony Rendon\u003c/a> to talk about cap and trade, and held additional meetings with the speaker’s staff, Rendon acknowleged. But the speaker rejected the idea that former lawmakers were especially influential in negotiating the next phase of California’s landmark climate policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“On an issue like cap and trade, where members arrive with a certain set of values and with information already, I am inclined to think that this is less impactful,” Rendon said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the other hand, former lawmakers—especially those who served most recently—can bring unique insider know-how to any lobbying effort. They understand caucus dynamics, know how to tailor persuasive messages to particular legislators, and enjoy unusual access to public officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11625982\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11625982\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/MembersOnly-800x613.jpg\" alt=\"Oil lobbyist Henry Perea walked right past this sign outside California’s Assembly chambers.\" width=\"800\" height=\"613\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/MembersOnly-800x613.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/MembersOnly-160x123.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/MembersOnly-1020x781.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/MembersOnly.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/MembersOnly-1180x903.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/MembersOnly-960x735.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/MembersOnly-240x184.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/MembersOnly-375x287.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/MembersOnly-520x398.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oil lobbyist Henry Perea walked right past this sign outside California’s Assembly chambers. \u003ccite>(Laurel Rosenhall/CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Signs of that were on display throughout the year in the bustling Capitol. In April, Parra \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/LaurelRosenhall/status/855142545612918784\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">participated\u003c/a> in a lunchtime discussion with legislative staffers about professional advancement for women of color, joined by a legislator, a lawmaker’s chief of staff and an aide to the governor who works on environmental issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in September, as lawmakers began a long night voting on dozens of bills, Perea strolled down a Capitol hallway packed with lobbyists and slipped into the back door of the Assembly chamber—right past a sign labeling the room restricted to “members and staff only.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Well-connected environmental advocates also roam the halls. Last year, for example, the Assembly honored former legislator Christine Kehoe, a San Diego Democrat who now runs a \u003ca href=\"http://www.pevcollaborative.org/christine-kehoe\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">group\u003c/a> that works to expand use of electric vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frequently when politicians leave office, they take a job developing a lobbying strategy—but not directly lobbying. Rubio did that when he \u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/opinion/opn-columns-blogs/dan-morain/article2576725.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">quit\u003c/a> the Legislature in 2013 to work for Chevron, as did Perea when he \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/what-happens-when-a-legislator-quits/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">resigned\u003c/a> in 2015 to work for a pharmaceutical trade association. But as the cap-and-trade negotiations heated up this year, both officially registered as lobbyists—a sign that they anticipated having a lot more direct contact with lawmakers. Perea left the pharmaceutical group to \u003ca href=\"https://www.wspa.org/staff/henry-perea/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">join\u003c/a> the Western States Petroleum Association as a registered lobbyist in May. The next month, Rubio registered as a lobbyist for Chevron. In September, he filed paperwork with the Secretary of State ending his registration as a lobbyist. (Both men scored spots this year on a popular \u003ca href=\"http://capitolweekly.net/capitol-weeklys-top-100-list-3/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">list\u003c/a> of the 100 most influential players around the Capitol.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fuentes was elected to the Los Angeles City Council after he was termed out of the Assembly in 2012. He \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-ln-felipe-fuentes-resignation-20160814-snap-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">quit\u003c/a> the City Council last year to become a lobbyist with a firm called the Apex Group, whose many \u003ca href=\"http://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Lobbying/Firms/Detail.aspx?id=1147436&session=2017\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">clients\u003c/a> include Aera Energy—a firm that drills for \u003ca href=\"http://www.aeraenergy.com/who-we-are.asp\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">oil\u003c/a> in the San Joaquin Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parra, after being out of elected office for eight years, was hired by Tesoro (now Andeavor) in November as a manager of state government affairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No one has complained to California's political watchdog that the former lawmakers broke any ethics rules in their advocacy work this year. The assemblyman carrying the bill to lengthen the time lawmakers are banned from lobbying said it’s not inspired by any of the Legislature’s recent departures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, even if legal, the idea that personal relationships may influence statewide policy can be disconcerting, said Jessica Levinson, a professor at Loyola Law School and president of the Los Angeles Ethics Commission. “If we think about what we’re worried about when it comes to any lobbyist, it’s the idea that our lawmakers are making decisions based on what hired guns are asking them to do as opposed to what’s good public policy,” Levinson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Lobbyists have an outsized influence on lawmakers, and that is exponentially increased when that lobbyist is a former lawmaker.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11626029\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/BigOilGraphic-800x1178.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1178\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/BigOilGraphic-800x1178.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/BigOilGraphic-160x236.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/BigOilGraphic-1020x1501.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/BigOilGraphic.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/BigOilGraphic-1180x1737.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/BigOilGraphic-960x1413.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/BigOilGraphic-240x353.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/BigOilGraphic-375x552.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/BigOilGraphic-520x765.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if former lawmakers held office at different times from today’s legislators, they may be connected through other political circles. That was the case for Assemblywoman Lorena Gonzalez Fletcher, whose time in the lower house coincided with Perea but not the other three. She knew them, though, through California’s larger network of Latino Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzalez Fletcher said she never felt she was being pressured by the former legislators as the cap-and-trade negotiations advanced—perhaps because she declared her support for the bill early. Still, she saw them around the Capitol or ran into them while out for after-work drinks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was a lot of checking in: ‘Where are people? Where do you think things will land?’ It felt more like information-gathering in my brief discussions with former members,” Gonzalez Fletcher said. “I didn’t feel a lot of hard lobbying going on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a time when many lawmakers \u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article160220334.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">worry\u003c/a> that Sacramento’s lobbying corps isn’t as diverse as either the state or the Legislature (Latinos make up 39 percent of \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/CA\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Californians\u003c/a> and 23 percent of \u003ca href=\"https://www.library.ca.gov/crb/16/LegDemographicsNov16.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">state legislators\u003c/a>), the oil industry has been represented by black and Latino lobbyists in the Capitol for several years. Its move to bring on the four Latino former lawmakers reflects a larger economic shift in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not because they are Latino,” said Mike Madrid, a Republican political consultant with expertise in Latino politics. “It’s because they represented districts that are poor and working class. There just happens to be a very strong relationship between race and class in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Madrid said working-class communities respond to industry arguments about the cost of environmental regulation—either as consumers who will see the cost of gas increase, or as workers who want to keep blue-collar jobs in their regions. With Republicans \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/ousted-leaders-advice-fellow-republicans-stop-repelling-californians/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">divided\u003c/a> over cap and trade, and lacking much clout in the Capitol, it was logical for oil to bring on some prominent Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re starting to see a transformation of what has traditionally been a right-left red-blue Republican-Democrat divide,” he said. “There is a realignment occurring.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another indication emerged five days before lawmakers voted on the cap-and-trade extension: The California Business Roundtable, a group of 30 companies including Chevron and Valero, enlisted a new lobbyist: Richie Ross, former bare-knuckles chief of staff to one of the most powerful Democratic Assembly speakers in state history, Willie Brown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, \u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/article3958362.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Ross is unusual\u003c/a> among Sacramento lobbyists because he is also a political consultant whose clients include 10 Democratic legislators—giving him financial connections both to the groups that pay him to lobby and the politicians who pay him for campaign advice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said he provided advice to the Roundtable and did not lobby his political clients in the Legislature: “They had me register (as a lobbyist) because at that point everyone was uncertain as to whether they would need me to lobby.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Roundtable’s president, Rob Lapsley, is a longtime Republican. But he said business groups knew that when it came to cap and trade, they needed Democrats involved to get the plan they wanted from a Democratic-controlled Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Richie is a smart, strategic adviser with long-term relationships. We found that of great value,” Lapsley said. “He goes back a long way. And he was very helpful in getting additional insights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"The oil industry’s goal? To shape the next phase of cap and trade through 2030. And it hired four former lawmakers -- all Democrats -- to advocate on its behalf.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1509041857,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":true,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":50,"wordCount":2435},"headData":{"title":"Big Oil Pulls Democratic Lawmakers Through the Revolving Door | KQED","description":"The oil industry’s goal? To shape the next phase of cap and trade through 2030. And it hired four former lawmakers -- all Democrats -- to advocate on its behalf.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Big Oil Pulls Democratic Lawmakers Through the Revolving Door","datePublished":"2017-10-26T13:00:04.000Z","dateModified":"2017-10-26T18:17:37.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"disqusIdentifier":"11625675 https://ww2.kqed.org/news/?p=11625675","disqusUrl":"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/10/26/big-oil-pulls-democratic-lawmakers-through-the-revolving-door/","disqusTitle":"Big Oil Pulls Democratic Lawmakers Through the Revolving Door","source":"CALmatters","sourceUrl":"https://calmatters.org/","nprByline":"\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/author/laurel-rosenhall/\">Laurel Rosenhall\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>","path":"/news/11625675/big-oil-pulls-democratic-lawmakers-through-the-revolving-door","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Inside the California Assembly chamber on the night of June 1, the presiding officer urged lawmakers to recognize former members in their midst, “the honorable Henry Perea and Felipe Fuentes.” In a familiar Capitol ritual, the former assemblymen waved from the balcony as applause rang out from their onetime colleagues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the two weren’t just retired lawmakers—they were now lobbyists being paid by oil companies to kill a \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billVotesClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB378\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">bill\u003c/a> that would soon meet its fate on the Assembly floor below.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That bill, by Democratic Assemblywoman Cristina Garcia, aimed to force industry to reduce air pollution that comes from their plants. Garcia knew the lobbyists in the balcony were pals with many of her Assembly colleagues, she knew oil and other industries were working hard to defeat her, and she knew her bill was in danger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A million people in her industrial Los Angeles neighborhood “have been treated like a wasteland,” Garcia said in frustration, wiping tears from her eyes. Then she cast a glance toward the balcony. “Clean air is a big deal for a lot of Californians,” she said. “You have a choice: Do we all matter?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her bill fell six votes short, as moderate Democrats joined Republicans to quash it. The moment marked a win for oil—and revolving-door politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today Garcia cites the lobbyists’ special relationships with current legislators as among the \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-california-climate-change-unions-20170920-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">factors\u003c/a> to blame for her bill’s demise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you have a former member on the floor at the same time they are working for or against the bill,” she said, “you open the opportunity to have access in a way lobbyists normally would not have.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11626010\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11626010\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/HenryAtWork-800x890.jpg\" alt=\"Henry Perea (L), former assemblymember and current oil lobbyist, at work in the Capitol.\" width=\"800\" height=\"890\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/HenryAtWork-800x890.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/HenryAtWork-160x178.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/HenryAtWork-1020x1135.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/HenryAtWork.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/HenryAtWork-1180x1313.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/HenryAtWork-960x1069.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/HenryAtWork-240x267.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/HenryAtWork-375x417.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/HenryAtWork-520x579.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Henry Perea (L), former Assembly member and current oil lobbyist, at work in the Capitol. \u003ccite>(Laurel Rosenhall/CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sacramento is full of termed-out or retired lawmakers who make second careers as lobbyists, strolling through a “revolving door” between government and the private sector. Current law prohibits ex-legislators from directly lobbying their former colleagues for one year after they leave the Legislature, and a \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB1620\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">measure\u003c/a> on Gov. Jerry Brown’s desk would slightly strengthen that by barring legislators who quit mid-term from lobbying during the remainder of that two-year-session, plus another year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the oil industry’s strategy this year was striking. After failing last year to \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-jerry-brown-signs-climate-laws-20160908-snap-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">prevent\u003c/a> a new law requiring massive cuts to greenhouse gas emissions, oil came back this year lobbying hard. Now Democrats held a supermajority in the Legislature but were divided over how to redesign the state’s landmark cap-and-trade program, which forces businesses to reduce emissions or pay for permits to pollute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The oil industry’s goal: to shape the next phase of cap and trade through 2030. And it had hired four former lawmakers—all Democrats—to advocate on its behalf.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each hailed from predominantly working-class Latino districts and joined an influential “mod squad” of moderates during their legislative tenures, which covered various periods between 2002 and 2015. Two are from Kern County, the biggest oil producer in California. And three quit their elective office mid-term to work for industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All four declined interviews for this article, as did their employers. Three were registered lobbyists during the peak of cap-and-trade negotiations this year:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Lobbying/Lobbyists/Detail.aspx?id=1396800&session=2017\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Henry Perea\u003c/a>, the son of a Fresno city councilman and grandson of Mexican immigrants, made his mark in the Assembly as the former leader of its mod caucus before quitting mid-term, initially to work for a pharmaceutical trade association. Now he lobbies for the Western States Petroleum Association.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Lobbying/Lobbyists/Detail.aspx?id=1391011&session=2017\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Felipe Fuentes\u003c/a>, raised in the San Fernando Valley, worked as a legislator to secure tax credits to keep filmmakers in the state, then was named to the Los Angeles Times \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/opinion/editorials/la-ed-christmas-naughty-nice-20161225-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">2016 “naughty” list\u003c/a> for bailing on his LA City Council seat to become a lobbyist. His firm’s clients include an oil production company.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Lobbying/Lobbyists/Detail.aspx?id=1397077&session=2017\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Michael Rubio\u003c/a>, who worked his way up in Kern County politics, abruptly quit the state Senate in 2013 to work for Chevron, saying he wanted to spend more time with his family.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>A fourth is not a registered lobbyist, but manages government affairs for a refinery company:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://capitolmr.com/ku-parra/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Nicole Parra\u003c/a>, whose father was a Kern County supervisor, won election to the Assembly at age 32 and also became a mod caucus leader, known for sometimes endorsing Republicans.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>“The industry showed incredible smarts by going out and hiring these people. Nationally, the oil industry is very Republican,” said David Townsend, a Democratic political consultant who knows all four through his work running a fundraising committee that \u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/news/investigations/the-public-eye/article2597114.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">helps elect\u003c/a> business-friendly Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11625979\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RevoDoor-800x800.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RevoDoor-800x800.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RevoDoor-160x160.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RevoDoor-1020x1020.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RevoDoor-1180x1180.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RevoDoor-960x960.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RevoDoor-240x240.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RevoDoor-375x375.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RevoDoor-520x520.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RevoDoor-32x32.jpg 32w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RevoDoor-50x50.jpg 50w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RevoDoor-64x64.jpg 64w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RevoDoor-96x96.jpg 96w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RevoDoor-128x128.jpg 128w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RevoDoor-150x150.jpg 150w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RevoDoor.jpg 1500w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Their knowledge base is enormous. Their relationships are broad-based and deep. If I were in trouble, they are some of the ones I’d hire,” Townsend said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oil companies have a long history of fighting against the aggressive climate policies backed by many California Democrats. This year, though, instead of fighting against cap and trade, oil teamed with other business interests to lobby to make cap and trade more industry-friendly. In the final deal that lawmakers approved on a bipartisan vote in July, oil won a new law forbidding local air quality districts from enacting emissions restrictions tighter than the state’s—as well as a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-climate-deal-net-big-bucks-polluters/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">potential perk\u003c/a> worth hundreds of millions of dollars. Leading environmental groups supported the bill to extend cap and trade for another decade, but other environmentalists wound up opposing it for being too easy on polluters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This easy crossing from legislator to advocate for the industry has happened before, but it seems to have been happening recently in greater bulk. So that, to me, is kind of distressing,” said Kathryn Phillips, a lobbyist for the Sierra Club, which opposed the cap-and-trade plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are people who have been friends with the people they are going to lobby.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/gMaWTxBDRSA'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/gMaWTxBDRSA'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>Many aspects of those relationships play out in ways the public never sees—through text messages, phone calls or at private get-togethers. Weeks before lawmakers voted on the final cap-and-trade bills, Senate leader Kevin de León dined with Perea and Rubio at an intimate Sacramento restaurant known for \u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/food-drink/restaurants/carla-meyer/article78723247.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">$44 steaks\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/climate-soulmates/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">De León\u003c/a>, a Los Angeles Democrat who has carried many clean energy bills, said former lawmakers didn’t get any special treatment from him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I sit down with everybody across the spectrum. That’s my job as the leader of the Senate,” he said. “I have to sit down with all perspectives, whether it’s oil, whether it’s clean energy, whether it is labor unions, whether it’s businesses.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Perea became a lobbyist, he met with Assembly Speaker \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/gripping-power-for-the-long-term/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Anthony Rendon\u003c/a> to talk about cap and trade, and held additional meetings with the speaker’s staff, Rendon acknowleged. But the speaker rejected the idea that former lawmakers were especially influential in negotiating the next phase of California’s landmark climate policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“On an issue like cap and trade, where members arrive with a certain set of values and with information already, I am inclined to think that this is less impactful,” Rendon said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the other hand, former lawmakers—especially those who served most recently—can bring unique insider know-how to any lobbying effort. They understand caucus dynamics, know how to tailor persuasive messages to particular legislators, and enjoy unusual access to public officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11625982\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11625982\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/MembersOnly-800x613.jpg\" alt=\"Oil lobbyist Henry Perea walked right past this sign outside California’s Assembly chambers.\" width=\"800\" height=\"613\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/MembersOnly-800x613.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/MembersOnly-160x123.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/MembersOnly-1020x781.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/MembersOnly.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/MembersOnly-1180x903.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/MembersOnly-960x735.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/MembersOnly-240x184.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/MembersOnly-375x287.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/MembersOnly-520x398.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oil lobbyist Henry Perea walked right past this sign outside California’s Assembly chambers. \u003ccite>(Laurel Rosenhall/CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Signs of that were on display throughout the year in the bustling Capitol. In April, Parra \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/LaurelRosenhall/status/855142545612918784\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">participated\u003c/a> in a lunchtime discussion with legislative staffers about professional advancement for women of color, joined by a legislator, a lawmaker’s chief of staff and an aide to the governor who works on environmental issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in September, as lawmakers began a long night voting on dozens of bills, Perea strolled down a Capitol hallway packed with lobbyists and slipped into the back door of the Assembly chamber—right past a sign labeling the room restricted to “members and staff only.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Well-connected environmental advocates also roam the halls. Last year, for example, the Assembly honored former legislator Christine Kehoe, a San Diego Democrat who now runs a \u003ca href=\"http://www.pevcollaborative.org/christine-kehoe\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">group\u003c/a> that works to expand use of electric vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frequently when politicians leave office, they take a job developing a lobbying strategy—but not directly lobbying. Rubio did that when he \u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/opinion/opn-columns-blogs/dan-morain/article2576725.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">quit\u003c/a> the Legislature in 2013 to work for Chevron, as did Perea when he \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/what-happens-when-a-legislator-quits/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">resigned\u003c/a> in 2015 to work for a pharmaceutical trade association. But as the cap-and-trade negotiations heated up this year, both officially registered as lobbyists—a sign that they anticipated having a lot more direct contact with lawmakers. Perea left the pharmaceutical group to \u003ca href=\"https://www.wspa.org/staff/henry-perea/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">join\u003c/a> the Western States Petroleum Association as a registered lobbyist in May. The next month, Rubio registered as a lobbyist for Chevron. In September, he filed paperwork with the Secretary of State ending his registration as a lobbyist. (Both men scored spots this year on a popular \u003ca href=\"http://capitolweekly.net/capitol-weeklys-top-100-list-3/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">list\u003c/a> of the 100 most influential players around the Capitol.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fuentes was elected to the Los Angeles City Council after he was termed out of the Assembly in 2012. He \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-ln-felipe-fuentes-resignation-20160814-snap-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">quit\u003c/a> the City Council last year to become a lobbyist with a firm called the Apex Group, whose many \u003ca href=\"http://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Lobbying/Firms/Detail.aspx?id=1147436&session=2017\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">clients\u003c/a> include Aera Energy—a firm that drills for \u003ca href=\"http://www.aeraenergy.com/who-we-are.asp\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">oil\u003c/a> in the San Joaquin Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parra, after being out of elected office for eight years, was hired by Tesoro (now Andeavor) in November as a manager of state government affairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No one has complained to California's political watchdog that the former lawmakers broke any ethics rules in their advocacy work this year. The assemblyman carrying the bill to lengthen the time lawmakers are banned from lobbying said it’s not inspired by any of the Legislature’s recent departures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, even if legal, the idea that personal relationships may influence statewide policy can be disconcerting, said Jessica Levinson, a professor at Loyola Law School and president of the Los Angeles Ethics Commission. “If we think about what we’re worried about when it comes to any lobbyist, it’s the idea that our lawmakers are making decisions based on what hired guns are asking them to do as opposed to what’s good public policy,” Levinson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Lobbyists have an outsized influence on lawmakers, and that is exponentially increased when that lobbyist is a former lawmaker.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11626029\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/BigOilGraphic-800x1178.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1178\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/BigOilGraphic-800x1178.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/BigOilGraphic-160x236.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/BigOilGraphic-1020x1501.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/BigOilGraphic.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/BigOilGraphic-1180x1737.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/BigOilGraphic-960x1413.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/BigOilGraphic-240x353.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/BigOilGraphic-375x552.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/BigOilGraphic-520x765.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if former lawmakers held office at different times from today’s legislators, they may be connected through other political circles. That was the case for Assemblywoman Lorena Gonzalez Fletcher, whose time in the lower house coincided with Perea but not the other three. She knew them, though, through California’s larger network of Latino Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzalez Fletcher said she never felt she was being pressured by the former legislators as the cap-and-trade negotiations advanced—perhaps because she declared her support for the bill early. Still, she saw them around the Capitol or ran into them while out for after-work drinks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was a lot of checking in: ‘Where are people? Where do you think things will land?’ It felt more like information-gathering in my brief discussions with former members,” Gonzalez Fletcher said. “I didn’t feel a lot of hard lobbying going on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a time when many lawmakers \u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article160220334.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">worry\u003c/a> that Sacramento’s lobbying corps isn’t as diverse as either the state or the Legislature (Latinos make up 39 percent of \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/CA\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Californians\u003c/a> and 23 percent of \u003ca href=\"https://www.library.ca.gov/crb/16/LegDemographicsNov16.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">state legislators\u003c/a>), the oil industry has been represented by black and Latino lobbyists in the Capitol for several years. Its move to bring on the four Latino former lawmakers reflects a larger economic shift in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not because they are Latino,” said Mike Madrid, a Republican political consultant with expertise in Latino politics. “It’s because they represented districts that are poor and working class. There just happens to be a very strong relationship between race and class in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Madrid said working-class communities respond to industry arguments about the cost of environmental regulation—either as consumers who will see the cost of gas increase, or as workers who want to keep blue-collar jobs in their regions. With Republicans \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/ousted-leaders-advice-fellow-republicans-stop-repelling-californians/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">divided\u003c/a> over cap and trade, and lacking much clout in the Capitol, it was logical for oil to bring on some prominent Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re starting to see a transformation of what has traditionally been a right-left red-blue Republican-Democrat divide,” he said. “There is a realignment occurring.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another indication emerged five days before lawmakers voted on the cap-and-trade extension: The California Business Roundtable, a group of 30 companies including Chevron and Valero, enlisted a new lobbyist: Richie Ross, former bare-knuckles chief of staff to one of the most powerful Democratic Assembly speakers in state history, Willie Brown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, \u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/article3958362.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Ross is unusual\u003c/a> among Sacramento lobbyists because he is also a political consultant whose clients include 10 Democratic legislators—giving him financial connections both to the groups that pay him to lobby and the politicians who pay him for campaign advice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said he provided advice to the Roundtable and did not lobby his political clients in the Legislature: “They had me register (as a lobbyist) because at that point everyone was uncertain as to whether they would need me to lobby.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Roundtable’s president, Rob Lapsley, is a longtime Republican. But he said business groups knew that when it came to cap and trade, they needed Democrats involved to get the plan they wanted from a Democratic-controlled Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Richie is a smart, strategic adviser with long-term relationships. We found that of great value,” Lapsley said. “He goes back a long way. And he was very helpful in getting additional insights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11625675/big-oil-pulls-democratic-lawmakers-through-the-revolving-door","authors":["byline_news_11625675"],"programs":["news_6944","news_72"],"categories":["news_19906","news_8","news_13"],"tags":["news_2704","news_19542","news_3172","news_3111","news_21390","news_17286","news_17041"],"affiliates":["news_18481"],"featImg":"news_11626018","label":"source_news_11625675"},"news_10954843":{"type":"posts","id":"news_10954843","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"10954843","score":null,"sort":[1463209500000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"governor-vetoes-bill-to-shed-more-light-on-state-contract-lobbying","title":"Governor Vetoes Bill to Shed More Light on State Contract Lobbying","publishDate":1463209500,"format":"standard","headTitle":"The California Report | KQED News","labelTerm":{"term":72,"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>Gov. Jerry Brown on Friday vetoed a bill to require disclosure of lobbying around state government contracts. The bill, from Palo Alto Assemblyman Rich Gordon, would have required lobbyists communicating with officials on a contract worth more than $250,000 to register and report their activity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill sought to put \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/08/13/240-million-education-contract-illustrates-state-lobbying-loopholes\">lobbying on procurements\u003c/a> (on which the state spent $12 billion in 2014) on the same regulatory level as traditional legislative lobbying.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Given that the laws regulating state procurement are voluminous and already contain ample opportunity for public scrutiny, I don’t believe this bill is necessary,” wrote the governor in his veto message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill passed the Senate in March on a 38-1 vote, and the Assembly voted 69-0 earlier this month \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2016/05/03/legislature-passes-bill-to-disclose-lobbying-on-state-contracts\">to send the bill to the governor.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"NShbFfQFHNcrAZUXCYmu6pUJFbksqxrH\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Fair Political Practices Commission would have been tasked with overseeing the registration of procurement lobbyists. A Senate analysis found that the bill could cost the FPPC hundreds of thousands of dollars annually. Commission chair Jodi Remke, a Brown appointee, had expressed skepticism that the bill would be able to provide information on what led to the awarding of a contract without requiring the reporting of each “contact” between lobbyists and government officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our bipartisan Commission voted to oppose AB1200 because we felt the bill would unnecessarily complicate existing lobbying rules without any increase in meaningful disclosure for the public,” Remke said in a statement. “I am pleased the Governor saw the problems with the bill and vetoed it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gordon called that opposition “curious.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bill simply asks [the FPPC] to register lobbyists, which is what they currently do,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gordon added that he hopes the ideas in the bill can move forward in the future, whether through new legislation or internal changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Part of the governor’s role, I suppose, requires him to defend administrative activities and his administrative units,” he said. “The strong bipartisan support showed that the Legislature believes this is something the administrative branch should take on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the failure of AB1200, many local governments in California have \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/08/14/Bill-Lobbying-Laws-Local-Ordinances\">already moved ahead\u003c/a> with similar requirements for the disclosure of procurement lobbying. Counties such as Los Angeles, San Diego, Orange and Santa Clara require the registration of lobbyists pushing for county contracts.\u003c/p>\n\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"The bill would have required lobbyists communicating with officials on a contract worth more than $250,000 to register and report their activity.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1463196650,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":14,"wordCount":398},"headData":{"title":"Governor Vetoes Bill to Shed More Light on State Contract Lobbying | KQED","description":"The bill would have required lobbyists communicating with officials on a contract worth more than $250,000 to register and report their activity.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Governor Vetoes Bill to Shed More Light on State Contract Lobbying","datePublished":"2016-05-14T07:05:00.000Z","dateModified":"2016-05-14T03:30:50.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"disqusIdentifier":"10954843 http://ww2.kqed.org/news/?p=10954843","disqusUrl":"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2016/05/14/governor-vetoes-bill-to-shed-more-light-on-state-contract-lobbying/","disqusTitle":"Governor Vetoes Bill to Shed More Light on State Contract Lobbying","nprStoryId":"478030976","path":"/news/10954843/governor-vetoes-bill-to-shed-more-light-on-state-contract-lobbying","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Gov. Jerry Brown on Friday vetoed a bill to require disclosure of lobbying around state government contracts. The bill, from Palo Alto Assemblyman Rich Gordon, would have required lobbyists communicating with officials on a contract worth more than $250,000 to register and report their activity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill sought to put \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/08/13/240-million-education-contract-illustrates-state-lobbying-loopholes\">lobbying on procurements\u003c/a> (on which the state spent $12 billion in 2014) on the same regulatory level as traditional legislative lobbying.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Given that the laws regulating state procurement are voluminous and already contain ample opportunity for public scrutiny, I don’t believe this bill is necessary,” wrote the governor in his veto message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill passed the Senate in March on a 38-1 vote, and the Assembly voted 69-0 earlier this month \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2016/05/03/legislature-passes-bill-to-disclose-lobbying-on-state-contracts\">to send the bill to the governor.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Fair Political Practices Commission would have been tasked with overseeing the registration of procurement lobbyists. A Senate analysis found that the bill could cost the FPPC hundreds of thousands of dollars annually. Commission chair Jodi Remke, a Brown appointee, had expressed skepticism that the bill would be able to provide information on what led to the awarding of a contract without requiring the reporting of each “contact” between lobbyists and government officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our bipartisan Commission voted to oppose AB1200 because we felt the bill would unnecessarily complicate existing lobbying rules without any increase in meaningful disclosure for the public,” Remke said in a statement. “I am pleased the Governor saw the problems with the bill and vetoed it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gordon called that opposition “curious.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bill simply asks [the FPPC] to register lobbyists, which is what they currently do,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gordon added that he hopes the ideas in the bill can move forward in the future, whether through new legislation or internal changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Part of the governor’s role, I suppose, requires him to defend administrative activities and his administrative units,” he said. “The strong bipartisan support showed that the Legislature believes this is something the administrative branch should take on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the failure of AB1200, many local governments in California have \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/08/14/Bill-Lobbying-Laws-Local-Ordinances\">already moved ahead\u003c/a> with similar requirements for the disclosure of procurement lobbying. Counties such as Los Angeles, San Diego, Orange and Santa Clara require the registration of lobbyists pushing for county contracts.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/10954843/governor-vetoes-bill-to-shed-more-light-on-state-contract-lobbying","authors":["227"],"programs":["news_72"],"categories":["news_13"],"tags":["news_30","news_3172","news_17286"],"featImg":"news_10955081","label":"news_72"}},"programsReducer":{"possible":{"id":"possible","title":"Possible","info":"Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? 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