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","imgSizes":{"thumbnail":{"file":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14208_capitalstocks-qut-e1426532255422-400x542.jpg","width":400,"height":542,"mimeType":"image/jpeg"},"medium":{"file":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14208_capitalstocks-qut-e1426532255422-800x1083.jpg","width":800,"height":1083,"mimeType":"image/jpeg"},"fd-med":{"file":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14208_capitalstocks-qut-e1426532255422-768x1040.jpg","width":768,"height":1040,"mimeType":"image/jpeg"},"fd-sm":{"file":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14208_capitalstocks-qut-e1426532255422-320x433.jpg","width":320,"height":433,"mimeType":"image/jpeg"},"post-thumbnail":{"file":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14208_capitalstocks-qut-e1426532255422-672x372.jpg","width":672,"height":372,"mimeType":"image/jpeg"},"twentyfourteen-full-width":{"file":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14208_capitalstocks-qut-e1426532255422-986x576.jpg","width":986,"height":576,"mimeType":"image/jpeg"},"guest-author-32":{"file":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14208_capitalstocks-qut-e1426532255422-32x32.jpg","width":32,"height":32,"mimeType":"image/jpeg"},"guest-author-64":{"file":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14208_capitalstocks-qut-e1426532255422-64x64.jpg","width":64,"height":64,"mimeType":"image/jpeg"},"guest-author-96":{"file":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14208_capitalstocks-qut-e1426532255422-96x96.jpg","width":96,"height":96,"mimeType":"image/jpeg"},"guest-author-128":{"file":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14208_capitalstocks-qut-e1426532255422-128x128.jpg","width":128,"height":128,"mimeType":"image/jpeg"},"detail":{"file":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14208_capitalstocks-qut-e1426532255422-75x75.jpg","width":75,"height":75,"mimeType":"image/jpeg"},"kqedFullSize":{"file":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/RS14208_capitalstocks-qut-e1426532255422.jpg","width":986,"height":1335}},"fetchFailed":false,"isLoading":false},"news_10430555":{"type":"attachments","id":"news_10430555","meta":{"index":"attachments_1591205162","site":"news","id":"10430555","found":true},"title":"Boomtown-Chinese","publishDate":1423692064,"status":"inherit","parent":10429550,"modified":1423703135,"caption":"Detail from a Harper's Weekly cartoon by Thomas Nast, published in 1871 amid continuing agitation in California to bar Chinese immigrants. Here, Nast lists some of the most common charges lodged against arriving Chinese. Columbia, personification of the national ideal, tells an anti-Chinese mob, 'Hands off, gentlemen! America means fair play for all men.' ","credit":"Library of Congress","description":"Detail from a Harper's Weekly cartoon by Thomas Nast, published in 1871 amid continuing agitation in California to bar Chinese immigrants. Here, Nast lists some of the most common charges lodged against arriving Chinese. Columbia, personification of the national ideal, tells an anti-Chinese mob, 'Hands off, gentlemen! America means fair play for all men.' ","imgSizes":{"thumbnail":{"file":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14056_nast-chinesequestion-e1423693277949-400x413.jpg","width":400,"height":413,"mimeType":"image/jpeg"},"medium":{"file":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14056_nast-chinesequestion-e1423693277949-800x825.jpg","width":800,"height":825,"mimeType":"image/jpeg"},"post-thumbnail":{"file":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14056_nast-chinesequestion-e1423693277949-672x372.jpg","width":672,"height":372,"mimeType":"image/jpeg"},"twentyfourteen-full-width":{"file":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14056_nast-chinesequestion-e1423693277949-1012x576.jpg","width":1012,"height":576,"mimeType":"image/jpeg"},"guest-author-32":{"file":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14056_nast-chinesequestion-e1423693277949-32x32.jpg","width":32,"height":32,"mimeType":"image/jpeg"},"guest-author-64":{"file":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14056_nast-chinesequestion-e1423693277949-64x64.jpg","width":64,"height":64,"mimeType":"image/jpeg"},"guest-author-96":{"file":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14056_nast-chinesequestion-e1423693277949-96x96.jpg","width":96,"height":96,"mimeType":"image/jpeg"},"guest-author-128":{"file":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14056_nast-chinesequestion-e1423693277949-128x128.jpg","width":128,"height":128,"mimeType":"image/jpeg"},"detail":{"file":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14056_nast-chinesequestion-e1423693277949-75x75.jpg","width":75,"height":75,"mimeType":"image/jpeg"},"kqedFullSize":{"file":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14056_nast-chinesequestion-e1423693277949.jpg","width":1012,"height":1044}},"fetchFailed":false,"isLoading":false},"news_10413702":{"type":"attachments","id":"news_10413702","meta":{"index":"attachments_1591205162","site":"news","id":"10413702","found":true},"title":"San Francisco-Sand Lot","publishDate":1421994448,"status":"inherit","parent":10413670,"modified":1423462603,"caption":"An 1880 engraving from Frank Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper. The caption reads: 'California-The anti-Chinese agitation in San Francisco-a meeting of the Workingmen's Party on the Sand Lots.'","credit":"H.A. 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In a newsroom career that began in Chicago in 1972, Dan has worked for \u003cem>The San Francisco Examiner,\u003c/em> Wired and TechTV and has been published in The New York Times, The New York Times Magazine, Business 2.0, Salon and elsewhere.\r\n\r\nSince joining KQED in 2007, Dan has reported, edited and produced both radio and online features and breaking news pieces. He has shared as both editor and reporter in four Society of Professional Journalists Norcal Excellence in Journalism awards and one Edward R. Murrow regional award. He was chosen for a spring 2017 residency at the Mesa Refuge to advance his research on California salmon.\r\n\r\nEmail Dan at: \u003ca href=\"mailto:dbrekke@kqed.org\">dbrekke@kqed.org\u003c/a>\r\n\r\n\u003cstrong>Twitter:\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/danbrekke\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">twitter.com/danbrekke\u003c/a>\r\n\u003cstrong>Facebook:\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/danbrekke\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">www.facebook.com/danbrekke\u003c/a>\r\n\u003cstrong>LinkedIn:\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"https://www.linkedin.com/in/danbrekke\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">www.linkedin.com/in/danbrekke\u003c/a>","avatar":"https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/c8126230345efca3f7aa89b1a402be45?s=600&d=mm&r=g","twitter":"danbrekke","facebook":null,"instagram":"https://www.instagram.com/dan.brekke/","linkedin":"https://www.linkedin.com/in/danbrekke/","sites":[{"site":"news","roles":["administrator","create_posts"]},{"site":"stateofhealth","roles":["editor"]},{"site":"science","roles":["editor"]},{"site":"quest","roles":["contributor"]},{"site":"food","roles":["contributor"]},{"site":"forum","roles":["contributor"]},{"site":"liveblog","roles":["editor"]}],"headData":{"title":"Dan Brekke | KQED","description":"KQED Editor and Reporter","ogImgSrc":"https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/c8126230345efca3f7aa89b1a402be45?s=600&d=mm&r=g","twImgSrc":"https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/c8126230345efca3f7aa89b1a402be45?s=600&d=mm&r=g"},"isLoading":false,"link":"/author/danbrekke"},"rachael-myrow":{"type":"authors","id":"251","meta":{"index":"authors_1591205172","id":"251","found":true},"name":"Rachael Myrow","firstName":"Rachael","lastName":"Myrow","slug":"rachael-myrow","email":"rmyrow@kqed.org","display_author_email":false,"staff_mastheads":["news"],"title":"Senior Editor of KQED's Silicon Valley News Desk","bio":"Rachael Myrow is Senior Editor of KQED's Silicon Valley News Desk. You can hear her work on \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/search?query=Rachael%20Myrow&page=1\">NPR\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://theworld.org/people/rachael-myrow\">The World\u003c/a>, WBUR's \u003ca href=\"https://www.wbur.org/search?q=Rachael%20Myrow\">\u003ci>Here & Now\u003c/i>\u003c/a> and the BBC. \u003c/i>She also guest hosts for KQED's \u003ci>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/tag/rachael-myrow\">Forum\u003c/a>\u003c/i>. Over the years, she's talked with Kamau Bell, David Byrne, Kamala Harris, Tony Kushner, Armistead Maupin, Van Dyke Parks, Arnold Schwarzenegger and Tommie Smith, among others.\r\n\r\nBefore all this, she hosted \u003cem>The California Report\u003c/em> for 7+ years, reporting on topics like \u003ca href=\"https://soundcloud.com/rmyrow/on-a-mission-to-reform-assisted-living\">assisted living facilities\u003c/a>, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/alltechconsidered/2014/12/01/367703789/amazon-unleashes-robot-army-to-send-your-holiday-packages-faster\">robot takeover\u003c/a> of Amazon, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/bayareabites/50822/in-search-of-the-chocolate-persimmon\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">chocolate persimmons\u003c/a>.\r\n\r\nAwards? Sure: Peabody, Edward R. Murrow, Regional Edward R. Murrow, RTNDA, Northern California RTNDA, SPJ Northern California Chapter, LA Press Club, Golden Mic. Prior to joining KQED, Rachael worked in Los Angeles at KPCC and Marketplace. She holds degrees in English and journalism from UC Berkeley (where she got her start in public radio on KALX-FM).\r\n\r\nOutside of the studio, you'll find Rachael hiking Bay Area trails and whipping up Instagram-ready meals in her kitchen.","avatar":"https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/87bf8cb5874e045cdff430523a6d48b1?s=600&d=blank&r=g","twitter":"rachaelmyrow","facebook":null,"instagram":null,"linkedin":"https://www.linkedin.com/in/rachaelmyrow/","sites":[{"site":"arts","roles":["administrator"]},{"site":"news","roles":["edit_others_posts","editor"]},{"site":"futureofyou","roles":["editor"]},{"site":"bayareabites","roles":["editor"]},{"site":"stateofhealth","roles":["editor"]},{"site":"science","roles":["editor"]},{"site":"food","roles":["editor"]},{"site":"forum","roles":["editor"]}],"headData":{"title":"Rachael Myrow | KQED","description":"Senior Editor of KQED's Silicon Valley News Desk","ogImgSrc":"https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/87bf8cb5874e045cdff430523a6d48b1?s=600&d=blank&r=g","twImgSrc":"https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/87bf8cb5874e045cdff430523a6d48b1?s=600&d=blank&r=g"},"isLoading":false,"link":"/author/rachael-myrow"}},"breakingNewsReducer":{},"campaignFinanceReducer":{},"firebase":{"requesting":{},"requested":{},"timestamps":{},"data":{},"ordered":{},"auth":{"isLoaded":false,"isEmpty":true},"authError":null,"profile":{"isLoaded":false,"isEmpty":true},"listeners":{"byId":{},"allIds":[]},"isInitializing":false,"errors":[]},"navBarReducer":{"navBarId":"news","fullView":true,"showPlayer":false},"navMenuReducer":{"menus":[{"key":"menu1","items":[{"name":"News","link":"/","type":"title"},{"name":"Politics","link":"/politics"},{"name":"Science","link":"/science"},{"name":"Education","link":"/educationnews"},{"name":"Housing","link":"/housing"},{"name":"Immigration","link":"/immigration"},{"name":"Criminal Justice","link":"/criminaljustice"},{"name":"Silicon Valley","link":"/siliconvalley"},{"name":"Forum","link":"/forum"},{"name":"The California Report","link":"/californiareport"}]},{"key":"menu2","items":[{"name":"Arts & Culture","link":"/arts","type":"title"},{"name":"Critics’ Picks","link":"/thedolist"},{"name":"Cultural Commentary","link":"/artscommentary"},{"name":"Food & Drink","link":"/food"},{"name":"Bay Area Hip-Hop","link":"/bayareahiphop"},{"name":"Rebel Girls","link":"/rebelgirls"},{"name":"Arts Video","link":"/artsvideos"}]},{"key":"menu3","items":[{"name":"Podcasts","link":"/podcasts","type":"title"},{"name":"Bay Curious","link":"/podcasts/baycurious"},{"name":"Rightnowish","link":"/podcasts/rightnowish"},{"name":"The Bay","link":"/podcasts/thebay"},{"name":"On Our Watch","link":"/podcasts/onourwatch"},{"name":"Mindshift","link":"/podcasts/mindshift"},{"name":"Consider This","link":"/podcasts/considerthis"},{"name":"Political Breakdown","link":"/podcasts/politicalbreakdown"}]},{"key":"menu4","items":[{"name":"Live Radio","link":"/radio","type":"title"},{"name":"TV","link":"/tv","type":"title"},{"name":"Events","link":"/events","type":"title"},{"name":"For Educators","link":"/education","type":"title"},{"name":"Support KQED","link":"/support","type":"title"},{"name":"About","link":"/about","type":"title"},{"name":"Help Center","link":"https://kqed-helpcenter.kqed.org/s","type":"title"}]}]},"pagesReducer":{},"postsReducer":{"stream_live":{"type":"live","id":"stream_live","audioUrl":"https://streams.kqed.org/kqedradio","title":"Live Stream","excerpt":"Live Stream information currently unavailable.","link":"/radio","featImg":"","label":{"name":"KQED Live","link":"/"}},"stream_kqedNewscast":{"type":"posts","id":"stream_kqedNewscast","audioUrl":"https://www.kqed.org/.stream/anon/radio/RDnews/newscast.mp3?_=1","title":"KQED Newscast","featImg":"","label":{"name":"88.5 FM","link":"/"}},"news_11961693":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11961693","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11961693","score":null,"sort":[1695207630000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"californias-anti-asian-hate-crimes-decline-but-long-term-pattern-persists","title":"California's Anti-Asian Hate Crimes Decline but Long-Term Pattern Persists","publishDate":1695207630,"format":"standard","headTitle":"California’s Anti-Asian Hate Crimes Decline but Long-Term Pattern Persists | KQED","labelTerm":{"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>Yik Oi Huang lived across the street from the Visitacion Valley Playground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At sunrise every day, she’d take the one-minute walk past the early-to-mid-20th-century homes to the park where she practiced qigong, a traditional Chinese exercise of coordinated movement, breathing and meditation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hilltop playground, with views overlooking the San Francisco Bay, is a gathering place for AAPI older adults like Huang.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But sometime before 7 a.m. on Jan. 8, 2019, the park’s serenity was shattered. As Huang, 88, began her qigong movements, she was dragged by an assailant and beaten into a coma. She was found unconscious and lying in the sand underneath a play structure. According to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/crime/article/89-year-old-woman-dies-1-year-after-brutal-attack-14951348.php\">\u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, she suffered a broken neck, among other injuries. Her home was also burglarized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The targeted attack sent shock waves through the AAPI community a year before the pandemic and heightened media attention on anti-Asian crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I considered it isolated,” said Sasanna Yee, Huang’s granddaughter, who lives three blocks away and rushed to the scene to see Huang already on the gurney. “And then, going online when the pandemic started and [I] started seeing the videos. I started having nightmares after that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had my own incident replaying in my head. And then, the videos would replay in my head,” she continued. “That created a lot of difficulties sleeping and so that impact on the nervous system, it’s cumulative.” [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Sasanna Yee, granddaughter, the late Yik Oi Huang\"]‘I considered it isolated. And then, going online when the pandemic started and [I] started seeing the videos. I started having nightmares after that.’[/pullquote] During the pandemic, anti-Asian hate crimes in the state soared from 89 in 2020 to 247 in 2021. But in 2022, according to \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/attachments/press-docs/Hate%20Crime%20In%20CA%202022f.pdf\">California’s Department of Justice data (PDF)\u003c/a>, the crimes decreased to 140. The numbers seem to show progress, however, looking back decades to the start of California’s hate crime tracking reveals a more nuanced story. There’s been progress before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California began tracking racial hate crimes in 1995. In the late 1990s, anti-Asian hate crimes hovered around 150 per year. Then the state experienced a sharp decline in the first two decades of the new century, dropping as low as 19 in 2014. In comparison, last year’s 140 hate crimes are about seven times more than a little less than a decade ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the data showed a decline, recent crimes have been almost as brutal as the one Huang suffered, including six assaults in San Francisco in July.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>On July 3, a 63-year-old woman was killed when she was pushed to the sidewalk in the Bayview as she walked home from work.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>On July 10, an 86-year-old woman was pushed to the ground in the Tenderloin.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>On July 21, a woman, 88, was kicked and thrown to the ground in the Union Square area.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>On July 24, a 68-year-old man was punched from behind in the Excelsior.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>On July 26, a woman, 40, was tackled to the ground in McLaren Park near the Excelsior.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>On July 27, an 81-year-old woman was shoved off the sidewalk and into a lane of traffic in the Fillmore.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Huang passed away a year after being attacked. Keonte Gathron, then 18, was arrested following a string of other crimes. He pleaded not guilty and still awaits trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a recent foggy day on Leland Avenue, locals could be seen sharing smiles and gossip while walking past the cash-only Asian restaurants. A Hispanic grocery store offered pan dulce and reggaeton, and a chic cafe boasted trendy lattes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11960636\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11960636 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230907-YikOiHuang-11-JY-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Five people congregate around park benches in front of a jungle gym in an outdoor park.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230907-YikOiHuang-11-JY-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230907-YikOiHuang-11-JY-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230907-YikOiHuang-11-JY-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230907-YikOiHuang-11-JY-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230907-YikOiHuang-11-JY-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230907-YikOiHuang-11-JY-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Seniors spend time together at Yik Oi Huang Peace and Friendship Park in San Francisco on Thursday, Sept. 7, 2023. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Of Visitacion Valley neighborhood’s 41,695 residents, 23,890 are Asian, 52% are immigrants and 51.6% speak AAPI languages at home, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://data.census.gov/profile/94134?g=860XX00US94134\">2021 American Community Survey\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Past the local library and a century-old church is Visitacion Valley Playground, which was renamed Yik Oi Huang Peace and Friendship Park in 2022. Older Asian residents enjoy daily strolls with their friends around the field. Children clamber over the multicolor playground under the shade of two unapologetic palm trees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The neighborhood was Huang’s home for 20 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She immigrated from \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/search?q=Toi+San%2C+China&sca_esv=566316574&rlz=1C1GCEA_enUS1048US1048&ei=J4AIZZ3KDubFkPIPjoeYmAU&ved=0ahUKEwjd-dqrz7SBAxXmIkQIHY4DBlMQ4dUDCBA&uact=5&oq=Toi+San%2C+China&gs_lp=Egxnd3Mtd2l6LXNlcnAiDlRvaSBTYW4sIENoaW5hMgUQLhiABDIIEAAYFhgeGAoyCBAAGIoFGIYDMhQQLhiABBiXBRjcBBjeBBjgBNgBAUjQAlAAWABwAHgAkAEAmAGDAaABgwGqAQMwLjG4AQPIAQD4AQL4AQHiAwQYACBBiAYBugYGCAEQARgU&sclient=gws-wiz-serp&safe=active&ssui=on\">Toisan\u003c/a>, China, in 1986 with her husband, moving to San Francisco’s Chinatown. The couple purchased a home in Visitacion Valley about a decade later. [aside postID=news_11943615 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS62784_011_KQED_CCSFCantoneseClass_02082023-qut-1020x680.jpg'] Yee said her Popo — grandmother in Cantonese — used food as her love language, never hesitating to offer snacks and soup. Huang was health conscious. Because of her diabetes, she would make a magic juice of raw potatoes, celery, apples and carrots every morning. She had a rosy, pink complexion with skin that looked and felt like a baby’s bottom, according to Yee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huang, who had very little schooling, always had a notebook in hand to write down new words, Yee told KQED. She was an avid soap opera and news watcher. She loved sharing her wisdom with Yee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She had pneumonia, and she was hospitalized, and this was only two years to three years before she passed,” Yee said. “She was doing qigong in the hospital bed and she was sharing with me, ‘These are the movements. This is what you do with your breath, how you’re supposed to move your chi.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huang was unafraid of being out early, even in the dark. She was well-known in the area. For more than 17 years, Huang was an ambassador of the Visitacion Valley Friendship Club, serving the neighborhood’s Chinese immigrants by engaging in senior services, voting rights and more. She collected cans to pass on to her neighbors and friends, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.rememberyikoihuang.com/home\">website\u003c/a> made by her family in her honor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The violence put neighborhoods like Visitacion Valley with large Asian populations on alert. According to the \u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/data/city-survey-safety-and-policing\">2023 San Francisco City Survey\u003c/a>, Visitacion Valley is among the three San Francisco neighborhoods with the lowest safety rating. Visitacion Valley graded the police a C while the city’s AAPI demographic gave the police a B- overall. Visitacion Valley residents graded their safety a C+. Of all the demographics, AAPI respondents gave the lowest safety ratings. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Sasanna Yee, granddaughter, the late Yik Oi Huang\"]‘… Two years to three years before she passed, she was doing qigong in the hospital bed and she was sharing with me, ‘These are the movements. This is what you do with your breath, how you’re supposed to move your chi.’’[/pullquote] In the last four decades, experts point to two events that led to a spike in anti-Asian hate crimes: the murder of Chinese-American Vincent Chin and the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June 1982, Chin, 27, was beaten to death in Detroit by two white auto workers. At the time, Japanese auto manufacturers were gaining market share as the automotive industry in the United States showed signs of decline. The country was also mired in an economic recession.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lok Siu, a professor of Asian American and Asian Diaspora Studies at UC Berkeley, said relations between the U.S. and Japan in the 1990s created a tense environment and a “sense of anxieties” in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To account for the fall of hate crimes — from 180 in 1996 to 19 in 2014 — Siu points to economic growth. From the 2000s to 2010s, China was seen as a marketplace for U.S. products and technologies. Stability and growth were abundant, an atmosphere that made racial targeting less likely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no one particular reason that they can draw to say, ‘You are an enemy. You are a danger to us,’” Siu said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added that when faced with the possibility of losing jobs or having a company move, “that’s when people start to point the fingers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Siu notices similarities between the 1990s and today. She sees similar accusations of unfair trade and economic competition, but the target now is China, not Japan. Another layer is the current political and technological threat from China and increased anti-Asian rhetoric during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11960634\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11960634 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230907-YikOiHuang-01-JY-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A play structure in a grassy park.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230907-YikOiHuang-01-JY-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230907-YikOiHuang-01-JY-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230907-YikOiHuang-01-JY-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230907-YikOiHuang-01-JY-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230907-YikOiHuang-01-JY-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230907-YikOiHuang-01-JY-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The playground at Yik Oi Huang Peace and Friendship Park is seen in San Francisco on Thursday, Sept. 7, 2023. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“You’re seeing this clustering of fears coming together, anxieties coming together,” she said. “They have an amplifying effect.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twenty to 30 years ago, China was seen as a marketplace of U.S. commerce, according to Siu. Since then, the perception of China has changed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“China has never really been seen as an ally to the U.S.,” Siu said. “In fact, they’ve always had a perception of their antagonism along ideological lines. It was a political threat. Now, it’s an economic threat. Now, it’s both. It is just growing.” [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Lok Siu, professor, Asian American and Asian Diaspora Studies at UC Berkeley\"]‘You’re seeing this clustering of fears coming together, anxieties coming together. They have an amplifying effect.’[/pullquote] Besides the anti-Asian rhetoric of the virus, Russell Jeung, the co-founder of Stop AAPI Hate, attributed the surge of hate crimes to the increased publicity of anti-Asian hate and the widespread entrance of Asians into different neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of sociological theories suppose that as there’s increased contact in new neighborhoods, like the Bayview-Hunters Point and like Excelsior,” Jeung, a San Francisco State Asian American Studies professor, said. “There’s higher levels of competition among racial groups and that leads to more racism.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jeung, a fourth-generation San Franciscan, said hate crime reporting data is inconclusive and can be unrepresentative of reality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It doesn’t necessarily measure the amount of racism or hate, but rather just reflects the capacity for police departments to collect data and the trust of the community to report data,” he said. “Hate crime reporting reflects more how much the community trusts the police as much as it does reflect the amount of hate crimes that were occurring.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the start of the pandemic, Jeung and his colleagues looked into secondary data but there was a lack of first-hand accounts. [aside label='More around San Francsisco' tag='san-francisco'] “[Starting Stop AAPI Hate] was mostly to collect data that by which we could show there was a crisis occurring and that it needed to be attended to by the government,” Jeung said. “We were astounded by the extent and depth of racism.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trauma of Huang’s attack remains for Yee. In 2019, after the assault, her main priority was taking care of her grandmother and family. She created \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/AsiansBelong/\">Asians Belong\u003c/a> to balance the dialogue about Asian hate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was very active in the beginning, fueled by a lot of adrenaline, channeling my anger and frustration and sadness and grief into activism work, and then burnt out after three years,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the cruel nature of her grandmother’s beating, Yee chooses to focus on commonality, not separation. She’s led by the fact that her Popo’s first name, Yik Oi, means “abundant love.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[You develop empathy by] being in the community, spending time in relationships, whether it’s with people who look like us or don’t look like us, and understanding stories, listening for those common points,” Yee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years after the attack, Yee hosted Move the Chi for Racial Solidarity at Yik Oi Huang Peace and Friendship Park. At the event, she did qigong just like her Popo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"Despite the drop in anti-Asian incidents, there’s concern that many aren’t reporting attacks, as nearly 3 decades of data reveal steep sequences of events.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1695224094,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":39,"wordCount":2061},"headData":{"title":"California's Anti-Asian Hate Crimes Decline but Long-Term Pattern Persists | KQED","description":"Despite the drop in anti-Asian incidents, there’s concern that many aren’t reporting attacks, as nearly 3 decades of data reveal steep sequences of events.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":""},"nprByline":"\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/naomivanderlip\">Naomi Vanderlip\u003c/a>","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","showOnAuthorArchivePages":"No","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11961693/californias-anti-asian-hate-crimes-decline-but-long-term-pattern-persists","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Yik Oi Huang lived across the street from the Visitacion Valley Playground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At sunrise every day, she’d take the one-minute walk past the early-to-mid-20th-century homes to the park where she practiced qigong, a traditional Chinese exercise of coordinated movement, breathing and meditation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hilltop playground, with views overlooking the San Francisco Bay, is a gathering place for AAPI older adults like Huang.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But sometime before 7 a.m. on Jan. 8, 2019, the park’s serenity was shattered. As Huang, 88, began her qigong movements, she was dragged by an assailant and beaten into a coma. She was found unconscious and lying in the sand underneath a play structure. According to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/crime/article/89-year-old-woman-dies-1-year-after-brutal-attack-14951348.php\">\u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, she suffered a broken neck, among other injuries. Her home was also burglarized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The targeted attack sent shock waves through the AAPI community a year before the pandemic and heightened media attention on anti-Asian crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I considered it isolated,” said Sasanna Yee, Huang’s granddaughter, who lives three blocks away and rushed to the scene to see Huang already on the gurney. “And then, going online when the pandemic started and [I] started seeing the videos. I started having nightmares after that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had my own incident replaying in my head. And then, the videos would replay in my head,” she continued. “That created a lot of difficulties sleeping and so that impact on the nervous system, it’s cumulative.” \u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"‘I considered it isolated. And then, going online when the pandemic started and [I] started seeing the videos. I started having nightmares after that.’","name":"pullquote","attributes":{"named":{"size":"medium","align":"right","citation":"Sasanna Yee, granddaughter, the late Yik Oi Huang","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> During the pandemic, anti-Asian hate crimes in the state soared from 89 in 2020 to 247 in 2021. But in 2022, according to \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/attachments/press-docs/Hate%20Crime%20In%20CA%202022f.pdf\">California’s Department of Justice data (PDF)\u003c/a>, the crimes decreased to 140. The numbers seem to show progress, however, looking back decades to the start of California’s hate crime tracking reveals a more nuanced story. There’s been progress before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California began tracking racial hate crimes in 1995. In the late 1990s, anti-Asian hate crimes hovered around 150 per year. Then the state experienced a sharp decline in the first two decades of the new century, dropping as low as 19 in 2014. In comparison, last year’s 140 hate crimes are about seven times more than a little less than a decade ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the data showed a decline, recent crimes have been almost as brutal as the one Huang suffered, including six assaults in San Francisco in July.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>On July 3, a 63-year-old woman was killed when she was pushed to the sidewalk in the Bayview as she walked home from work.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>On July 10, an 86-year-old woman was pushed to the ground in the Tenderloin.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>On July 21, a woman, 88, was kicked and thrown to the ground in the Union Square area.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>On July 24, a 68-year-old man was punched from behind in the Excelsior.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>On July 26, a woman, 40, was tackled to the ground in McLaren Park near the Excelsior.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>On July 27, an 81-year-old woman was shoved off the sidewalk and into a lane of traffic in the Fillmore.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Huang passed away a year after being attacked. Keonte Gathron, then 18, was arrested following a string of other crimes. He pleaded not guilty and still awaits trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a recent foggy day on Leland Avenue, locals could be seen sharing smiles and gossip while walking past the cash-only Asian restaurants. A Hispanic grocery store offered pan dulce and reggaeton, and a chic cafe boasted trendy lattes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11960636\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11960636 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230907-YikOiHuang-11-JY-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Five people congregate around park benches in front of a jungle gym in an outdoor park.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230907-YikOiHuang-11-JY-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230907-YikOiHuang-11-JY-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230907-YikOiHuang-11-JY-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230907-YikOiHuang-11-JY-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230907-YikOiHuang-11-JY-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230907-YikOiHuang-11-JY-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Seniors spend time together at Yik Oi Huang Peace and Friendship Park in San Francisco on Thursday, Sept. 7, 2023. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Of Visitacion Valley neighborhood’s 41,695 residents, 23,890 are Asian, 52% are immigrants and 51.6% speak AAPI languages at home, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://data.census.gov/profile/94134?g=860XX00US94134\">2021 American Community Survey\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Past the local library and a century-old church is Visitacion Valley Playground, which was renamed Yik Oi Huang Peace and Friendship Park in 2022. Older Asian residents enjoy daily strolls with their friends around the field. Children clamber over the multicolor playground under the shade of two unapologetic palm trees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The neighborhood was Huang’s home for 20 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She immigrated from \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/search?q=Toi+San%2C+China&sca_esv=566316574&rlz=1C1GCEA_enUS1048US1048&ei=J4AIZZ3KDubFkPIPjoeYmAU&ved=0ahUKEwjd-dqrz7SBAxXmIkQIHY4DBlMQ4dUDCBA&uact=5&oq=Toi+San%2C+China&gs_lp=Egxnd3Mtd2l6LXNlcnAiDlRvaSBTYW4sIENoaW5hMgUQLhiABDIIEAAYFhgeGAoyCBAAGIoFGIYDMhQQLhiABBiXBRjcBBjeBBjgBNgBAUjQAlAAWABwAHgAkAEAmAGDAaABgwGqAQMwLjG4AQPIAQD4AQL4AQHiAwQYACBBiAYBugYGCAEQARgU&sclient=gws-wiz-serp&safe=active&ssui=on\">Toisan\u003c/a>, China, in 1986 with her husband, moving to San Francisco’s Chinatown. The couple purchased a home in Visitacion Valley about a decade later. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11943615","hero":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS62784_011_KQED_CCSFCantoneseClass_02082023-qut-1020x680.jpg","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> Yee said her Popo — grandmother in Cantonese — used food as her love language, never hesitating to offer snacks and soup. Huang was health conscious. Because of her diabetes, she would make a magic juice of raw potatoes, celery, apples and carrots every morning. She had a rosy, pink complexion with skin that looked and felt like a baby’s bottom, according to Yee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huang, who had very little schooling, always had a notebook in hand to write down new words, Yee told KQED. She was an avid soap opera and news watcher. She loved sharing her wisdom with Yee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She had pneumonia, and she was hospitalized, and this was only two years to three years before she passed,” Yee said. “She was doing qigong in the hospital bed and she was sharing with me, ‘These are the movements. This is what you do with your breath, how you’re supposed to move your chi.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huang was unafraid of being out early, even in the dark. She was well-known in the area. For more than 17 years, Huang was an ambassador of the Visitacion Valley Friendship Club, serving the neighborhood’s Chinese immigrants by engaging in senior services, voting rights and more. She collected cans to pass on to her neighbors and friends, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.rememberyikoihuang.com/home\">website\u003c/a> made by her family in her honor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The violence put neighborhoods like Visitacion Valley with large Asian populations on alert. According to the \u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/data/city-survey-safety-and-policing\">2023 San Francisco City Survey\u003c/a>, Visitacion Valley is among the three San Francisco neighborhoods with the lowest safety rating. Visitacion Valley graded the police a C while the city’s AAPI demographic gave the police a B- overall. Visitacion Valley residents graded their safety a C+. Of all the demographics, AAPI respondents gave the lowest safety ratings. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"‘… Two years to three years before she passed, she was doing qigong in the hospital bed and she was sharing with me, ‘These are the movements. This is what you do with your breath, how you’re supposed to move your chi.’’","name":"pullquote","attributes":{"named":{"size":"medium","align":"right","citation":"Sasanna Yee, granddaughter, the late Yik Oi Huang","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> In the last four decades, experts point to two events that led to a spike in anti-Asian hate crimes: the murder of Chinese-American Vincent Chin and the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June 1982, Chin, 27, was beaten to death in Detroit by two white auto workers. At the time, Japanese auto manufacturers were gaining market share as the automotive industry in the United States showed signs of decline. The country was also mired in an economic recession.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lok Siu, a professor of Asian American and Asian Diaspora Studies at UC Berkeley, said relations between the U.S. and Japan in the 1990s created a tense environment and a “sense of anxieties” in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To account for the fall of hate crimes — from 180 in 1996 to 19 in 2014 — Siu points to economic growth. From the 2000s to 2010s, China was seen as a marketplace for U.S. products and technologies. Stability and growth were abundant, an atmosphere that made racial targeting less likely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no one particular reason that they can draw to say, ‘You are an enemy. You are a danger to us,’” Siu said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added that when faced with the possibility of losing jobs or having a company move, “that’s when people start to point the fingers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Siu notices similarities between the 1990s and today. She sees similar accusations of unfair trade and economic competition, but the target now is China, not Japan. Another layer is the current political and technological threat from China and increased anti-Asian rhetoric during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11960634\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11960634 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230907-YikOiHuang-01-JY-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A play structure in a grassy park.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230907-YikOiHuang-01-JY-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230907-YikOiHuang-01-JY-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230907-YikOiHuang-01-JY-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230907-YikOiHuang-01-JY-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230907-YikOiHuang-01-JY-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230907-YikOiHuang-01-JY-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The playground at Yik Oi Huang Peace and Friendship Park is seen in San Francisco on Thursday, Sept. 7, 2023. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“You’re seeing this clustering of fears coming together, anxieties coming together,” she said. “They have an amplifying effect.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twenty to 30 years ago, China was seen as a marketplace of U.S. commerce, according to Siu. Since then, the perception of China has changed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“China has never really been seen as an ally to the U.S.,” Siu said. “In fact, they’ve always had a perception of their antagonism along ideological lines. It was a political threat. Now, it’s an economic threat. Now, it’s both. It is just growing.” \u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"‘You’re seeing this clustering of fears coming together, anxieties coming together. They have an amplifying effect.’","name":"pullquote","attributes":{"named":{"size":"medium","align":"right","citation":"Lok Siu, professor, Asian American and Asian Diaspora Studies at UC Berkeley","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> Besides the anti-Asian rhetoric of the virus, Russell Jeung, the co-founder of Stop AAPI Hate, attributed the surge of hate crimes to the increased publicity of anti-Asian hate and the widespread entrance of Asians into different neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of sociological theories suppose that as there’s increased contact in new neighborhoods, like the Bayview-Hunters Point and like Excelsior,” Jeung, a San Francisco State Asian American Studies professor, said. “There’s higher levels of competition among racial groups and that leads to more racism.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jeung, a fourth-generation San Franciscan, said hate crime reporting data is inconclusive and can be unrepresentative of reality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It doesn’t necessarily measure the amount of racism or hate, but rather just reflects the capacity for police departments to collect data and the trust of the community to report data,” he said. “Hate crime reporting reflects more how much the community trusts the police as much as it does reflect the amount of hate crimes that were occurring.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the start of the pandemic, Jeung and his colleagues looked into secondary data but there was a lack of first-hand accounts. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"label":"More around San Francsisco ","tag":"san-francisco"},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> “[Starting Stop AAPI Hate] was mostly to collect data that by which we could show there was a crisis occurring and that it needed to be attended to by the government,” Jeung said. “We were astounded by the extent and depth of racism.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trauma of Huang’s attack remains for Yee. In 2019, after the assault, her main priority was taking care of her grandmother and family. She created \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/AsiansBelong/\">Asians Belong\u003c/a> to balance the dialogue about Asian hate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was very active in the beginning, fueled by a lot of adrenaline, channeling my anger and frustration and sadness and grief into activism work, and then burnt out after three years,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the cruel nature of her grandmother’s beating, Yee chooses to focus on commonality, not separation. She’s led by the fact that her Popo’s first name, Yik Oi, means “abundant love.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[You develop empathy by] being in the community, spending time in relationships, whether it’s with people who look like us or don’t look like us, and understanding stories, listening for those common points,” Yee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years after the attack, Yee hosted Move the Chi for Racial Solidarity at Yik Oi Huang Peace and Friendship Park. At the event, she did qigong just like her Popo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11961693/californias-anti-asian-hate-crimes-decline-but-long-term-pattern-persists","authors":["byline_news_11961693"],"categories":["news_6188","news_8"],"tags":["news_29182","news_31040","news_29173","news_29272","news_17653","news_29814","news_23152","news_27626","news_38","news_29159"],"featImg":"news_11960635","label":"news"},"news_11626850":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11626850","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11626850","score":null,"sort":[1509454811000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"for-chinas-gold-rush-prospectors-bone-scraping-was-the-last-way-home","title":"For China’s Gold Rush Prospectors, ‘Bone Scraping’ Was the Last Way Home","publishDate":1509454811,"format":"audio","headTitle":"The California Report | KQED News","labelTerm":{"term":72,"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>During the Gold Rush, thousands of Chinese prospectors came to California looking to \"hit pay dirt,\" and then head home rich. But like so many miners with the same ambition, most Chinese immigrants ended up in less shiny pursuits -- like railroads, restaurants and retail. They sent money back to the home country when they could, and planned to return eventually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what happened when they died in California?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richard Yue owns the Chinese cemetery in Auburn, where his great-grandfather’s bones still lie buried in a terra-cotta pot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Unfortunately, somebody popped open the lid of it and stole the skull out of it, but the bones are in there,\" Yue says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His ancestors didn’t expect their remains to stay in California. But given the long, expensive boat trip between San Francisco and China in the 19th century, it made more sense to bury the bodies in shallow graves for approximately seven years, and let the perishable flesh decompose first.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11626909\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11626909 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27806_IMG_9671-1-qut-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"You'd have to go looking for Auburn's Chinese cemetery, located as it far off the main drag. Many Chinese communities during the Gold Rush did not have their own cemeteries. Others had several, each dedication to different families coming from different regions of China.\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27806_IMG_9671-1-qut-800x450.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27806_IMG_9671-1-qut-160x90.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27806_IMG_9671-1-qut-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27806_IMG_9671-1-qut-1180x664.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27806_IMG_9671-1-qut-960x540.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27806_IMG_9671-1-qut-240x135.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27806_IMG_9671-1-qut-375x211.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27806_IMG_9671-1-qut-520x293.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27806_IMG_9671-1-qut.jpg 1280w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Many Chinese communities during the Gold Rush did not have their own cemeteries. Others had several, each dedication to different families coming from different regions of China. \u003ccite>(Photo: Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the case of those buried in Auburn, most of the bones were headed back to a particular region of southwestern Guangdong known as Toishan, or Taishan today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yue explains that when enough time had passed, the deceased's relatives would contact one of a handful of companies in San Francisco that did bone scraping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"[They] would come here and exhume the bones and clean them and arrange them very carefully into tin boxes or into crocks. Then they would take them to San Francisco and have them shipped back to their home village to be buried with their ancestors,\" Yue says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11626922\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11626922\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27808_IMG_9684-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"What remains of the remains of Richard Yue's great-grandfather, Chong You. Under this cap lies a terra cotta jar with Chong You's bones, minus the skull (stolen by vandals).\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27808_IMG_9684-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27808_IMG_9684-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27808_IMG_9684-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27808_IMG_9684-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27808_IMG_9684-qut-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27808_IMG_9684-qut-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27808_IMG_9684-qut-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27808_IMG_9684-qut-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27808_IMG_9684-qut-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">What remains of the remains of Richard Yue's great-grandfather, Chong You. Under this cap lies a terra cotta jar with Chong You's bones, minus the skull (stolen by vandals). \u003ccite>(Photo: Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"Funerary rites are a wonderful lens to understand and view a culture,\" says Linda Sun Crowder. A cultural anthropologist who teaches at Cal State Fullerton, she's also one of the state’s foremost experts on the practice of Chinese “bone scraping.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Crowder says the bones are believed to harness powerful energy. \"Every Chinese wants to be buried together with their ancestors, so that all the combined energy from these bones will help to fortify the family and bring good fortune.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even the lowliest laborer would contract -- or his family association would contract for him -- bone scraping in the event of his death. While it was common for many fortune hunters to presume their stay in California would be temporary, the Chinese had strong reasons to doubt they could set down roots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anti-Chinese sentiment was rife in 19th century America, peaking in 1882 with the federal establishment of the Chinese Exclusion Act, suspending all immigration of Chinese laborers. The Chinese Exclusion Act was the first law implemented to prevent a specific ethnic group from immigrating to the United States. It would not be repealed until 1943.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11626923\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11626923\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27804_Chong-You-1894-qut-800x727.jpg\" alt=\"Richard Yue's ancestors came to California seeking a better life. At first, they may have intended to make their fortune and return to China. But over time, they set down roots and helped establish a Chinese community in the foothills of the Sierra Nevada.\" width=\"800\" height=\"727\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27804_Chong-You-1894-qut-800x727.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27804_Chong-You-1894-qut-160x145.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27804_Chong-You-1894-qut-1020x926.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27804_Chong-You-1894-qut-1180x1072.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27804_Chong-You-1894-qut-960x872.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27804_Chong-You-1894-qut-240x218.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27804_Chong-You-1894-qut-375x341.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27804_Chong-You-1894-qut-520x472.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27804_Chong-You-1894-qut.jpg 1843w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Richard Yue's ancestors came to California seeking a better life. At first, they may have intended to make their fortune and return to China. But over time, they set down roots and helped establish a Chinese community in the foothills of the Sierra Nevada. \u003ccite>(Photo: Courtesy of Richard Yue)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Bone scraping in the U.S. lasted until the 1950s, in large part because Communist China then was closed off from the rest of the world.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nowadays, Crowder says, there’s a reverse trend in effect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Since many Chinese are now living overseas, they want to, again, keep their family together, and they are bringing remains out of China over to America ... wherever they are making their new home,\" Crowder says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Wherever\" means all over the world.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Terry Abraham of the University of Idaho has compiled an impressively long list of \u003ca href=\"http://webpages.uidaho.edu/special-collections/papers/ch_cem.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Chinese cemeteries outside China\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, you can still find Gold Rush-era Chinese cemeteries, or Chinese sections of cemeteries, all over California. Among the altars and stone grave markers you’ll find a number of shallow depressions in the grass-covered earth: the last evidence here of the Chinese whose bones made it back to China.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11626927\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11626927\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27807_IMG_9675-1-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Many of California's historic Chinese cemeteries are in need of restoration. History buff groups like E Clampus Vitus are working to support that effort, providing clean up crews and plaques explaining the importance of these sites for all. \" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27807_IMG_9675-1-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27807_IMG_9675-1-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27807_IMG_9675-1-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27807_IMG_9675-1-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27807_IMG_9675-1-qut-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27807_IMG_9675-1-qut-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27807_IMG_9675-1-qut-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27807_IMG_9675-1-qut-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27807_IMG_9675-1-qut-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Many of California's historic Chinese cemeteries are in need of restoration. History buff groups like E Clampus Vitus are working to support that effort, providing cleanup crews and plaques explaining the importance of these sites for all. \u003ccite>(Photo: Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"For many in 1800s California, the long passage back home was prohibitively expensive -- and this all-but-forgotten practice was the only way to be buried with their ancestors.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1525207091,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":20,"wordCount":771},"headData":{"title":"For China’s Gold Rush Prospectors, ‘Bone Scraping’ Was the Last Way Home | KQED","description":"For many in 1800s California, the long passage back home was prohibitively expensive -- and this all-but-forgotten practice was the only way to be buried with their ancestors.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":""},"disqusIdentifier":"11626850 https://ww2.kqed.org/news/?p=11626850","disqusUrl":"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/10/31/for-chinas-gold-rush-prospectors-bone-scraping-was-the-last-way-home/","disqusTitle":"For China’s Gold Rush Prospectors, ‘Bone Scraping’ Was the Last Way Home","audioUrl":"https://www.kqed.org/.stream/anon/radio/tcr/2017/10/ChineseGraveyardAuburnMyrow.mp3","path":"/news/11626850/for-chinas-gold-rush-prospectors-bone-scraping-was-the-last-way-home","audioDuration":175000,"audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>During the Gold Rush, thousands of Chinese prospectors came to California looking to \"hit pay dirt,\" and then head home rich. But like so many miners with the same ambition, most Chinese immigrants ended up in less shiny pursuits -- like railroads, restaurants and retail. They sent money back to the home country when they could, and planned to return eventually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what happened when they died in California?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richard Yue owns the Chinese cemetery in Auburn, where his great-grandfather’s bones still lie buried in a terra-cotta pot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Unfortunately, somebody popped open the lid of it and stole the skull out of it, but the bones are in there,\" Yue says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His ancestors didn’t expect their remains to stay in California. But given the long, expensive boat trip between San Francisco and China in the 19th century, it made more sense to bury the bodies in shallow graves for approximately seven years, and let the perishable flesh decompose first.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11626909\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11626909 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27806_IMG_9671-1-qut-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"You'd have to go looking for Auburn's Chinese cemetery, located as it far off the main drag. Many Chinese communities during the Gold Rush did not have their own cemeteries. Others had several, each dedication to different families coming from different regions of China.\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27806_IMG_9671-1-qut-800x450.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27806_IMG_9671-1-qut-160x90.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27806_IMG_9671-1-qut-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27806_IMG_9671-1-qut-1180x664.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27806_IMG_9671-1-qut-960x540.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27806_IMG_9671-1-qut-240x135.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27806_IMG_9671-1-qut-375x211.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27806_IMG_9671-1-qut-520x293.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27806_IMG_9671-1-qut.jpg 1280w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Many Chinese communities during the Gold Rush did not have their own cemeteries. Others had several, each dedication to different families coming from different regions of China. \u003ccite>(Photo: Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the case of those buried in Auburn, most of the bones were headed back to a particular region of southwestern Guangdong known as Toishan, or Taishan today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yue explains that when enough time had passed, the deceased's relatives would contact one of a handful of companies in San Francisco that did bone scraping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"[They] would come here and exhume the bones and clean them and arrange them very carefully into tin boxes or into crocks. Then they would take them to San Francisco and have them shipped back to their home village to be buried with their ancestors,\" Yue says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11626922\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11626922\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27808_IMG_9684-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"What remains of the remains of Richard Yue's great-grandfather, Chong You. Under this cap lies a terra cotta jar with Chong You's bones, minus the skull (stolen by vandals).\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27808_IMG_9684-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27808_IMG_9684-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27808_IMG_9684-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27808_IMG_9684-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27808_IMG_9684-qut-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27808_IMG_9684-qut-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27808_IMG_9684-qut-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27808_IMG_9684-qut-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27808_IMG_9684-qut-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">What remains of the remains of Richard Yue's great-grandfather, Chong You. Under this cap lies a terra cotta jar with Chong You's bones, minus the skull (stolen by vandals). \u003ccite>(Photo: Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"Funerary rites are a wonderful lens to understand and view a culture,\" says Linda Sun Crowder. A cultural anthropologist who teaches at Cal State Fullerton, she's also one of the state’s foremost experts on the practice of Chinese “bone scraping.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Crowder says the bones are believed to harness powerful energy. \"Every Chinese wants to be buried together with their ancestors, so that all the combined energy from these bones will help to fortify the family and bring good fortune.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even the lowliest laborer would contract -- or his family association would contract for him -- bone scraping in the event of his death. While it was common for many fortune hunters to presume their stay in California would be temporary, the Chinese had strong reasons to doubt they could set down roots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anti-Chinese sentiment was rife in 19th century America, peaking in 1882 with the federal establishment of the Chinese Exclusion Act, suspending all immigration of Chinese laborers. The Chinese Exclusion Act was the first law implemented to prevent a specific ethnic group from immigrating to the United States. It would not be repealed until 1943.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11626923\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11626923\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27804_Chong-You-1894-qut-800x727.jpg\" alt=\"Richard Yue's ancestors came to California seeking a better life. At first, they may have intended to make their fortune and return to China. But over time, they set down roots and helped establish a Chinese community in the foothills of the Sierra Nevada.\" width=\"800\" height=\"727\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27804_Chong-You-1894-qut-800x727.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27804_Chong-You-1894-qut-160x145.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27804_Chong-You-1894-qut-1020x926.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27804_Chong-You-1894-qut-1180x1072.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27804_Chong-You-1894-qut-960x872.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27804_Chong-You-1894-qut-240x218.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27804_Chong-You-1894-qut-375x341.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27804_Chong-You-1894-qut-520x472.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27804_Chong-You-1894-qut.jpg 1843w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Richard Yue's ancestors came to California seeking a better life. At first, they may have intended to make their fortune and return to China. But over time, they set down roots and helped establish a Chinese community in the foothills of the Sierra Nevada. \u003ccite>(Photo: Courtesy of Richard Yue)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Bone scraping in the U.S. lasted until the 1950s, in large part because Communist China then was closed off from the rest of the world.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nowadays, Crowder says, there’s a reverse trend in effect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Since many Chinese are now living overseas, they want to, again, keep their family together, and they are bringing remains out of China over to America ... wherever they are making their new home,\" Crowder says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Wherever\" means all over the world.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Terry Abraham of the University of Idaho has compiled an impressively long list of \u003ca href=\"http://webpages.uidaho.edu/special-collections/papers/ch_cem.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Chinese cemeteries outside China\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, you can still find Gold Rush-era Chinese cemeteries, or Chinese sections of cemeteries, all over California. Among the altars and stone grave markers you’ll find a number of shallow depressions in the grass-covered earth: the last evidence here of the Chinese whose bones made it back to China.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11626927\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11626927\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27807_IMG_9675-1-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Many of California's historic Chinese cemeteries are in need of restoration. History buff groups like E Clampus Vitus are working to support that effort, providing clean up crews and plaques explaining the importance of these sites for all. \" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27807_IMG_9675-1-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27807_IMG_9675-1-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27807_IMG_9675-1-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27807_IMG_9675-1-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27807_IMG_9675-1-qut-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27807_IMG_9675-1-qut-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27807_IMG_9675-1-qut-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27807_IMG_9675-1-qut-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27807_IMG_9675-1-qut-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Many of California's historic Chinese cemeteries are in need of restoration. History buff groups like E Clampus Vitus are working to support that effort, providing cleanup crews and plaques explaining the importance of these sites for all. \u003ccite>(Photo: Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11626850/for-chinas-gold-rush-prospectors-bone-scraping-was-the-last-way-home","authors":["251"],"programs":["news_6944","news_72"],"categories":["news_223","news_1169","news_8"],"tags":["news_1434","news_20397","news_21880","news_17653","news_23078","news_18607","news_2011","news_17286","news_17041"],"featImg":"news_11626907","label":"news_72"},"news_11443320":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11443320","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11443320","score":null,"sort":[1494085983000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"as-chinese-exclusion-act-turns-135-experts-point-to-parallels-today","title":"As Chinese Exclusion Act Turns 135, Experts Point to Parallels Today","publishDate":1494085983,"format":"standard","headTitle":"The California Report | KQED News","labelTerm":{},"content":"\u003cp>A Chinese man \u003ca href=\"http://digitallibrary.hsp.org/admin/media/hsp_dams/images/8/9/7/62338_ca_object_representations_media_89725_full_jpeg.jpg\">stands on a pedestal\u003c/a> surrounded by a harbor as a cartoon imitation of the Statue of Liberty. His clothes are tattered, his hair is in a long, thin tail, his eyes squint. The words \"diseases,\" \"filth,\" \"immorality\" and \"ruin to white labor\" float around his head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This man is the center of an iconic image from 1881 called \"\u003ca href=\"http://digitallibrary.hsp.org/admin/media/hsp_dams/images/8/9/7/62338_ca_object_representations_media_89725_full_jpeg.jpg\">A Statue for Our Harbor\u003c/a>,\" made by the cartoonist George Frederick Keller. The image reflects the widespread anti-Chinese and anti-immigrant sentiment of the time, and was used to drum up support for the passage of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.ourdocuments.gov/doc.php?flash=true&doc=47\">Chinese Exclusion Act\u003c/a>, which turns 135 on Saturday. The law limited Chinese immigration and barred them from becoming naturalized U.S. citizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts point to the parallels between the political climate of the exclusion era and today: a close and contentious presidential election that stirred anti-immigrant sentiment; the growing economic anxiety of white Americans; and policies that would drastically shape the country's immigration laws.[contextly_sidebar id=\"OQUWLBNfz2Ep1Tb8RCOvCjs7om10ta5P\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Saturday, a group of Asian-American activists are organizing a rally in San Francisco to acknowledge the anniversary of the Chinese Exclusion Act and to \"learn from our past and prevent it from repeating,\" according to Cynthia Choi, who works with Chinese For Affirmative Action, one of the groups organizing the event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is important for the Chinese-American and broader Asian-American community, to stand up against the new targets to this new form of exclusion, for us to say it was wrong 135 years ago and it's wrong today,\" Choi said. \"We're in a unique period where ... accurate information is not as easily attained, so there are a number of people who are on the fence, who are confused about the policies, who — more dangerously — feel as though this doesn't affect them.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Then And Now: Race And Class\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Beginning in 1882, the United States stopped being a nation of immigrants that welcomed foreigners without restrictions, borders or gates. Instead, it became a ... gatekeeping nation,\" Erika Lee, a professor at the University of Minnesota, wrote in her book \u003ca href=\"https://muse.jhu.edu/article/180457\">\u003cem>At America's Gates: Chinese Immigration During The Exclusion Era, 1882-1943\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. \"In the process, the very definition of what it meant to be an 'American' became even more exclusionary.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Chinese exclusion law was the very first time in American history that immigrants were barred because of their race and class. In 1882, when Congress passed the law, there were 39,600 men and women from China who arrived in the U.S. Just three years later, there were only 22, according to early records that Lee came across in her research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 1876 presidential race between Rutherford Hayes and Samuel Tilden was a major turning point in the country's stance on immigration. Leading up to the election, the race was so close and electoral votes were so coveted, it brought California's ongoing fight to push out Chinese immigrants to the national stage, Lee said. Many Californians worried that Chinese laborers would take their jobs, and that they were sexually lecherous threats to society.[contextly_sidebar id=\"hyKCyWOTBmuma3vComRqYDKa03FprCZc\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lee said that anti-immigrant measures in the 1880s — and today — were driven by both working-class people and elites, as well as those who had a \"vested economic interest in border walls and detention centers.\" The Chinese Exclusion Act set the groundwork for immigrant detention centers and the country's first large-scale deportation of a single immigrant group. Specifically, the exclusion era brought an expansion of the federal government in terms of hiring more immigrant inspectors, whose responsibilities included working as interpreters and at the detention facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for today's parallel? Lee points to \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/business/la-fi-border-wall-20170323-story.html\">companies that are vying to build a U.S.-Mexico border wall\u003c/a>, and the question of whether there will be \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/2017/01/04/508048666/will-the-private-prison-business-see-a-trump-bump\">more privately owned immigrant detention centers\u003c/a> under President Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lee says that today's equivalent is the proposed \"Muslim ban,\" because it singles out specific groups of people for discrimination. \"The fact that we don't explicitly name Muslims [in the executive order] is more of a reflection of how our racial sensibilities have changed over the past 135 years, in terms of being more polite in our racism.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, Lee says, like the proposed ban — which Trump says will be in place until vetting procedures are strengthened — the Chinese Exclusion Act was also originally proposed as a temporary law. The exclusion act was meant to be law for a decade but lasted 61 years. It was repealed in 1943 with the Magnuson Act, when the U.S. wanted to foster an alliance with China in the war against Japan. In 2012, Congress \u003ca href=\"https://www.c-span.org/video/?c3342595/apologizing-chinese-exclusion-act-1882\">passed a resolution formally expressing regret\u003c/a> to Chinese-Americans for the exclusion law and other discriminatory measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while there are many links between the exclusion era and today, there are also important differences. Trump's immigration orders have created \"one of the most divisive eras around immigration\" in history, Lee told NPR. And his policies have had wide-reaching consequences for immigrants that have been met with protests across the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I cannot think of another time or a set of laws that has the promise to transform immigration so dramatically at every level,\" Lee said. Trump's policies have included banning refugees, increasing border security and interior enforcement, expanding deportation and expedited removal, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2017/04/18/us/politics/executive-order-hire-buy-american-h1b-visa-trump.html\">reforming the H1-B visa program\u003c/a> and attempting to enact a travel ban. Still, Lee said, what's different is the nationwide grass-roots efforts and legal challenges that have sprung up against Trump's immigration policies. \"There were no protests in support of Chinese immigrants [during the exclusion era in the U.S.],\" Lee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it's unclear if some immigrants today draw a link between the historical exclusions and Trump's various immigration restrictions, according to Janelle Wong, the director of the Asian-American studies program at the University of Maryland, College Park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"On the one hand, more than 60 percent of Asian-American registered voters oppose a 'Muslim Ban.' This is pretty consistent across groups,\" Wong wrote in an email, citing her work on the \u003ca href=\"http://naasurvey.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/10/NAAS16-Fall-Oct5-slides.pdf\">National Asian American Survey\u003c/a>. \"On the other hand, the survey also shows that about 20 percent of Chinese Americans, and Asian-American registered voters as a whole, support such a ban. This, despite the fact that Chinese were the first in U.S. history to be excluded according to these kinds of ascriptive characteristics.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Choi, the rally organizer, said she feels that while the Chinese-Americans who support the ban are a minority, \"they're a vocal one.\" Choi said that many of the rally's speeches will be translated into Cantonese and Mandarin, which she hopes will draw in people who might speak only Chinese.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1885, a student named Saum Song Bo wrote a scathing open letter in a New York newspaper. He was struck by the irony that the U.S. was erecting the Statue Of Liberty three years after passing the Chinese Exclusion Act:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\"That statue represents Liberty holding a torch which lights the passage of those of all nations who come into this country. But are the Chinese allowed to come? As for the Chinese who are here, are they allowed to enjoy liberty as men of all other nationalities enjoy it? Are they allowed to go about everywhere free from the insults, abuse, assaults, wrongs and injuries from which men of other nationalities are free?\"\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liberty, for Bo and many other immigrants in that era, felt out of reach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2017 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=As+Chinese+Exclusion+Act+Turns+135%2C+Experts+Point+To+Parallels+Today&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"The law limited Chinese immigration and barred them from becoming naturalized U.S. citizens.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1494289400,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":23,"wordCount":1281},"headData":{"title":"As Chinese Exclusion Act Turns 135, Experts Point to Parallels Today | KQED","description":"The law limited Chinese immigration and barred them from becoming naturalized U.S. citizens.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":""},"disqusIdentifier":"11443320 https://ww2.kqed.org/news/?p=11443320","disqusUrl":"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/05/06/as-chinese-exclusion-act-turns-135-experts-point-to-parallels-today/","disqusTitle":"As Chinese Exclusion Act Turns 135, Experts Point to Parallels Today","source":"NPR","nprImageCredit":"George Frederick Keller","nprByline":"Kat Chow","nprImageAgency":"Historical Society of Pennsylvania","nprStoryId":"527091890","nprApiLink":"http://api.npr.org/query?id=527091890&apiKey=MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004","nprHtmlLink":"http://www.npr.org/sections/codeswitch/2017/05/05/527091890/the-135-year-bridge-between-the-chinese-exclusion-act-and-a-proposed-travel-ban?ft=nprml&f=527091890","nprRetrievedStory":"1","nprPubDate":"Fri, 05 May 2017 19:28:00 -0400","nprStoryDate":"Fri, 05 May 2017 18:06:00 -0400","nprLastModifiedDate":"Fri, 05 May 2017 19:28:42 -0400","path":"/news/11443320/as-chinese-exclusion-act-turns-135-experts-point-to-parallels-today","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A Chinese man \u003ca href=\"http://digitallibrary.hsp.org/admin/media/hsp_dams/images/8/9/7/62338_ca_object_representations_media_89725_full_jpeg.jpg\">stands on a pedestal\u003c/a> surrounded by a harbor as a cartoon imitation of the Statue of Liberty. His clothes are tattered, his hair is in a long, thin tail, his eyes squint. The words \"diseases,\" \"filth,\" \"immorality\" and \"ruin to white labor\" float around his head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This man is the center of an iconic image from 1881 called \"\u003ca href=\"http://digitallibrary.hsp.org/admin/media/hsp_dams/images/8/9/7/62338_ca_object_representations_media_89725_full_jpeg.jpg\">A Statue for Our Harbor\u003c/a>,\" made by the cartoonist George Frederick Keller. The image reflects the widespread anti-Chinese and anti-immigrant sentiment of the time, and was used to drum up support for the passage of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.ourdocuments.gov/doc.php?flash=true&doc=47\">Chinese Exclusion Act\u003c/a>, which turns 135 on Saturday. The law limited Chinese immigration and barred them from becoming naturalized U.S. citizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts point to the parallels between the political climate of the exclusion era and today: a close and contentious presidential election that stirred anti-immigrant sentiment; the growing economic anxiety of white Americans; and policies that would drastically shape the country's immigration laws.\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Saturday, a group of Asian-American activists are organizing a rally in San Francisco to acknowledge the anniversary of the Chinese Exclusion Act and to \"learn from our past and prevent it from repeating,\" according to Cynthia Choi, who works with Chinese For Affirmative Action, one of the groups organizing the event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is important for the Chinese-American and broader Asian-American community, to stand up against the new targets to this new form of exclusion, for us to say it was wrong 135 years ago and it's wrong today,\" Choi said. \"We're in a unique period where ... accurate information is not as easily attained, so there are a number of people who are on the fence, who are confused about the policies, who — more dangerously — feel as though this doesn't affect them.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Then And Now: Race And Class\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Beginning in 1882, the United States stopped being a nation of immigrants that welcomed foreigners without restrictions, borders or gates. Instead, it became a ... gatekeeping nation,\" Erika Lee, a professor at the University of Minnesota, wrote in her book \u003ca href=\"https://muse.jhu.edu/article/180457\">\u003cem>At America's Gates: Chinese Immigration During The Exclusion Era, 1882-1943\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. \"In the process, the very definition of what it meant to be an 'American' became even more exclusionary.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Chinese exclusion law was the very first time in American history that immigrants were barred because of their race and class. In 1882, when Congress passed the law, there were 39,600 men and women from China who arrived in the U.S. Just three years later, there were only 22, according to early records that Lee came across in her research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 1876 presidential race between Rutherford Hayes and Samuel Tilden was a major turning point in the country's stance on immigration. Leading up to the election, the race was so close and electoral votes were so coveted, it brought California's ongoing fight to push out Chinese immigrants to the national stage, Lee said. Many Californians worried that Chinese laborers would take their jobs, and that they were sexually lecherous threats to society.\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lee said that anti-immigrant measures in the 1880s — and today — were driven by both working-class people and elites, as well as those who had a \"vested economic interest in border walls and detention centers.\" The Chinese Exclusion Act set the groundwork for immigrant detention centers and the country's first large-scale deportation of a single immigrant group. Specifically, the exclusion era brought an expansion of the federal government in terms of hiring more immigrant inspectors, whose responsibilities included working as interpreters and at the detention facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for today's parallel? Lee points to \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/business/la-fi-border-wall-20170323-story.html\">companies that are vying to build a U.S.-Mexico border wall\u003c/a>, and the question of whether there will be \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/2017/01/04/508048666/will-the-private-prison-business-see-a-trump-bump\">more privately owned immigrant detention centers\u003c/a> under President Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lee says that today's equivalent is the proposed \"Muslim ban,\" because it singles out specific groups of people for discrimination. \"The fact that we don't explicitly name Muslims [in the executive order] is more of a reflection of how our racial sensibilities have changed over the past 135 years, in terms of being more polite in our racism.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, Lee says, like the proposed ban — which Trump says will be in place until vetting procedures are strengthened — the Chinese Exclusion Act was also originally proposed as a temporary law. The exclusion act was meant to be law for a decade but lasted 61 years. It was repealed in 1943 with the Magnuson Act, when the U.S. wanted to foster an alliance with China in the war against Japan. In 2012, Congress \u003ca href=\"https://www.c-span.org/video/?c3342595/apologizing-chinese-exclusion-act-1882\">passed a resolution formally expressing regret\u003c/a> to Chinese-Americans for the exclusion law and other discriminatory measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while there are many links between the exclusion era and today, there are also important differences. Trump's immigration orders have created \"one of the most divisive eras around immigration\" in history, Lee told NPR. And his policies have had wide-reaching consequences for immigrants that have been met with protests across the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I cannot think of another time or a set of laws that has the promise to transform immigration so dramatically at every level,\" Lee said. Trump's policies have included banning refugees, increasing border security and interior enforcement, expanding deportation and expedited removal, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2017/04/18/us/politics/executive-order-hire-buy-american-h1b-visa-trump.html\">reforming the H1-B visa program\u003c/a> and attempting to enact a travel ban. Still, Lee said, what's different is the nationwide grass-roots efforts and legal challenges that have sprung up against Trump's immigration policies. \"There were no protests in support of Chinese immigrants [during the exclusion era in the U.S.],\" Lee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it's unclear if some immigrants today draw a link between the historical exclusions and Trump's various immigration restrictions, according to Janelle Wong, the director of the Asian-American studies program at the University of Maryland, College Park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"On the one hand, more than 60 percent of Asian-American registered voters oppose a 'Muslim Ban.' This is pretty consistent across groups,\" Wong wrote in an email, citing her work on the \u003ca href=\"http://naasurvey.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/10/NAAS16-Fall-Oct5-slides.pdf\">National Asian American Survey\u003c/a>. \"On the other hand, the survey also shows that about 20 percent of Chinese Americans, and Asian-American registered voters as a whole, support such a ban. This, despite the fact that Chinese were the first in U.S. history to be excluded according to these kinds of ascriptive characteristics.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Choi, the rally organizer, said she feels that while the Chinese-Americans who support the ban are a minority, \"they're a vocal one.\" Choi said that many of the rally's speeches will be translated into Cantonese and Mandarin, which she hopes will draw in people who might speak only Chinese.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1885, a student named Saum Song Bo wrote a scathing open letter in a New York newspaper. He was struck by the irony that the U.S. was erecting the Statue Of Liberty three years after passing the Chinese Exclusion Act:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\"That statue represents Liberty holding a torch which lights the passage of those of all nations who come into this country. But are the Chinese allowed to come? As for the Chinese who are here, are they allowed to enjoy liberty as men of all other nationalities enjoy it? Are they allowed to go about everywhere free from the insults, abuse, assaults, wrongs and injuries from which men of other nationalities are free?\"\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liberty, for Bo and many other immigrants in that era, felt out of reach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2017 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=As+Chinese+Exclusion+Act+Turns+135%2C+Experts+Point+To+Parallels+Today&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11443320/as-chinese-exclusion-act-turns-135-experts-point-to-parallels-today","authors":["byline_news_11443320"],"programs":["news_6944","news_72"],"categories":["news_1169","news_6188","news_8"],"tags":["news_1006","news_17653","news_1323","news_6627"],"featImg":"news_11443321","label":"source_news_11443320"},"news_11129573":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11129573","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11129573","score":null,"sort":[1476465484000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"last-surviving-resident-of-historic-chinese-safe-haven-dies","title":"At Marin Shrimping Village, a Fading History of Chinese Immigrants","publishDate":1476465484,"format":"standard","headTitle":"The California Report | KQED News","labelTerm":{"term":72,"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>When the last resident of a ramshackle Chinese shrimping village died, so did a link to a history little known to the hikers and bikers who visit this shoreline park in Northern California's Marin County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frank Quan was days from his 91st birthday when he died of natural causes in August at \u003ca href=\"http://www.parks.ca.gov/?page_id=466\">China Camp State Park\u003c/a>. His fishing village was among more than two dozen around the San Francisco Bay Area that provided sanctuary for immigrants fleeing growing\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/02/12/boomtown-history-2b/\"> anti-Chinese sentiment in the 19th century.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his long life, Quan watched as the village that once housed hundreds dwindled in size, eventually becoming a state park that had to fight off closure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The World War II veteran is scheduled to be honored Saturday at a public memorial featuring Chinese lion dancers, a U.S. Navy flag ceremony and music from the 1940s, his favorite.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Friends and family described Quan as the embodiment of the historic village, a reticent man who became the face of a place nurtured and destroyed by prejudice. In doing so, he helped preserve its legacy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11129577\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11129577 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS1670_ChinaCampFrank-dock-800x450.png\" alt=\"Frank Quan \" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS1670_ChinaCampFrank-dock-800x450.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS1670_ChinaCampFrank-dock-400x225.png 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS1670_ChinaCampFrank-dock-960x540.png 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS1670_ChinaCampFrank-dock.png 1000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Frank Quan. \u003ccite>(Carrie Ching/California Watch)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"He had to fight his shyness. But he tried because he was in the public eye, and he served the public and the park, and he had to be outgoing,\" says Georgette Quan Dahlka, a cousin who also grew up in China Camp and later ran a small snack shack with Quan at the park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At its peak in the 1880s the camp north of San Francisco housed about 500 people and had general stores, a marine supply store and barber shop. Residents caught and shipped shrimp back to China.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the time Quan was born, however, the village was declining. The 1882 Chinese Exclusion Act shut out new immigrants. Later, lawmakers banned shrimp exports as well as the net bags used by Chinese.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We used to pull out 3 million pounds of shrimp a year around here. One boat could bring in two tons a day,\" Quan told The Associated Press in 2011. \"It's hard to see this all go to hell in a lifetime.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Quan was the oldest of four children born to Henry and Grace Quan, a white woman who had to marry her husband in Nevada because California prohibited mixed-race marriages at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Quan's grandfather had come from China and opened a general store at the camp. Henry and his brother George grew up to operate the family's shrimping business, boat rentals and cafe. Their six children helped out after school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frank wanted to be an architect, says sister Bertha Quan Chew, but he returned to the village after their father died in 1950. He became the shrimper, helping support their mother and aunt, also widowed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"He knew he couldn't do what he wanted to do. He had to take care of the family,\" she said on a recent Saturday, the park crowded with picnickers and sunbathers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11129575\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11129575 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/14204489287_30afe459d9_k-800x600.jpg\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">At its peak in the 1880s the camp north of San Francisco housed about 500 people. \u003ccite>(Roger Hsu/\u003ca href=\"https://www.flickr.com/photos/125382597@N08/14204489287/\">Flickr\u003c/a>)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Quan was generous and kind, his friends say, a doting older brother and fabulous cook who presided over holiday meals with gourmet lamb roasts and dressing. Except for his time as a Navy signalman in World War II, he lived his life at China Camp. He never married.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Quan played a key role in turning China Camp into a state park in the 1970s after a developer donated the land as a memorial to the Bay Area's Chinese-American history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Statewide budget cuts in 2011 almost closed the park, but a group called Friends of China Camp mounted a grassroots campaign to keep it open. Operating China Camp costs about $600,000 a year ate, said the nonprofit's executive director, Martin Lowenstein. The money comes from user fees and donations, not the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's unclear what will happen to the snack shop or to Quan's house.\u003cbr>\nOutside the snack shop is a small memorial. Flowers surround a framed photo of Quan on a lace-topped table. Taped to the window above are sheets of white paper filled with handwritten goodbye notes. They thank Quan for his clam chowder, for the memories, for protecting a special part of history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I thought I just saw you in the sparkle on the water,\" reads one note.\u003cbr>\nCyclists buy drinks from the shop before going out on the pier. Marin native Lilli Ferguson and other visitors wander through a small museum, marveling at what used to be there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If you didn't have all this interpretation, you would never have known about this community being here way back when,\" she says.\u003c/p>\n\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"At its peak in the 1880s, the camp north of San Francisco housed about 500 people fleeing anti-Chinese sentiment in the Bay Area.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1476472942,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":21,"wordCount":785},"headData":{"title":"At Marin Shrimping Village, a Fading History of Chinese Immigrants | KQED","description":"At its peak in the 1880s, the camp north of San Francisco housed about 500 people fleeing anti-Chinese sentiment in the Bay Area.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":""},"disqusIdentifier":"11129573 http://ww2.kqed.org/news/?p=11129573","disqusUrl":"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2016/10/14/last-surviving-resident-of-historic-chinese-safe-haven-dies/","disqusTitle":"At Marin Shrimping Village, a Fading History of Chinese Immigrants","nprByline":"\u003cstrong>Janie Har \u003cbr> Associated Press\u003c/strong>","path":"/news/11129573/last-surviving-resident-of-historic-chinese-safe-haven-dies","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When the last resident of a ramshackle Chinese shrimping village died, so did a link to a history little known to the hikers and bikers who visit this shoreline park in Northern California's Marin County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frank Quan was days from his 91st birthday when he died of natural causes in August at \u003ca href=\"http://www.parks.ca.gov/?page_id=466\">China Camp State Park\u003c/a>. His fishing village was among more than two dozen around the San Francisco Bay Area that provided sanctuary for immigrants fleeing growing\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/02/12/boomtown-history-2b/\"> anti-Chinese sentiment in the 19th century.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his long life, Quan watched as the village that once housed hundreds dwindled in size, eventually becoming a state park that had to fight off closure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The World War II veteran is scheduled to be honored Saturday at a public memorial featuring Chinese lion dancers, a U.S. Navy flag ceremony and music from the 1940s, his favorite.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Friends and family described Quan as the embodiment of the historic village, a reticent man who became the face of a place nurtured and destroyed by prejudice. In doing so, he helped preserve its legacy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11129577\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11129577 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS1670_ChinaCampFrank-dock-800x450.png\" alt=\"Frank Quan \" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS1670_ChinaCampFrank-dock-800x450.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS1670_ChinaCampFrank-dock-400x225.png 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS1670_ChinaCampFrank-dock-960x540.png 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS1670_ChinaCampFrank-dock.png 1000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Frank Quan. \u003ccite>(Carrie Ching/California Watch)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"He had to fight his shyness. But he tried because he was in the public eye, and he served the public and the park, and he had to be outgoing,\" says Georgette Quan Dahlka, a cousin who also grew up in China Camp and later ran a small snack shack with Quan at the park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At its peak in the 1880s the camp north of San Francisco housed about 500 people and had general stores, a marine supply store and barber shop. Residents caught and shipped shrimp back to China.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the time Quan was born, however, the village was declining. The 1882 Chinese Exclusion Act shut out new immigrants. Later, lawmakers banned shrimp exports as well as the net bags used by Chinese.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We used to pull out 3 million pounds of shrimp a year around here. One boat could bring in two tons a day,\" Quan told The Associated Press in 2011. \"It's hard to see this all go to hell in a lifetime.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Quan was the oldest of four children born to Henry and Grace Quan, a white woman who had to marry her husband in Nevada because California prohibited mixed-race marriages at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Quan's grandfather had come from China and opened a general store at the camp. Henry and his brother George grew up to operate the family's shrimping business, boat rentals and cafe. Their six children helped out after school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frank wanted to be an architect, says sister Bertha Quan Chew, but he returned to the village after their father died in 1950. He became the shrimper, helping support their mother and aunt, also widowed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"He knew he couldn't do what he wanted to do. He had to take care of the family,\" she said on a recent Saturday, the park crowded with picnickers and sunbathers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11129575\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11129575 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/14204489287_30afe459d9_k-800x600.jpg\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">At its peak in the 1880s the camp north of San Francisco housed about 500 people. \u003ccite>(Roger Hsu/\u003ca href=\"https://www.flickr.com/photos/125382597@N08/14204489287/\">Flickr\u003c/a>)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Quan was generous and kind, his friends say, a doting older brother and fabulous cook who presided over holiday meals with gourmet lamb roasts and dressing. Except for his time as a Navy signalman in World War II, he lived his life at China Camp. He never married.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Quan played a key role in turning China Camp into a state park in the 1970s after a developer donated the land as a memorial to the Bay Area's Chinese-American history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Statewide budget cuts in 2011 almost closed the park, but a group called Friends of China Camp mounted a grassroots campaign to keep it open. Operating China Camp costs about $600,000 a year ate, said the nonprofit's executive director, Martin Lowenstein. The money comes from user fees and donations, not the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's unclear what will happen to the snack shop or to Quan's house.\u003cbr>\nOutside the snack shop is a small memorial. Flowers surround a framed photo of Quan on a lace-topped table. Taped to the window above are sheets of white paper filled with handwritten goodbye notes. They thank Quan for his clam chowder, for the memories, for protecting a special part of history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I thought I just saw you in the sparkle on the water,\" reads one note.\u003cbr>\nCyclists buy drinks from the shop before going out on the pier. Marin native Lilli Ferguson and other visitors wander through a small museum, marveling at what used to be there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If you didn't have all this interpretation, you would never have known about this community being here way back when,\" she says.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11129573/last-surviving-resident-of-historic-chinese-safe-haven-dies","authors":["byline_news_11129573"],"programs":["news_6944","news_72"],"categories":["news_1169","news_8"],"tags":["news_1804","news_17653","news_17041"],"featImg":"news_11129576","label":"news_72"},"news_10457478":{"type":"posts","id":"news_10457478","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"10457478","score":null,"sort":[1426532599000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"chinese-lawyer-admitted-to-california-bar-125-years-after-applying","title":"Chinese Lawyer Admitted to California Bar -- 125 Years After Applying","publishDate":1426532599,"format":"standard","headTitle":"The California Report | KQED News","labelTerm":{"term":72,"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>Acknowledging a \"grievous wrong\" committed as part of a \"discredited\" state policy of discrimination against people of Chinese descent, the California Supreme Court on Monday granted posthumous permission to practice law to an immigrant lawyer who first sought it in 1890.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court's unanimous, unsigned ruling (\u003ca href=\"#hongyenchang\">embedded below\u003c/a>) came in the case of \u003ca href=\"http://students.law.ucdavis.edu/apalsa/hongyenchang.html\" target=\"_blank\">Hong Yen Chang\u003c/a>, an attorney educated at Yale College and Columbia Law School who was admitted to the New York State Bar in 1888 -- reportedly the first Chinese lawyer granted permission to practice through regular channels of admission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10457523\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/hongyenchang-e1426532170373.jpeg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-10457523\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/hongyenchang-e1426532170373-400x357.jpeg\" alt=\"Hong Yen Chang, Chinese-born lawyer refused permission to practice in California in 1890. \" width=\"400\" height=\"357\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/hongyenchang-e1426532170373-400x357.jpeg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/hongyenchang-e1426532170373-320x286.jpeg 320w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/hongyenchang-e1426532170373.jpeg 583w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hong Yen Chang, Chinese-born lawyer refused permission to practice in California in 1890.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When Chang came to San Francisco in 1890, however, the California Supreme Court rejected his application to practice law. The court ruled then that, a certificate of naturalization from New York notwithstanding, Chang was not a U.S. citizen, was barred from becoming one, and thus was ineligible to practice law here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today the court said, \"Understanding the significance of our two-page [1890] decision denying Chang admission to the bar requires a candid reckoning with a sordid chapter of our state and national history.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reciting California's long history of virulent anti-Chinese discrimination, the court concluded:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>... It is past time to acknowledge that the discriminatory exclusion of Chang from the State Bar of California was a grievous wrong. It denied Chang equal protection of the laws; apart from his citizenship, he was by all accounts qualified for admission to the bar. It was also a blow to countless others who, like Chang, aspired to become a lawyer only to have their dream deferred on account of their race, alienage, or nationality. And it was a loss to our communities and to society as a whole, which denied itself the full talents of its people and the important benefits of a diverse legal profession.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than a century later, Chang’s descendants and the Asian Pacific American Law Students Association at the University of California, Davis School of Law have sought to right this wrong. Even if we cannot undo history, we can acknowledge it and, in so doing, accord a full measure of recognition to Chang’s pathbreaking efforts to become the first lawyer of Chinese descent in the United States. The people and the courts of California were denied Chang’s services as a lawyer. But we need not be denied his example as a pioneer for a more inclusive legal profession. In granting Hong Yen Chang posthumous admission to the California Bar, we affirm his rightful place among the ranks of persons deemed qualified to serve as an attorney and counselor at law in the courts of California.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>As \u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/news/local/education/article2598096.html\" target=\"_blank\">the Sacramento Bee noted \u003c/a>in a story on Chang last May, he went on to a long, prosperous career despite having been sidelined as an attorney in California. He was:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>... a law professor in China, a banker in San Francisco and a diplomat for the Chinese government in Vancouver, British Columbia, and Washington, D.C., where he attended a wedding at the White House. A firm believer in Western education, Chang wrote in an 1889 article: “China’s awakening from her sleep of a thousand years must come, if it comes at all, either over the corpse of her literary hierarchy (based on Confucius) or through regeneration and its willingness to attune to the times. ...”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>... Chang’s great-niece, Rachelle Chong, became the first Asian-American to serve on the Federal Communications Commission and the California Public Utilities Commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our family’s extremely fortunate to have three of us admitted to the California State Bar,” Chong said. “It would be fitting and right to have my granduncle’s exclusion reversed … to ensure that justice, albeit late, is done.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"hongyenchang\">\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe class=\"scribd_iframe_embed\" src=\"https://www.scribd.com/embeds/258925353/content?start_page=1&view_mode=scroll&show_recommendations=true\" data-auto-height=\"false\" data-aspect-ratio=\"undefined\" scrolling=\"no\" id=\"doc_85578\" width=\"100%\" height=\"600\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"State Supreme Court acknowledges 'sordid chapter' of California history in reversing 1890 ruling.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1426541111,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":14,"wordCount":643},"headData":{"title":"Chinese Lawyer Admitted to California Bar -- 125 Years After Applying | KQED","description":"State Supreme Court acknowledges 'sordid chapter' of California history in reversing 1890 ruling.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":""},"disqusIdentifier":"10457478 http://ww2.kqed.org/news/?p=10457478","disqusUrl":"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/03/16/chinese-lawyer-admitted-to-california-bar-125-years-after-applying/","disqusTitle":"Chinese Lawyer Admitted to California Bar -- 125 Years After Applying","path":"/news/10457478/chinese-lawyer-admitted-to-california-bar-125-years-after-applying","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Acknowledging a \"grievous wrong\" committed as part of a \"discredited\" state policy of discrimination against people of Chinese descent, the California Supreme Court on Monday granted posthumous permission to practice law to an immigrant lawyer who first sought it in 1890.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court's unanimous, unsigned ruling (\u003ca href=\"#hongyenchang\">embedded below\u003c/a>) came in the case of \u003ca href=\"http://students.law.ucdavis.edu/apalsa/hongyenchang.html\" target=\"_blank\">Hong Yen Chang\u003c/a>, an attorney educated at Yale College and Columbia Law School who was admitted to the New York State Bar in 1888 -- reportedly the first Chinese lawyer granted permission to practice through regular channels of admission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10457523\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/hongyenchang-e1426532170373.jpeg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-10457523\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/hongyenchang-e1426532170373-400x357.jpeg\" alt=\"Hong Yen Chang, Chinese-born lawyer refused permission to practice in California in 1890. \" width=\"400\" height=\"357\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/hongyenchang-e1426532170373-400x357.jpeg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/hongyenchang-e1426532170373-320x286.jpeg 320w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/hongyenchang-e1426532170373.jpeg 583w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hong Yen Chang, Chinese-born lawyer refused permission to practice in California in 1890.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When Chang came to San Francisco in 1890, however, the California Supreme Court rejected his application to practice law. The court ruled then that, a certificate of naturalization from New York notwithstanding, Chang was not a U.S. citizen, was barred from becoming one, and thus was ineligible to practice law here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today the court said, \"Understanding the significance of our two-page [1890] decision denying Chang admission to the bar requires a candid reckoning with a sordid chapter of our state and national history.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reciting California's long history of virulent anti-Chinese discrimination, the court concluded:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>... It is past time to acknowledge that the discriminatory exclusion of Chang from the State Bar of California was a grievous wrong. It denied Chang equal protection of the laws; apart from his citizenship, he was by all accounts qualified for admission to the bar. It was also a blow to countless others who, like Chang, aspired to become a lawyer only to have their dream deferred on account of their race, alienage, or nationality. And it was a loss to our communities and to society as a whole, which denied itself the full talents of its people and the important benefits of a diverse legal profession.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than a century later, Chang’s descendants and the Asian Pacific American Law Students Association at the University of California, Davis School of Law have sought to right this wrong. Even if we cannot undo history, we can acknowledge it and, in so doing, accord a full measure of recognition to Chang’s pathbreaking efforts to become the first lawyer of Chinese descent in the United States. The people and the courts of California were denied Chang’s services as a lawyer. But we need not be denied his example as a pioneer for a more inclusive legal profession. In granting Hong Yen Chang posthumous admission to the California Bar, we affirm his rightful place among the ranks of persons deemed qualified to serve as an attorney and counselor at law in the courts of California.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>As \u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/news/local/education/article2598096.html\" target=\"_blank\">the Sacramento Bee noted \u003c/a>in a story on Chang last May, he went on to a long, prosperous career despite having been sidelined as an attorney in California. He was:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>... a law professor in China, a banker in San Francisco and a diplomat for the Chinese government in Vancouver, British Columbia, and Washington, D.C., where he attended a wedding at the White House. A firm believer in Western education, Chang wrote in an 1889 article: “China’s awakening from her sleep of a thousand years must come, if it comes at all, either over the corpse of her literary hierarchy (based on Confucius) or through regeneration and its willingness to attune to the times. ...”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>... Chang’s great-niece, Rachelle Chong, became the first Asian-American to serve on the Federal Communications Commission and the California Public Utilities Commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our family’s extremely fortunate to have three of us admitted to the California State Bar,” Chong said. “It would be fitting and right to have my granduncle’s exclusion reversed … to ensure that justice, albeit late, is done.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"hongyenchang\">\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe class=\"scribd_iframe_embed\" src=\"https://www.scribd.com/embeds/258925353/content?start_page=1&view_mode=scroll&show_recommendations=true\" data-auto-height=\"false\" data-aspect-ratio=\"undefined\" scrolling=\"no\" id=\"doc_85578\" width=\"100%\" height=\"600\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/10457478/chinese-lawyer-admitted-to-california-bar-125-years-after-applying","authors":["222"],"programs":["news_6944","news_72"],"categories":["news_1169","news_6188","news_13"],"tags":["news_17653"],"featImg":"news_10457524","label":"news_72"},"news_10429550":{"type":"posts","id":"news_10429550","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"10429550","score":null,"sort":[1423753203000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"boomtown-history-2b","title":"Boomtown, 1870s: 'The Chinese Must Go!'","publishDate":1423753203,"format":"standard","headTitle":"Boomtown | News Fix | KQED News","labelTerm":{"term":6944,"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>\u003cem>Second of two parts\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Part 1:\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/02/11/boomtown-1870s-decade-of-bonanza-bust-and-unbridled-racism/\" target=\"_blank\">Boomtown, 1870s: A Decade of Bonanza, Bust and Unbridled Racism\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">I\u003c/span>n July 1877, the nation's attention was focused on \u003ca href=\"http://www.digitalhistory.uh.edu/disp_textbook.cfm?smtID=2&psid=3189\">a railroad strike\u003c/a> that spread through much of the East and led to bloody clashes between workers and troops in Pittsburgh, Baltimore and elsewhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On July 23, 1877, leaders of San Francisco's unions called a mass meeting to support the Eastern strikers, who were fighting for measures like an eight-hour workday. A huge crowd descended on the meeting place, a vacant lot at the corner of Grove and Larkin streets, the site of today's San Francisco Public Library. Many in the throng soon showed they had more local complaints on their mind than what was happening in Pittsburgh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>James D'Arcy, who had helped create a national Workingmen's Party, was elected to run the meeting. The Daily Alta California gives the flavor of the gathering as it got underway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>Mr. D'Arcy threw a damper on the meeting by stating that this was no anti-Coolie meeting, and that they were not there for the purpose of discussing the Chinese question. He put on another blanket by saying that they had met, not for the purpose of encouraging riot and incendiarism, but to give their brother workmen in the East their moral support. He then took up the eight-hour question, but did not speak long, as the crowd were impatient for novelty. ...\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Talk about the Chinamen;\" \"Give us the Coolie business,\" and other shouts from all over the ground put an end to his discourse.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Soon, hundreds of people broke away from the crowd, led by what the Alta called \"the hoodlum element\" -- hoodlum being a term coined in San Francisco in 1866 that had come, by 1877, to denote gangs that frequently attacked Chinese residents of the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'Talk about the Chinamen! Give us the Coolie business!'\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The mob charged through the center of the city, attacking more than a dozen Chinese homes and businesses, mostly laundries. The violence continued for three nights and spread south of Market to the waterfront, into the Mission and out to the Western Addition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rioters targeted more Chinese homes and businesses and threatened establishments that employed Chinese workers. Leaders of the mob warned they would burn down a woolen mill and wharves owned by the Pacific Mail Steamship Co., a line that carried thousands of immigrants from China to San Francisco. Rioters succeeded in burning down another wharf, as well as nearby lumberyards and outbuildings, and skirmished with the city's small police force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The unrest, which threatened to spread to the East Bay, was alarming enough to local officials that Gov. William Irwin called for military help, which came in the form of two square-rigged warships, the USS Pensacola and USS Lackawanna, which stood offshore in case they were needed to put down the riots. The Army also issued 2,000 rifles and ammunition to be used by a civilian Committee of Safety that had been hastily formed to help contain the violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The climax of the July riots was a battle on the slopes of Rincon Hill between rock-throwing rioters and members of the committee, many armed with pick handles. Several people died over the course of the disturbances and dozens were injured.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this spasm of violence had a more lasting impact than the psychic and physical toll taken on the city. It created a movement determined to settle \"the Chinese question\" once and for all, on the one hand, and to redress workers' grievances with the wealthy, on the other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The movement, which took the name the Workingmen's Party of California, gained momentum immediately after the July unrest, thanks largely to an Irish immigrant freight hauler who proved to be a compelling street orator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">D\u003c/span>enis Kearney, a native of County Cork, had a successful draying business and in the mid-1870s had become an avid member of a local debating society.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10430595\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 300px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14212_deniskearney-scr.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-10430595\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14212_deniskearney-scr-400x600.jpg\" alt=\"Denis Kearney, Irish immigrant, street orator and leader of the Workingmen's Party of California. \" width=\"300\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14212_deniskearney-scr-400x600.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14212_deniskearney-scr-800x1200.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14212_deniskearney-scr.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 300px) 100vw, 300px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Denis Kearney, Irish immigrant, street orator and leader of the Workingmen's Party of California. \u003ccite>(Bancroft Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>San Francisco journalist and political economist Henry George \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfmuseum.org/hist9/hgeorge3.html\" target=\"_blank\">recalled Kearney\u003c/a> as \"a man of strict temperance in all except speech.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before the troubles of July 1877, George said, Kearney \"was noticeable not merely for the bitter vulgarity of his attacks upon all forms of religion ... but for the venom with which he abused the working classes, and took on every occasion what passed for the capitalistic side.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paradoxically, too, given his soon-to-become-familiar habit of suggesting mob violence as a social cure-all and his tireless vilification of California's Chinese, Kearney had joined the Committee of Safety and taken to the street to help quell the anti-Chinese riots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that was July. By early October, Kearney had reversed his course and rhetoric, had taken control of the Workingmen's Party -- and had begun attracting thousands to regular Sunday rallies at the sandlot across the street from City Hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Kearney's leadership, the party adopted a platform that certainly sounded radical: Throw the rich and powerful out of office, break up monopoly land holdings, redistribute wealth through heavy taxes, and \"provide decently for the poor and unfortunate, the weak, the helpless, and especially the young , because the country is rich enough to do so, and religion, humanity, and patriotism demand that we should do so.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And just as important, the party was bent on throwing the Chinese out of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More attention-getting than the Workingmen's principles was Kearney's style in calling for immediate drastic action to attain the party's goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His rallying cry was, \"The Chinese must go!\" He warned that San Francisco would burn if conditions for workers did not improve. He called on his followers to arm themselves with muskets and ammunition. His regular prescription for enemies, either opponents within the party or class enemies like millionaires, judges or government officials, was hanging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faced with the likelihood that state lawmakers might pass a bill aimed at curbing incitement to riot, Kearney responded, \"If the members of the Legislature overstep the limits of decency, then I say, 'Hemp! Hemp! Hemp!' This is the battle cry of freedom!\"\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'If the members of the Legislature overstep the limits of decency, then I say, Hemp! Hemp! Hemp!'\u003ccite>Denis Kearney\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>In late October 1877, Kearney led a march to Nob Hill where, as we've seen, some of the city's wealthiest men had built their mansions. The procession's specific destination was the home of Charles Crocker, one of the Big Four who had built and profited immensely from the Central Pacific Railroad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Crocker had built his mansion on a block bounded by California, Sacramento, Taylor and Jones street. He wanted to own the entire block, but one neighbor, an undertaker named Nicholas Yung, held out for a higher price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The undertaker wanted more than the nabob was willing to give,\" Henry George wrote, \"and the latter cut short the negotiation by inclosing the undertaker’s house on three sides with an immense board fence, probably the highest on the Pacific coast, if not in the world. This veritable coffin ... is one of the most striking features of the hill.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10430598\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 365px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/Labor1kearny-on-nob-hill-1877.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-10430598\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/Labor1kearny-on-nob-hill-1877.jpg\" alt=\"Denis Kearney addresses crowd on Nob Hill, October 1877. \" width=\"365\" height=\"446\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Denis Kearney addresses crowd on Nob Hill, October 1877. \u003ccite>(FoundSF)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>About 2,000 marchers accompanied Kearney to the heights, where they set a bonfire in the street as he inveighed against the wealthy and warned about the consequences to the railroad millionaires if they did not fire their Chinese workers. He and others declared they'd give Crocker a month to take down the 30-foot-high fence around Yung's home or they'd be back to tear it down themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That gathering was enough to spur demands for the arrest of Kearney and other Workingmen's Party leaders for using incendiary language. And Kearney and others \u003cem>were\u003c/em> arrested, not just once, but several times. The charges didn't stick, and, far from suppressing Kearney, the arrests provoked outrage and won his movement wider sympathy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Workingmen became a force in Bay Area politics, winning a seat in the state Senate in early 1878 and electing officials in San Francisco, Oakland and Alameda. The party's rise coincided with a statewide election for delegates to a convention called to write a new state constitution. The Kearneyites won virtually all the seats contested in San Francisco. But in the Sacramento convention, outnumbered by Republicans and Democrats who had joined forces against them, the Workingmen's Party failed to effect any of the reforms in taxes, lands or employment conditions that their movement had promoted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The party's delegates did, however, get a chance to enshrine the demands of the anti-Chinese movement in a new section of the state Constitution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">A\u003c/span> committee appointed to consider \"the Chinese question\" returned with a nine-point proposal that would give the Legislature the power to bar further Chinese immigration to California and to eject any Chinese it found undesirable. The proposal would bar Chinese from all public employment, make them ineligible to receive licenses for any trade or business, and strip corporations of their state charters if they employed Chinese workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10430600\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14199_masonbeatty-chinese1-scr-e1423695246385.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-10430600\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14199_masonbeatty-chinese1-scr-e1423695246385-400x307.jpg\" alt=\"Chinese residents of Sierra County, California, 1894. \" width=\"400\" height=\"307\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14199_masonbeatty-chinese1-scr-e1423695246385-400x307.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14199_masonbeatty-chinese1-scr-e1423695246385-800x614.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14199_masonbeatty-chinese1-scr-e1423695246385.jpg 1439w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Chinese residents of Sierra County, California, 1894. \u003ccite>(Courtesy, California HIstorical Society)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Chinese would be prohibited from owning or leasing real estate, would be barred from fishing in state waters and would no longer have the right to bring lawsuits in state courts. The committee also suggested denying anyone who hired a Chinese worker the right to vote, disqualifying anyone who hired a Chinese worker from holding public office and disbarring any lawyer who represented a Chinese client.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As historian Charles McClain remarks, even though most delegates were all for some sort of anti-Chinese language in the new constitution, they thought the committee's proposal went too far. By a vote of 104-17, the convention adopted a toned-down version, incorporated into the state's highest charter as Article XIX when the document was approved by voters in 1879.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Article XIX, titled simply \"Chinese,\" preserved two of the major provisions put forward in the convention: that no private corporation could employ Chinese workers and the ban on public employment for the Chinese. The laws enacting these provisions were swiftly struck down in federal courts that ruled they violated the 14th Amendment's guarantee of equal protection, infringed on rights due to Chinese immigrants under treaty and trampled upon corporate rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new constitution marked the zenith of what had been dubbed Kearneyism. A convention resolution to thank Kearney for his service to the anti-Chinese cause was voted down. By 1881, Kearney was described in San Francisco as \"a spent rocket\" and had left the city for a brief, unremarkable career in New York City politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That did not end the era of anti-Chinese activism or legislation, of course. State and local governments continued to pass new laws to harass and hinder Chinese residents, many of which were unenforceable or were found to violate the U.S. Constitution. And then Congress weighed in, responding to the continuing anti-Asian agitation by passing the \u003ca href=\"http://www.ourdocuments.gov/doc.php?flash=true&doc=47\" target=\"_blank\">Chinese Exclusion Act\u003c/a> in 1882.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">'It is understood by the civilized world that the United States of America is a free country. But I fear there is a backward step being taken by the government.'\u003ccite>Wong Ar Chong\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The measure succeeded, at least in the short run, in achieving what decades of California's hostility, bluster and unconstitutional lawmaking could not: Although it never stopped immigration from China entirely, it slowed it down dramatically and, for the first time since the Gold Rush, led to a decline in the Chinese population in both San Francisco and the entire state by 1900.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was a cause of celebration, of course, for those who had tried for decades to keep Chinese immigrants out of California. Soon, though, they were complaining the law wasn't tough enough -- that its exemptions were too lax and that it was too easy for those seeking to emigrate from China to \u003ca href=\"http://ucblibrary3.berkeley.edu/cgi-bin/flipomatic/cic/images@ViewHiRes?img=brk00001710_16a\">cross into\u003c/a> the United States from Canada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among Chinese in the United States, the law was an occasion to question the loudly propounded ideals of their adopted country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"In your Declaration of Independence it is asserted that all men are born free and equal, and it is understood by the civilized world that the United States of America is a free country,\" \u003ca href=\"http://www.slate.com/blogs/the_vault/2014/05/28/chinese_exclusion_act_letter_from_chinese_american_merchant_to_william_lloyd.html\" target=\"_blank\">wrote Boston tea merchant Wong Ar Chong\u003c/a> during congressional debates over exclusion. \"But I fear there is a backward step being taken by the government.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">T\u003c/span>he epilogue?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Charles Crocker's fence, on Sacramento Street, near the summit of Nob Hill, stood until 1904, long after both the railroad baron and his stubborn neighbor were dead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Denis Kearney died in 1907, having long since vanished from the political scene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite having been essentially ruled unconstitutional, Article XIX was part of the California Constitution until 1952, when voters repealed it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Chinese Exclusion Act remained in force until 1943, when it was repealed in the interest of making amends to China, a U.S. ally in World War II.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Comstock bonanzas turned into a popular TV western that somehow left out all the nasty details of mining skulduggery and stock manipulation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city went on, of course, recovering its prosperity, growing relentlessly, moving toward its reckoning with calamity, and unfolding decade by decade into this place we think we know.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the Chinese in California?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Well, there's someone named Mayor Lee at City Hall, a short stroll from where Kearney and his ilk bawled, \"The Chinese must go!\" Just across the bay in Berkeley, there is little doubt which of the state's diverse ethnic groups is most successful at the nation's premier public university. Immigrants from China still seek a California dream and contribute in ways that couldn't have been imagined in the 19th century.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whatever you think all those developments say about the Bay Area we live in today, whether you see this place as booming or busted, you can't help but take at least a little delight in how this piece of history has turned out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Curious about the boom/bust cycle that is reshaping the Bay Area? Check out our \u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/boomtown\" target=\"_blank\">Boomtown series.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"How the anti-Chinese movement helped rewrite the state Constitution and pass a landmark exclusion law.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1423933434,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":54,"wordCount":2396},"headData":{"title":"Boomtown, 1870s: 'The Chinese Must Go!' | KQED","description":"How the anti-Chinese movement helped rewrite the state Constitution and pass a landmark exclusion law.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":""},"disqusIdentifier":"10429550 http://ww2.kqed.org/news/?p=10429550","disqusUrl":"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/02/12/boomtown-history-2b/","disqusTitle":"Boomtown, 1870s: 'The Chinese Must Go!'","path":"/news/10429550/boomtown-history-2b","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Second of two parts\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Part 1:\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/02/11/boomtown-1870s-decade-of-bonanza-bust-and-unbridled-racism/\" target=\"_blank\">Boomtown, 1870s: A Decade of Bonanza, Bust and Unbridled Racism\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">I\u003c/span>n July 1877, the nation's attention was focused on \u003ca href=\"http://www.digitalhistory.uh.edu/disp_textbook.cfm?smtID=2&psid=3189\">a railroad strike\u003c/a> that spread through much of the East and led to bloody clashes between workers and troops in Pittsburgh, Baltimore and elsewhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On July 23, 1877, leaders of San Francisco's unions called a mass meeting to support the Eastern strikers, who were fighting for measures like an eight-hour workday. A huge crowd descended on the meeting place, a vacant lot at the corner of Grove and Larkin streets, the site of today's San Francisco Public Library. Many in the throng soon showed they had more local complaints on their mind than what was happening in Pittsburgh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>James D'Arcy, who had helped create a national Workingmen's Party, was elected to run the meeting. The Daily Alta California gives the flavor of the gathering as it got underway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>Mr. D'Arcy threw a damper on the meeting by stating that this was no anti-Coolie meeting, and that they were not there for the purpose of discussing the Chinese question. He put on another blanket by saying that they had met, not for the purpose of encouraging riot and incendiarism, but to give their brother workmen in the East their moral support. He then took up the eight-hour question, but did not speak long, as the crowd were impatient for novelty. ...\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Talk about the Chinamen;\" \"Give us the Coolie business,\" and other shouts from all over the ground put an end to his discourse.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Soon, hundreds of people broke away from the crowd, led by what the Alta called \"the hoodlum element\" -- hoodlum being a term coined in San Francisco in 1866 that had come, by 1877, to denote gangs that frequently attacked Chinese residents of the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'Talk about the Chinamen! Give us the Coolie business!'\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The mob charged through the center of the city, attacking more than a dozen Chinese homes and businesses, mostly laundries. The violence continued for three nights and spread south of Market to the waterfront, into the Mission and out to the Western Addition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rioters targeted more Chinese homes and businesses and threatened establishments that employed Chinese workers. Leaders of the mob warned they would burn down a woolen mill and wharves owned by the Pacific Mail Steamship Co., a line that carried thousands of immigrants from China to San Francisco. Rioters succeeded in burning down another wharf, as well as nearby lumberyards and outbuildings, and skirmished with the city's small police force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The unrest, which threatened to spread to the East Bay, was alarming enough to local officials that Gov. William Irwin called for military help, which came in the form of two square-rigged warships, the USS Pensacola and USS Lackawanna, which stood offshore in case they were needed to put down the riots. The Army also issued 2,000 rifles and ammunition to be used by a civilian Committee of Safety that had been hastily formed to help contain the violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The climax of the July riots was a battle on the slopes of Rincon Hill between rock-throwing rioters and members of the committee, many armed with pick handles. Several people died over the course of the disturbances and dozens were injured.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this spasm of violence had a more lasting impact than the psychic and physical toll taken on the city. It created a movement determined to settle \"the Chinese question\" once and for all, on the one hand, and to redress workers' grievances with the wealthy, on the other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The movement, which took the name the Workingmen's Party of California, gained momentum immediately after the July unrest, thanks largely to an Irish immigrant freight hauler who proved to be a compelling street orator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">D\u003c/span>enis Kearney, a native of County Cork, had a successful draying business and in the mid-1870s had become an avid member of a local debating society.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10430595\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 300px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14212_deniskearney-scr.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-10430595\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14212_deniskearney-scr-400x600.jpg\" alt=\"Denis Kearney, Irish immigrant, street orator and leader of the Workingmen's Party of California. \" width=\"300\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14212_deniskearney-scr-400x600.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14212_deniskearney-scr-800x1200.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14212_deniskearney-scr.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 300px) 100vw, 300px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Denis Kearney, Irish immigrant, street orator and leader of the Workingmen's Party of California. \u003ccite>(Bancroft Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>San Francisco journalist and political economist Henry George \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfmuseum.org/hist9/hgeorge3.html\" target=\"_blank\">recalled Kearney\u003c/a> as \"a man of strict temperance in all except speech.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before the troubles of July 1877, George said, Kearney \"was noticeable not merely for the bitter vulgarity of his attacks upon all forms of religion ... but for the venom with which he abused the working classes, and took on every occasion what passed for the capitalistic side.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paradoxically, too, given his soon-to-become-familiar habit of suggesting mob violence as a social cure-all and his tireless vilification of California's Chinese, Kearney had joined the Committee of Safety and taken to the street to help quell the anti-Chinese riots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that was July. By early October, Kearney had reversed his course and rhetoric, had taken control of the Workingmen's Party -- and had begun attracting thousands to regular Sunday rallies at the sandlot across the street from City Hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Kearney's leadership, the party adopted a platform that certainly sounded radical: Throw the rich and powerful out of office, break up monopoly land holdings, redistribute wealth through heavy taxes, and \"provide decently for the poor and unfortunate, the weak, the helpless, and especially the young , because the country is rich enough to do so, and religion, humanity, and patriotism demand that we should do so.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And just as important, the party was bent on throwing the Chinese out of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More attention-getting than the Workingmen's principles was Kearney's style in calling for immediate drastic action to attain the party's goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His rallying cry was, \"The Chinese must go!\" He warned that San Francisco would burn if conditions for workers did not improve. He called on his followers to arm themselves with muskets and ammunition. His regular prescription for enemies, either opponents within the party or class enemies like millionaires, judges or government officials, was hanging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faced with the likelihood that state lawmakers might pass a bill aimed at curbing incitement to riot, Kearney responded, \"If the members of the Legislature overstep the limits of decency, then I say, 'Hemp! Hemp! Hemp!' This is the battle cry of freedom!\"\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'If the members of the Legislature overstep the limits of decency, then I say, Hemp! Hemp! Hemp!'\u003ccite>Denis Kearney\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>In late October 1877, Kearney led a march to Nob Hill where, as we've seen, some of the city's wealthiest men had built their mansions. The procession's specific destination was the home of Charles Crocker, one of the Big Four who had built and profited immensely from the Central Pacific Railroad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Crocker had built his mansion on a block bounded by California, Sacramento, Taylor and Jones street. He wanted to own the entire block, but one neighbor, an undertaker named Nicholas Yung, held out for a higher price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The undertaker wanted more than the nabob was willing to give,\" Henry George wrote, \"and the latter cut short the negotiation by inclosing the undertaker’s house on three sides with an immense board fence, probably the highest on the Pacific coast, if not in the world. This veritable coffin ... is one of the most striking features of the hill.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10430598\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 365px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/Labor1kearny-on-nob-hill-1877.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-10430598\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/Labor1kearny-on-nob-hill-1877.jpg\" alt=\"Denis Kearney addresses crowd on Nob Hill, October 1877. \" width=\"365\" height=\"446\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Denis Kearney addresses crowd on Nob Hill, October 1877. \u003ccite>(FoundSF)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>About 2,000 marchers accompanied Kearney to the heights, where they set a bonfire in the street as he inveighed against the wealthy and warned about the consequences to the railroad millionaires if they did not fire their Chinese workers. He and others declared they'd give Crocker a month to take down the 30-foot-high fence around Yung's home or they'd be back to tear it down themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That gathering was enough to spur demands for the arrest of Kearney and other Workingmen's Party leaders for using incendiary language. And Kearney and others \u003cem>were\u003c/em> arrested, not just once, but several times. The charges didn't stick, and, far from suppressing Kearney, the arrests provoked outrage and won his movement wider sympathy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Workingmen became a force in Bay Area politics, winning a seat in the state Senate in early 1878 and electing officials in San Francisco, Oakland and Alameda. The party's rise coincided with a statewide election for delegates to a convention called to write a new state constitution. The Kearneyites won virtually all the seats contested in San Francisco. But in the Sacramento convention, outnumbered by Republicans and Democrats who had joined forces against them, the Workingmen's Party failed to effect any of the reforms in taxes, lands or employment conditions that their movement had promoted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The party's delegates did, however, get a chance to enshrine the demands of the anti-Chinese movement in a new section of the state Constitution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">A\u003c/span> committee appointed to consider \"the Chinese question\" returned with a nine-point proposal that would give the Legislature the power to bar further Chinese immigration to California and to eject any Chinese it found undesirable. The proposal would bar Chinese from all public employment, make them ineligible to receive licenses for any trade or business, and strip corporations of their state charters if they employed Chinese workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10430600\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14199_masonbeatty-chinese1-scr-e1423695246385.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-10430600\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14199_masonbeatty-chinese1-scr-e1423695246385-400x307.jpg\" alt=\"Chinese residents of Sierra County, California, 1894. \" width=\"400\" height=\"307\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14199_masonbeatty-chinese1-scr-e1423695246385-400x307.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14199_masonbeatty-chinese1-scr-e1423695246385-800x614.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14199_masonbeatty-chinese1-scr-e1423695246385.jpg 1439w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Chinese residents of Sierra County, California, 1894. \u003ccite>(Courtesy, California HIstorical Society)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Chinese would be prohibited from owning or leasing real estate, would be barred from fishing in state waters and would no longer have the right to bring lawsuits in state courts. The committee also suggested denying anyone who hired a Chinese worker the right to vote, disqualifying anyone who hired a Chinese worker from holding public office and disbarring any lawyer who represented a Chinese client.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As historian Charles McClain remarks, even though most delegates were all for some sort of anti-Chinese language in the new constitution, they thought the committee's proposal went too far. By a vote of 104-17, the convention adopted a toned-down version, incorporated into the state's highest charter as Article XIX when the document was approved by voters in 1879.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Article XIX, titled simply \"Chinese,\" preserved two of the major provisions put forward in the convention: that no private corporation could employ Chinese workers and the ban on public employment for the Chinese. The laws enacting these provisions were swiftly struck down in federal courts that ruled they violated the 14th Amendment's guarantee of equal protection, infringed on rights due to Chinese immigrants under treaty and trampled upon corporate rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new constitution marked the zenith of what had been dubbed Kearneyism. A convention resolution to thank Kearney for his service to the anti-Chinese cause was voted down. By 1881, Kearney was described in San Francisco as \"a spent rocket\" and had left the city for a brief, unremarkable career in New York City politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That did not end the era of anti-Chinese activism or legislation, of course. State and local governments continued to pass new laws to harass and hinder Chinese residents, many of which were unenforceable or were found to violate the U.S. Constitution. And then Congress weighed in, responding to the continuing anti-Asian agitation by passing the \u003ca href=\"http://www.ourdocuments.gov/doc.php?flash=true&doc=47\" target=\"_blank\">Chinese Exclusion Act\u003c/a> in 1882.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">'It is understood by the civilized world that the United States of America is a free country. But I fear there is a backward step being taken by the government.'\u003ccite>Wong Ar Chong\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The measure succeeded, at least in the short run, in achieving what decades of California's hostility, bluster and unconstitutional lawmaking could not: Although it never stopped immigration from China entirely, it slowed it down dramatically and, for the first time since the Gold Rush, led to a decline in the Chinese population in both San Francisco and the entire state by 1900.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was a cause of celebration, of course, for those who had tried for decades to keep Chinese immigrants out of California. Soon, though, they were complaining the law wasn't tough enough -- that its exemptions were too lax and that it was too easy for those seeking to emigrate from China to \u003ca href=\"http://ucblibrary3.berkeley.edu/cgi-bin/flipomatic/cic/images@ViewHiRes?img=brk00001710_16a\">cross into\u003c/a> the United States from Canada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among Chinese in the United States, the law was an occasion to question the loudly propounded ideals of their adopted country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"In your Declaration of Independence it is asserted that all men are born free and equal, and it is understood by the civilized world that the United States of America is a free country,\" \u003ca href=\"http://www.slate.com/blogs/the_vault/2014/05/28/chinese_exclusion_act_letter_from_chinese_american_merchant_to_william_lloyd.html\" target=\"_blank\">wrote Boston tea merchant Wong Ar Chong\u003c/a> during congressional debates over exclusion. \"But I fear there is a backward step being taken by the government.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">T\u003c/span>he epilogue?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Charles Crocker's fence, on Sacramento Street, near the summit of Nob Hill, stood until 1904, long after both the railroad baron and his stubborn neighbor were dead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Denis Kearney died in 1907, having long since vanished from the political scene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite having been essentially ruled unconstitutional, Article XIX was part of the California Constitution until 1952, when voters repealed it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Chinese Exclusion Act remained in force until 1943, when it was repealed in the interest of making amends to China, a U.S. ally in World War II.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Comstock bonanzas turned into a popular TV western that somehow left out all the nasty details of mining skulduggery and stock manipulation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city went on, of course, recovering its prosperity, growing relentlessly, moving toward its reckoning with calamity, and unfolding decade by decade into this place we think we know.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the Chinese in California?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Well, there's someone named Mayor Lee at City Hall, a short stroll from where Kearney and his ilk bawled, \"The Chinese must go!\" Just across the bay in Berkeley, there is little doubt which of the state's diverse ethnic groups is most successful at the nation's premier public university. Immigrants from China still seek a California dream and contribute in ways that couldn't have been imagined in the 19th century.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whatever you think all those developments say about the Bay Area we live in today, whether you see this place as booming or busted, you can't help but take at least a little delight in how this piece of history has turned out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Curious about the boom/bust cycle that is reshaping the Bay Area? Check out our \u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/boomtown\" target=\"_blank\">Boomtown series.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/10429550/boomtown-history-2b","authors":["222"],"programs":["news_6944"],"series":["news_17411"],"categories":["news_1169","news_8"],"tags":["news_17653","news_38"],"featImg":"news_10430555","label":"news_6944"},"news_10413670":{"type":"posts","id":"news_10413670","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"10413670","score":null,"sort":[1423661420000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"draft-boomtown-history-2a","title":"Boomtown, 1870s: Decade of Bonanza, Bust and Unbridled Racism","publishDate":1423661420,"format":"image","headTitle":"Boomtown | News Fix | KQED News","labelTerm":{"term":6944,"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>\u003cem>First of two parts\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">I\u003c/span> am guessing that on some level lots of us buy into the stereotype of the Bay Area as a hotbed of progressive activism. A place that's bluer than blue, that's quick to march, that's home to the \u003ca href=\"http://www.democracynow.org/2009/10/7/as_afghan_war_enters_9th_year\" target=\"_blank\">only member of Congress\u003c/a> to vote against going to war in Afghanistan after 9/11. A place that's proud to have fostered the Free Speech Movement, the Black Panthers and the fight for gay (now LGBTQ) liberation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's true that street activism is very much alive here. The last six years, for instance, have seen what amounts to one long campaign against police violence and social injustice -- a campaign that was sparked by the police killing of BART passenger Oscar Grant, became entwined with the economic justice demands of the Occupy movement and that continues today as part of the Black Lives Matter demonstrations.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">1870s San Francisco was a sort of perverse twin to today's city, home to an activism that was anything but 'progressive.'\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Amid those sporadic eruptions, the tech boom got going and itself became enmeshed in protest. You know the story: Armies of mostly young and highly paid programmers, engineers and entrepreneurs -- and the companies that employ them -- are remaking large swaths of San Francisco, Oakland, the Peninsula and Silicon Valley. Rents have soared, lower-income tenants have lost homes and familiar local businesses, watering holes, art galleries and nonprofits have been priced out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Overnight, or so it seemed, fleets of huge corporate shuttle buses appeared on the streets to whisk the better-paid-than-most-of-us technologists to and from Silicon Valley. Anti-eviction activists turned the vehicles into \u003ca href=\"http://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/jan/25/google-bus-protest-swells-to-revolt-san-francisco\" target=\"_blank\">an internationally recognized symbol\u003c/a> for wealth inequality and community displacement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So that's our tradition of activism as it looks in the early 21st century.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when you get out your pick and shovel (or your library card, Kindle and Web browser) and start digging through the dense strata of protest, agitation and political turbulence that have been laid down here over the decades, you eventually find yourself in 1870s San Francisco, a sort of perverse twin to today's city. It was a place of magnificent wealth displayed amid a full-on depression. It was crowded with desperate and disillusioned people, and it was home to an activism marked by unbridled intolerance and racism directed at one group of immigrants who had ventured across the Pacific to join the Gold Rush.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">B\u003c/span>y 1870, San Francisco had experienced two major booms. The first was touched off in 1848 by the Gold Rush and transformed a village of about 800 people into a city of 35,000 in just five years. When the flow of gold from the Sierra slowed in the mid-1850s, San Francisco suffered its first prolonged economic slump. Population growth slowed and the city's \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/01/13/san-francisco-real-estate-prices-gold-rush\" target=\"_blank\">real estate bubble collapsed\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"iwyXPwnnPcISIXLFcSKeuudC8uPKrfI8\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the downturn didn't last long. Another boom got under way in 1859 with the discovery of Nevada's \u003ca href=\"http://www.onlinenevada.org/articles/comstock-lode\" target=\"_blank\">Comstock Lode\u003c/a> in the mountains northeast of Lake Tahoe. The Comstock was one of the biggest silver finds in history and touched off a new kind of mining bonanza, one in which speculators, bankers and everyday investors all joined the rush.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Comstock mines produced more than $300 million in silver in a little more than two decades, wealth that was largely controlled in San Francisco and helped spark the city's rapid growth -- from about 57,000 in 1860 to 150,000 in 1870 and 233,000 in 1880. (The Comstock also drove a secondary mining boom in the hills just south of the small town of San Jose, where mines in the \u003ca href=\"http://www.historysanjose.org/neighborhoods/newalmaden/\">New Almaden district\u003c/a> produced mercury crucial to the gold and silver refining process.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The wealth extracted from the mines was one thing. But there was another source of wealth to be tapped, too, for those who knew how.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Development of the Comstock was financed largely by investment and speculation on San Francisco's new stock exchange, which focused on trading shares in mining concerns. For a time, everyone wanted in on the game. Here's how Gary Kamiya describes the local Comstock mania in his popular history, \u003ca href=\"http://sfpl.org/index.php?pg=1014001201\" target=\"_blank\">\u003cem>Cool Gray City of Love\u003c/em>\u003c/a>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>San Francisco had always been a gambler’s town, but during silver’s 15-year heyday, virtually the entire population succumbed to a gambling mania unlike any it had seen before or would ever see again. What made speculating in mining stocks so addictive was that their values fluctuated so wildly. A rumor that a new vein had been found could cause the value of a mine’s stock to go up 10 times; it could plummet a week later. As a result, anyone could make a fortune literally overnight, and many did. The entire city buzzed with tales of chambermaids who bought the rooming houses they had worked in a few weeks earlier and of former ditchdiggers riding down newly fashionable Kearny Street in opulent carriages.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>But those who got rich -- and for the most part stayed rich -- were a small group of \u003ca href=\"http://www.onlinenevada.org/articles/bank-crowd\" target=\"_blank\">bankers\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://floodestate.com/GullixsonPresentsTheFloodEstate/History.html\" target=\"_blank\">investors\u003c/a> who controlled both the mines and the exchange.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"By controlling information from the mines,\" historian Gray Brechin writes in \u003ca href=\"http://books.google.com/books/about/Imperial_San_Francisco.html?id=lGJq8nWqY-oC\" target=\"_blank\">\u003cem>Imperial San Francisco\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, this group \"had an advantage available to few other gamblers on the Exchange. The barest hint of a new discovery in the mines triggered mayhem in San Francisco resembling religious rapture or riot. ... Those who had the latest information ... used it to manipulate the market to aggrandize their fortunes from the investments of others.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Kamiya and Brechin quote \u003ca href=\"http://www.timeshutter.com/image/robert-louis-stevenson-memorial-san-francisco-california\" target=\"_blank\">Robert Louis Stevenson\u003c/a>'s description of the scene and the process that was at work as he viewed it from a neighborhood he termed \"the hill of palaces\":\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>From Nob Hill, looking down upon the business wards of the city, we can decry a building with a little belfry, and that is the stock exchange, the heart of San Francisco; a great pump we might call it, continually pumping up the savings of the lower quarters into the pockets of the millionaires upon the hill.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10429593\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 559px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14046_AAB-9544.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-10429593\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14046_AAB-9544.jpg\" alt=\"An 1891 view of Nob Hill, looking north up Powell Street. To the left (west) of Powell at the top of the hill are the mansions of Leland Stanford, Mark Hopkins and James C. Flood. \" width=\"559\" height=\"400\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14046_AAB-9544.jpg 559w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14046_AAB-9544-400x286.jpg 400w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 559px) 100vw, 559px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An 1891 view of Nob Hill, looking north up Powell Street. To the left (west) of Powell at the top of the hill are the mansions of Leland Stanford, Mark Hopkins and James C. Flood. \u003ccite>(San Francisco Public Library History Center)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Comstock made several of those millionaires who built palaces on the hill, including James Flood, whose mansion survives today as the Pacific Union Club, at California and Mason streets. Others who chose Nob Hill as a showcase for their fortunes included Leland Stanford, Mark Hopkins, Collis Huntington and Charles Crocker, \u003ca href=\"http://foundsf.org/index.php?title=The_Octopus_and_the_Big_Four\" target=\"_blank\">the Big Four\u003c/a>, the principal founding investors in the Central Pacific, North America's first transcontinental railroad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the railroad made the Big Four rich, it didn't turn into the engine of prosperity that promoters promised or that San Francisco expected when it was finished in 1869. On the one hand, the road's completion sent thousands of workers, many of them Chinese immigrants, looking for new jobs. On the other, the railroad served as a conduit for masses of people coming in search of work and land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There was little land to be had, though. By one account 0.2 percent of the state's population -- that's two-tenths of 1 percent -- controlled half the land, and huge tracts had been granted to the railroads. Jobs were few, too, as the economy of San Francisco and California as a whole sank into a funk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The particular point we have in view is the lamentable lack of employment for laborers, which is so crying an evil of the day,\" wrote the San Francisco Evening Bulletin in early 1870. \"There are those who estimate the proportion of laborers in California who are out of work ... as high as twenty percent, or one-fifth of the entire mass of inhabitants.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'There are those who estimate the proportion of laborers in California who are out of work ... as high as twenty percent, or one-fifth of the entire mass of inhabitants.'\u003ccite>San Francisco Evening Bulletin, 1870\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>One East Coast commentator wrote that California and San Francisco were experiencing a \"revolution,\" plunging back to earth after the excesses of the Gold Rush and Comstock decades:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Speculation was the groundwork of all her wealth and her growth; uncertainty and irregularity were the laws of her prosperity. High prices and vast profits, a grand and reckless way of business and of life pervaded all her society and her movements,\" wrote Massachusetts newspaper editor Samuel Bowles, who twice visited the city in the mid- and late 1860s. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bowles characterized the situation as the city and state \"struggling into conformity with the modes and morals and money of the nation,\" a transition he observed provoked widespread discontent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"At first the people seemed stunned with the revelation and the revolution,\" Bowles said. \"They cursed the railroad, they cursed the Bank of California, and they cursed the Chinese, one and all, as parents of their disappointment.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">\"C\u003c/span>ursing the Chinese\" was something of a constant among California's white population in the state's early decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Chinese, of course, had joined the rush to what they called Gold Mountain in 1849, along with immigrants from the eastern U.S. states, Western Europe, Mexico, Chile, Peru, Hawaii, Australia and New Zealand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10429650\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/chineserailroad-e1423609155666.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-10429650\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/chineserailroad-e1423609155666-400x411.jpg\" alt=\"Chinese workers on the Central Pacific Railroad's route through the Sierra Nevada. \" width=\"400\" height=\"411\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/chineserailroad-e1423609155666-400x411.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/chineserailroad-e1423609155666-800x822.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/chineserailroad-e1423609155666-32x32.jpg 32w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/chineserailroad-e1423609155666.jpg 1252w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Chinese workers on the Central Pacific Railroad's route through the Sierra Nevada. \u003ccite>(Harper's Weekly/Bancroft Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>White California was not, by and large, a particularly welcoming place for the new arrivals from Mexico and lands south, many of whom were experienced miners when they arrived in the gold fields. Historians note they played an important role in teaching the American novices how to find and remove gold from the streams and hillsides where it lay. Their reward was a state tax on foreign miners and repeated episodes of violence and mistreatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Worse was in store for the Chinese.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California -- most of the white population, its lawmakers and their enactments -- reserved a sustained hostility for these early Asian immigrants almost from the first. Arriving in the gold fields, they were generally excluded from all but the poorest mining claims -- those that had already been worked and believed exhausted. They were often the target of violence and were, like blacks and Indians, denied the right even to testify in court against those who robbed and attacked them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What was the source of the animus, which was soon to have official backing?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Theodore Hittell, who produced a voluminous California history, \u003ca href=\"https://archive.org/stream/gb0e4-lf4RejkC#page/n93/mode/2up\" target=\"_blank\">offered this speculation\u003c/a>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>It was the practice of the Chinese then as now to huddle together in special and confined quarters and to dress and live as they had dressed and lived in China. Almost all their clothing and most all their food, which consisted in great part of rice, were imported from their native land. As a class they were harmless, peaceful and exceedingly industrious; but, as they were remarkably economical and spent little or none of their earnings except for the necessaries of life and this chiefly to merchants of their own nationality, they soon began to provoke the prejudice and ill-will of those who could not see any value in their labor to the country.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>A much more recent historian -- Charles J. McClain, in \u003ca href=\"https://books.google.com/books?id=eZ7TqtjYlfcC\" target=\"_blank\">\u003cem>In Search of Equality: The Chinese Struggle against Discrimination in Nineteenth-Century America\u003c/em>\u003c/a> -- cites that passage and amplifies it:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>In short, [the Chinese] worked too hard (often for less pay than others were willing to accept), saved too much, and spent too little. In addition, they looked and behaved differently from the majority population. Beneath all the surface rationalizations, this was to be the gravamen of the complaint against the Chinese through the many phases of the anti-Chinese movement in California.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>That movement led to a series of state and local laws meant to force the Chinese to leave California or make it extremely difficult or expensive to stay. The tax on foreign miners was increased repeatedly. The Legislature enacted a variety of fees and taxes on arriving Chinese immigrants, then a tax of $2.50 month (something like $60 in today's money) on most Chinese residents. Chinese children were excluded from the state's public schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'We would beg to remind you that when your nation was a wilderness ... we exercised most of the arts and virtues of civilized life.'\u003ccite>Norman Asing,\u003cbr>\nChinese-American merchant\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>San Francisco's Board of Supervisors joined in the anti-Chinese campaign with a long list of discriminatory ordinances. One attempted to ban Chinese peddlers from the common practice of carrying their goods on poles. Other laws attempted to impose punitive fees on the city's large number of Chinese laundries and to regulate the size of rooms in lodging-houses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As McClain notes, the Chinese didn't take this continuing assault on their liberty lying down. As the anti-Chinese agitation got under way in the early 1850s, Gov. John Bigler sent the Legislature a special message urging a program of taxes and other measures to stop Chinese immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among his justifications: the unfounded claim that the Chinese arriving in California were \"coolies\" -- essentially indentured servants who were little better than slaves for the Chinese contractors who hired them. He also argued that, in essence, the Chinese were inferior, ignorant of the enlightened American way of doing things: incapable, for instance, of understanding the importance of or keeping an oath of citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bigler's message brought a response from a Chinese merchant in San Francisco named Norman Asing, who blasted the logic of excluding productive immigrants and questioning who in California really represented an inferior culture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We would beg to remind you that when your nation was a wilderness, and the nation from whom you sprung \u003cem>barbarous\u003c/em>, we exercised most of the arts and virtues of civilized life,\" Asing wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More important, McClain says, is that leading members of the Chinese community, centered in San Francisco, approached the Legislature directly to try to stem the tide of punitive taxes and other laws. When that effort met with only modest success, they challenged the anti-Chinese laws in court and got the worst of them thrown out. In the 1850s, for instance, Chinese plaintiffs sued the state to overturn a tax to be levied against all arriving Chinese passengers and another that sought to ban Chinese from landing at the state's ports. Both laws were struck down for interfering with federal powers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Likewise in the late 1860s and early '70s, Chinese Californians waged long and ultimately successful campaigns to win the right to testify in court and to end enforcement of the discriminatory tax on foreign miners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">T\u003c/span>he consistency with which courts struck down the anti-Chinese laws did little to dampen the anti-Chinese movement. Calls for an end to Chinese immigration grew louder as California and San Francisco bumped from one economic trough to another in the 1870s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speculation in Comstock mining shares grew fevered in 1872, then subsided with widespread losses. Immense new silver discoveries in 1873 triggered another investment frenzy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hubert Howe Bancroft's \u003cem>History of California\u003c/em> said the stock exchanges \"were weird in their excitement, the brokers crying to one another, like the unseemly harpies of Dante's hell, every cry carrying the Comstock higher.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If people were wild in those cases or in the excitement of 1872, they now became, so to speak, insane,\" wrote T.H. Hittell in his own history of the period. He said everyone wanted in:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>The race for wealth, which was simply a race to secure stock in the bonanza mines, attracted nearly everybody. The man or woman, who had or could raise money and did not invest, was the exception. Not only the profits of common trade, manufactures and agriculture but often the principal, the slow accumulations of industry, the hard-earned wages of labor, the salaries of professors and preachers, the fees of lawyers and physicians, the deposits in savings banks, the produce of mortgaged homesteads, the money that was inherited or that could be borrowed -- nearly all found their way into the mining-stock market.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10429664\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/William_Chapman_Ralston-e1423609877768.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-10429664\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/William_Chapman_Ralston-400x553.jpg\" alt=\"William C. Ralston, president of the Bank of California, drowned in San Francisco Bay the day after a run on the bank revealed it to be bankrupt. \" width=\"400\" height=\"553\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">William C. Ralston, president of the Bank of California, drowned in San Francisco Bay the day after a run on the bank revealed it to be bankrupt. \u003ccite>(Wikimedia Commons)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It didn't take long for the speculation to exact its toll. One of the first and most notable investors ruined in the 1875 fall of mining stocks was San Francisco's \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfmuseum.net/hist10/wralston.html\">William C. Ralston\u003c/a>. His Bank of California, the biggest financial institution in the state, was forced to close for a time because of losses incurred in his secret speculation in the mines. Ralston drowned off North Beach the day after a run on the bank, a death many presumed to be a suicide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A plunge in mining stocks in 1877 wiped out investors large and small in the city and led to a renewed financial panic. Economic conditions were made worse by the effects of a drought that wiped out most of the year's wheat crop and devastated the cattle industry. The effects of a nationwide depression added to the malaise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a city with a population that now exceeded 200,000, about one in five adult men were out of work. Charities in the city were feeding about 2,000 people a day. Only the very wealthiest, the insiders who had developed the Comstock mines and those who had built the railroads -- those folks who had put up their palaces on Nob Hill -- seemed to be immune from the hard times that had descended over the city in the summer of 1877.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Trade was bad, work was scarce, and for what there was of it the Chinese, willing to take only half the ordinary wages, competed with the white labourer,\" wrote 19th century political historian James Bryce. \"The mob of San Francisco, swelled by disappointed miners from the camps and labourers out of work, men lured from distant homes by the hope of wealth and ease in the land of gold, saw itself on the verge of starvation, while the splendid mansions of speculators, who fifteen years before had kept little shops, rose along the heights of the city, and the newspapers reported their luxurious banquets.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, the millionaires and San Francisco's roughly 20,000 Chinese residents -- groups at opposite ends of the economic spectrum --- were about to become the targets of a fierce political movement on the city's streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Part 2:\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/02/12/boomtown-history-2b\" target=\"_blank\">'The Chinese Must Go!'\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Curious about the boom/bust cycle that is reshaping the Bay Area? Check out our \u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/boomtown\" target=\"_blank\">Boomtown series.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"Unearthing a city alive with a perverse activism aimed at vilifying and excluding one immigrant group.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1424221452,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":58,"wordCount":3131},"headData":{"title":"Boomtown, 1870s: Decade of Bonanza, Bust and Unbridled Racism | KQED","description":"Unearthing a city alive with a perverse activism aimed at vilifying and excluding one immigrant group.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":""},"disqusIdentifier":"10413670 http://ww2.kqed.org/news/?p=10413670","disqusUrl":"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/02/11/draft-boomtown-history-2a/","disqusTitle":"Boomtown, 1870s: Decade of Bonanza, Bust and Unbridled Racism","customPermalink":"2015/02/11/boomtown-1870s-decade-of-bonanza-bust-and-unbridled-racism/","path":"/news/10413670/draft-boomtown-history-2a","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>First of two parts\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">I\u003c/span> am guessing that on some level lots of us buy into the stereotype of the Bay Area as a hotbed of progressive activism. A place that's bluer than blue, that's quick to march, that's home to the \u003ca href=\"http://www.democracynow.org/2009/10/7/as_afghan_war_enters_9th_year\" target=\"_blank\">only member of Congress\u003c/a> to vote against going to war in Afghanistan after 9/11. A place that's proud to have fostered the Free Speech Movement, the Black Panthers and the fight for gay (now LGBTQ) liberation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's true that street activism is very much alive here. The last six years, for instance, have seen what amounts to one long campaign against police violence and social injustice -- a campaign that was sparked by the police killing of BART passenger Oscar Grant, became entwined with the economic justice demands of the Occupy movement and that continues today as part of the Black Lives Matter demonstrations.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">1870s San Francisco was a sort of perverse twin to today's city, home to an activism that was anything but 'progressive.'\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Amid those sporadic eruptions, the tech boom got going and itself became enmeshed in protest. You know the story: Armies of mostly young and highly paid programmers, engineers and entrepreneurs -- and the companies that employ them -- are remaking large swaths of San Francisco, Oakland, the Peninsula and Silicon Valley. Rents have soared, lower-income tenants have lost homes and familiar local businesses, watering holes, art galleries and nonprofits have been priced out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Overnight, or so it seemed, fleets of huge corporate shuttle buses appeared on the streets to whisk the better-paid-than-most-of-us technologists to and from Silicon Valley. Anti-eviction activists turned the vehicles into \u003ca href=\"http://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/jan/25/google-bus-protest-swells-to-revolt-san-francisco\" target=\"_blank\">an internationally recognized symbol\u003c/a> for wealth inequality and community displacement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So that's our tradition of activism as it looks in the early 21st century.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when you get out your pick and shovel (or your library card, Kindle and Web browser) and start digging through the dense strata of protest, agitation and political turbulence that have been laid down here over the decades, you eventually find yourself in 1870s San Francisco, a sort of perverse twin to today's city. It was a place of magnificent wealth displayed amid a full-on depression. It was crowded with desperate and disillusioned people, and it was home to an activism marked by unbridled intolerance and racism directed at one group of immigrants who had ventured across the Pacific to join the Gold Rush.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">B\u003c/span>y 1870, San Francisco had experienced two major booms. The first was touched off in 1848 by the Gold Rush and transformed a village of about 800 people into a city of 35,000 in just five years. When the flow of gold from the Sierra slowed in the mid-1850s, San Francisco suffered its first prolonged economic slump. Population growth slowed and the city's \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/01/13/san-francisco-real-estate-prices-gold-rush\" target=\"_blank\">real estate bubble collapsed\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the downturn didn't last long. Another boom got under way in 1859 with the discovery of Nevada's \u003ca href=\"http://www.onlinenevada.org/articles/comstock-lode\" target=\"_blank\">Comstock Lode\u003c/a> in the mountains northeast of Lake Tahoe. The Comstock was one of the biggest silver finds in history and touched off a new kind of mining bonanza, one in which speculators, bankers and everyday investors all joined the rush.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Comstock mines produced more than $300 million in silver in a little more than two decades, wealth that was largely controlled in San Francisco and helped spark the city's rapid growth -- from about 57,000 in 1860 to 150,000 in 1870 and 233,000 in 1880. (The Comstock also drove a secondary mining boom in the hills just south of the small town of San Jose, where mines in the \u003ca href=\"http://www.historysanjose.org/neighborhoods/newalmaden/\">New Almaden district\u003c/a> produced mercury crucial to the gold and silver refining process.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The wealth extracted from the mines was one thing. But there was another source of wealth to be tapped, too, for those who knew how.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Development of the Comstock was financed largely by investment and speculation on San Francisco's new stock exchange, which focused on trading shares in mining concerns. For a time, everyone wanted in on the game. Here's how Gary Kamiya describes the local Comstock mania in his popular history, \u003ca href=\"http://sfpl.org/index.php?pg=1014001201\" target=\"_blank\">\u003cem>Cool Gray City of Love\u003c/em>\u003c/a>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>San Francisco had always been a gambler’s town, but during silver’s 15-year heyday, virtually the entire population succumbed to a gambling mania unlike any it had seen before or would ever see again. What made speculating in mining stocks so addictive was that their values fluctuated so wildly. A rumor that a new vein had been found could cause the value of a mine’s stock to go up 10 times; it could plummet a week later. As a result, anyone could make a fortune literally overnight, and many did. The entire city buzzed with tales of chambermaids who bought the rooming houses they had worked in a few weeks earlier and of former ditchdiggers riding down newly fashionable Kearny Street in opulent carriages.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>But those who got rich -- and for the most part stayed rich -- were a small group of \u003ca href=\"http://www.onlinenevada.org/articles/bank-crowd\" target=\"_blank\">bankers\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://floodestate.com/GullixsonPresentsTheFloodEstate/History.html\" target=\"_blank\">investors\u003c/a> who controlled both the mines and the exchange.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"By controlling information from the mines,\" historian Gray Brechin writes in \u003ca href=\"http://books.google.com/books/about/Imperial_San_Francisco.html?id=lGJq8nWqY-oC\" target=\"_blank\">\u003cem>Imperial San Francisco\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, this group \"had an advantage available to few other gamblers on the Exchange. The barest hint of a new discovery in the mines triggered mayhem in San Francisco resembling religious rapture or riot. ... Those who had the latest information ... used it to manipulate the market to aggrandize their fortunes from the investments of others.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Kamiya and Brechin quote \u003ca href=\"http://www.timeshutter.com/image/robert-louis-stevenson-memorial-san-francisco-california\" target=\"_blank\">Robert Louis Stevenson\u003c/a>'s description of the scene and the process that was at work as he viewed it from a neighborhood he termed \"the hill of palaces\":\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>From Nob Hill, looking down upon the business wards of the city, we can decry a building with a little belfry, and that is the stock exchange, the heart of San Francisco; a great pump we might call it, continually pumping up the savings of the lower quarters into the pockets of the millionaires upon the hill.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10429593\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 559px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14046_AAB-9544.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-10429593\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14046_AAB-9544.jpg\" alt=\"An 1891 view of Nob Hill, looking north up Powell Street. To the left (west) of Powell at the top of the hill are the mansions of Leland Stanford, Mark Hopkins and James C. Flood. \" width=\"559\" height=\"400\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14046_AAB-9544.jpg 559w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14046_AAB-9544-400x286.jpg 400w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 559px) 100vw, 559px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An 1891 view of Nob Hill, looking north up Powell Street. To the left (west) of Powell at the top of the hill are the mansions of Leland Stanford, Mark Hopkins and James C. Flood. \u003ccite>(San Francisco Public Library History Center)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Comstock made several of those millionaires who built palaces on the hill, including James Flood, whose mansion survives today as the Pacific Union Club, at California and Mason streets. Others who chose Nob Hill as a showcase for their fortunes included Leland Stanford, Mark Hopkins, Collis Huntington and Charles Crocker, \u003ca href=\"http://foundsf.org/index.php?title=The_Octopus_and_the_Big_Four\" target=\"_blank\">the Big Four\u003c/a>, the principal founding investors in the Central Pacific, North America's first transcontinental railroad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the railroad made the Big Four rich, it didn't turn into the engine of prosperity that promoters promised or that San Francisco expected when it was finished in 1869. On the one hand, the road's completion sent thousands of workers, many of them Chinese immigrants, looking for new jobs. On the other, the railroad served as a conduit for masses of people coming in search of work and land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There was little land to be had, though. By one account 0.2 percent of the state's population -- that's two-tenths of 1 percent -- controlled half the land, and huge tracts had been granted to the railroads. Jobs were few, too, as the economy of San Francisco and California as a whole sank into a funk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The particular point we have in view is the lamentable lack of employment for laborers, which is so crying an evil of the day,\" wrote the San Francisco Evening Bulletin in early 1870. \"There are those who estimate the proportion of laborers in California who are out of work ... as high as twenty percent, or one-fifth of the entire mass of inhabitants.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'There are those who estimate the proportion of laborers in California who are out of work ... as high as twenty percent, or one-fifth of the entire mass of inhabitants.'\u003ccite>San Francisco Evening Bulletin, 1870\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>One East Coast commentator wrote that California and San Francisco were experiencing a \"revolution,\" plunging back to earth after the excesses of the Gold Rush and Comstock decades:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Speculation was the groundwork of all her wealth and her growth; uncertainty and irregularity were the laws of her prosperity. High prices and vast profits, a grand and reckless way of business and of life pervaded all her society and her movements,\" wrote Massachusetts newspaper editor Samuel Bowles, who twice visited the city in the mid- and late 1860s. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bowles characterized the situation as the city and state \"struggling into conformity with the modes and morals and money of the nation,\" a transition he observed provoked widespread discontent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"At first the people seemed stunned with the revelation and the revolution,\" Bowles said. \"They cursed the railroad, they cursed the Bank of California, and they cursed the Chinese, one and all, as parents of their disappointment.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">\"C\u003c/span>ursing the Chinese\" was something of a constant among California's white population in the state's early decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Chinese, of course, had joined the rush to what they called Gold Mountain in 1849, along with immigrants from the eastern U.S. states, Western Europe, Mexico, Chile, Peru, Hawaii, Australia and New Zealand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10429650\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/chineserailroad-e1423609155666.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-10429650\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/chineserailroad-e1423609155666-400x411.jpg\" alt=\"Chinese workers on the Central Pacific Railroad's route through the Sierra Nevada. \" width=\"400\" height=\"411\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/chineserailroad-e1423609155666-400x411.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/chineserailroad-e1423609155666-800x822.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/chineserailroad-e1423609155666-32x32.jpg 32w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/chineserailroad-e1423609155666.jpg 1252w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Chinese workers on the Central Pacific Railroad's route through the Sierra Nevada. \u003ccite>(Harper's Weekly/Bancroft Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>White California was not, by and large, a particularly welcoming place for the new arrivals from Mexico and lands south, many of whom were experienced miners when they arrived in the gold fields. Historians note they played an important role in teaching the American novices how to find and remove gold from the streams and hillsides where it lay. Their reward was a state tax on foreign miners and repeated episodes of violence and mistreatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Worse was in store for the Chinese.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California -- most of the white population, its lawmakers and their enactments -- reserved a sustained hostility for these early Asian immigrants almost from the first. Arriving in the gold fields, they were generally excluded from all but the poorest mining claims -- those that had already been worked and believed exhausted. They were often the target of violence and were, like blacks and Indians, denied the right even to testify in court against those who robbed and attacked them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What was the source of the animus, which was soon to have official backing?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Theodore Hittell, who produced a voluminous California history, \u003ca href=\"https://archive.org/stream/gb0e4-lf4RejkC#page/n93/mode/2up\" target=\"_blank\">offered this speculation\u003c/a>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>It was the practice of the Chinese then as now to huddle together in special and confined quarters and to dress and live as they had dressed and lived in China. Almost all their clothing and most all their food, which consisted in great part of rice, were imported from their native land. As a class they were harmless, peaceful and exceedingly industrious; but, as they were remarkably economical and spent little or none of their earnings except for the necessaries of life and this chiefly to merchants of their own nationality, they soon began to provoke the prejudice and ill-will of those who could not see any value in their labor to the country.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>A much more recent historian -- Charles J. McClain, in \u003ca href=\"https://books.google.com/books?id=eZ7TqtjYlfcC\" target=\"_blank\">\u003cem>In Search of Equality: The Chinese Struggle against Discrimination in Nineteenth-Century America\u003c/em>\u003c/a> -- cites that passage and amplifies it:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>In short, [the Chinese] worked too hard (often for less pay than others were willing to accept), saved too much, and spent too little. In addition, they looked and behaved differently from the majority population. Beneath all the surface rationalizations, this was to be the gravamen of the complaint against the Chinese through the many phases of the anti-Chinese movement in California.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>That movement led to a series of state and local laws meant to force the Chinese to leave California or make it extremely difficult or expensive to stay. The tax on foreign miners was increased repeatedly. The Legislature enacted a variety of fees and taxes on arriving Chinese immigrants, then a tax of $2.50 month (something like $60 in today's money) on most Chinese residents. Chinese children were excluded from the state's public schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'We would beg to remind you that when your nation was a wilderness ... we exercised most of the arts and virtues of civilized life.'\u003ccite>Norman Asing,\u003cbr>\nChinese-American merchant\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>San Francisco's Board of Supervisors joined in the anti-Chinese campaign with a long list of discriminatory ordinances. One attempted to ban Chinese peddlers from the common practice of carrying their goods on poles. Other laws attempted to impose punitive fees on the city's large number of Chinese laundries and to regulate the size of rooms in lodging-houses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As McClain notes, the Chinese didn't take this continuing assault on their liberty lying down. As the anti-Chinese agitation got under way in the early 1850s, Gov. John Bigler sent the Legislature a special message urging a program of taxes and other measures to stop Chinese immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among his justifications: the unfounded claim that the Chinese arriving in California were \"coolies\" -- essentially indentured servants who were little better than slaves for the Chinese contractors who hired them. He also argued that, in essence, the Chinese were inferior, ignorant of the enlightened American way of doing things: incapable, for instance, of understanding the importance of or keeping an oath of citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bigler's message brought a response from a Chinese merchant in San Francisco named Norman Asing, who blasted the logic of excluding productive immigrants and questioning who in California really represented an inferior culture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We would beg to remind you that when your nation was a wilderness, and the nation from whom you sprung \u003cem>barbarous\u003c/em>, we exercised most of the arts and virtues of civilized life,\" Asing wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More important, McClain says, is that leading members of the Chinese community, centered in San Francisco, approached the Legislature directly to try to stem the tide of punitive taxes and other laws. When that effort met with only modest success, they challenged the anti-Chinese laws in court and got the worst of them thrown out. In the 1850s, for instance, Chinese plaintiffs sued the state to overturn a tax to be levied against all arriving Chinese passengers and another that sought to ban Chinese from landing at the state's ports. Both laws were struck down for interfering with federal powers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Likewise in the late 1860s and early '70s, Chinese Californians waged long and ultimately successful campaigns to win the right to testify in court and to end enforcement of the discriminatory tax on foreign miners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">T\u003c/span>he consistency with which courts struck down the anti-Chinese laws did little to dampen the anti-Chinese movement. Calls for an end to Chinese immigration grew louder as California and San Francisco bumped from one economic trough to another in the 1870s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speculation in Comstock mining shares grew fevered in 1872, then subsided with widespread losses. Immense new silver discoveries in 1873 triggered another investment frenzy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hubert Howe Bancroft's \u003cem>History of California\u003c/em> said the stock exchanges \"were weird in their excitement, the brokers crying to one another, like the unseemly harpies of Dante's hell, every cry carrying the Comstock higher.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If people were wild in those cases or in the excitement of 1872, they now became, so to speak, insane,\" wrote T.H. Hittell in his own history of the period. He said everyone wanted in:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>The race for wealth, which was simply a race to secure stock in the bonanza mines, attracted nearly everybody. The man or woman, who had or could raise money and did not invest, was the exception. Not only the profits of common trade, manufactures and agriculture but often the principal, the slow accumulations of industry, the hard-earned wages of labor, the salaries of professors and preachers, the fees of lawyers and physicians, the deposits in savings banks, the produce of mortgaged homesteads, the money that was inherited or that could be borrowed -- nearly all found their way into the mining-stock market.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10429664\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/William_Chapman_Ralston-e1423609877768.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-10429664\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/William_Chapman_Ralston-400x553.jpg\" alt=\"William C. Ralston, president of the Bank of California, drowned in San Francisco Bay the day after a run on the bank revealed it to be bankrupt. \" width=\"400\" height=\"553\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">William C. Ralston, president of the Bank of California, drowned in San Francisco Bay the day after a run on the bank revealed it to be bankrupt. \u003ccite>(Wikimedia Commons)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It didn't take long for the speculation to exact its toll. One of the first and most notable investors ruined in the 1875 fall of mining stocks was San Francisco's \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfmuseum.net/hist10/wralston.html\">William C. Ralston\u003c/a>. His Bank of California, the biggest financial institution in the state, was forced to close for a time because of losses incurred in his secret speculation in the mines. Ralston drowned off North Beach the day after a run on the bank, a death many presumed to be a suicide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A plunge in mining stocks in 1877 wiped out investors large and small in the city and led to a renewed financial panic. Economic conditions were made worse by the effects of a drought that wiped out most of the year's wheat crop and devastated the cattle industry. The effects of a nationwide depression added to the malaise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a city with a population that now exceeded 200,000, about one in five adult men were out of work. Charities in the city were feeding about 2,000 people a day. Only the very wealthiest, the insiders who had developed the Comstock mines and those who had built the railroads -- those folks who had put up their palaces on Nob Hill -- seemed to be immune from the hard times that had descended over the city in the summer of 1877.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Trade was bad, work was scarce, and for what there was of it the Chinese, willing to take only half the ordinary wages, competed with the white labourer,\" wrote 19th century political historian James Bryce. \"The mob of San Francisco, swelled by disappointed miners from the camps and labourers out of work, men lured from distant homes by the hope of wealth and ease in the land of gold, saw itself on the verge of starvation, while the splendid mansions of speculators, who fifteen years before had kept little shops, rose along the heights of the city, and the newspapers reported their luxurious banquets.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, the millionaires and San Francisco's roughly 20,000 Chinese residents -- groups at opposite ends of the economic spectrum --- were about to become the targets of a fierce political movement on the city's streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Part 2:\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/02/12/boomtown-history-2b\" target=\"_blank\">'The Chinese Must Go!'\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Curious about the boom/bust cycle that is reshaping the Bay Area? Check out our \u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/boomtown\" target=\"_blank\">Boomtown series.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/10413670/draft-boomtown-history-2a","authors":["222"],"programs":["news_6944"],"series":["news_17411"],"categories":["news_1758","news_1169"],"tags":["news_17653","news_38"],"featImg":"news_10413702","label":"news_6944"}},"programsReducer":{"possible":{"id":"possible","title":"Possible","info":"Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.","airtime":"SUN 2pm","imageSrc":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg","officialWebsiteLink":"https://www.possible.fm/","meta":{"site":"news","source":"Possible"},"link":"/radio/program/possible","subscribe":{"apple":"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/possible/id1677184070","spotify":"https://open.spotify.com/show/730YpdUSNlMyPQwNnyjp4k"}},"1a":{"id":"1a","title":"1A","info":"1A is home to the national conversation. 1A brings on great guests and frames the best debate in ways that make you think, share and engage.","airtime":"MON-THU 11pm-12am","imageSrc":"https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/1a.jpg","officialWebsiteLink":"https://the1a.org/","meta":{"site":"news","source":"npr"},"link":"/radio/program/1a","subscribe":{"npr":"https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/RBrW","apple":"https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=1188724250&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory","tuneIn":"https://tunein.com/radio/1A-p947376/","rss":"https://feeds.npr.org/510316/podcast.xml"}},"all-things-considered":{"id":"all-things-considered","title":"All Things Considered","info":"Every weekday, \u003cem>All Things Considered\u003c/em> hosts Robert Siegel, Audie Cornish, Ari Shapiro, and Kelly McEvers present the program's trademark mix of news, interviews, commentaries, reviews, and offbeat features. Michel Martin hosts on the weekends.","airtime":"MON-FRI 1pm-2pm, 4:30pm-6:30pm\u003cbr />SAT-SUN 5pm-6pm","imageSrc":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/All-Things-Considered-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg","officialWebsiteLink":"https://www.npr.org/programs/all-things-considered/","meta":{"site":"news","source":"npr"},"link":"/radio/program/all-things-considered"},"american-suburb-podcast":{"id":"american-suburb-podcast","title":"American Suburb: The Podcast","tagline":"The flip side of gentrification, told through one town","info":"Gentrification is changing cities across America, forcing people from neighborhoods they have long called home. Call them the displaced. Now those priced out of the Bay Area are looking for a better life in an unlikely place. American Suburb follows this migration to one California town along the Delta, 45 miles from San Francisco. But is this once sleepy suburb ready for them?","imageSrc":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/American-Suburb-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg","officialWebsiteLink":"/news/series/american-suburb-podcast","meta":{"site":"news","source":"kqed","order":"13"},"link":"/news/series/american-suburb-podcast/","subscribe":{"npr":"https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/RBrW","apple":"https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?mt=2&id=1287748328","tuneIn":"https://tunein.com/radio/American-Suburb-p1086805/","rss":"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/american-suburb-podcast/feed/podcast","google":"https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkMzMDExODgxNjA5"}},"baycurious":{"id":"baycurious","title":"Bay Curious","tagline":"Exploring the Bay Area, one question at a time","info":"KQED’s new podcast, Bay Curious, gets to the bottom of the mysteries — both profound and peculiar — that give the Bay Area its unique identity. And we’ll do it with your help! You ask the questions. You decide what Bay Curious investigates. And you join us on the journey to find the answers.","imageSrc":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Bay-Curious-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg","imageAlt":"\"KQED Bay Curious","officialWebsiteLink":"/news/series/baycurious","meta":{"site":"news","source":"kqed","order":"4"},"link":"/podcasts/baycurious","subscribe":{"apple":"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406","npr":"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/500557090/bay-curious","rss":"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/category/bay-curious-podcast/feed/podcast","google":"https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly93dzIua3FlZC5vcmcvbmV3cy9jYXRlZ29yeS9iYXktY3VyaW91cy1wb2RjYXN0L2ZlZWQvcG9kY2FzdA","stitcher":"https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/bay-curious","spotify":"https://open.spotify.com/show/6O76IdmhixfijmhTZLIJ8k"}},"bbc-world-service":{"id":"bbc-world-service","title":"BBC World Service","info":"The day's top stories from BBC News compiled twice daily in the week, once at weekends.","airtime":"MON-FRI 9pm-10pm, TUE-FRI 1am-2am","imageSrc":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/BBC-World-Service-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg","officialWebsiteLink":"https://www.bbc.co.uk/sounds/play/live:bbc_world_service","meta":{"site":"news","source":"BBC World Service"},"link":"/radio/program/bbc-world-service","subscribe":{"apple":"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/global-news-podcast/id135067274?mt=2","tuneIn":"https://tunein.com/radio/BBC-World-Service-p455581/","rss":"https://podcasts.files.bbci.co.uk/p02nq0gn.rss"}},"code-switch-life-kit":{"id":"code-switch-life-kit","title":"Code Switch / Life Kit","info":"\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. 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You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>","imageSrc":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg","imageAlt":"KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn","officialWebsiteLink":"/mindshift/","meta":{"site":"news","source":"kqed","order":"2"},"link":"/podcasts/mindshift","subscribe":{"apple":"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/mindshift-podcast/id1078765985","google":"https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5","npr":"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/464615685/mind-shift-podcast","stitcher":"https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/stories-teachers-share","spotify":"https://open.spotify.com/show/0MxSpNYZKNprFLCl7eEtyx"}},"morning-edition":{"id":"morning-edition","title":"Morning Edition","info":"\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.","airtime":"MON-FRI 3am-9am","imageSrc":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg","officialWebsiteLink":"https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/","meta":{"site":"news","source":"npr"},"link":"/radio/program/morning-edition"},"onourwatch":{"id":"onourwatch","title":"On Our Watch","tagline":"Police secrets, unsealed","info":"For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?","imageSrc":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg","imageAlt":"On Our Watch from NPR and KQED","officialWebsiteLink":"/podcasts/onourwatch","meta":{"site":"news","source":"kqed","order":"1"},"link":"/podcasts/onourwatch","subscribe":{"apple":"https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/id1567098962","google":"https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw","npr":"https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/onourwatch","spotify":"https://open.spotify.com/show/0OLWoyizopu6tY1XiuX70x","tuneIn":"https://tunein.com/radio/On-Our-Watch-p1436229/","stitcher":"https://www.stitcher.com/show/on-our-watch","rss":"https://feeds.npr.org/510360/podcast.xml"}},"on-the-media":{"id":"on-the-media","title":"On The Media","info":"Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us","airtime":"SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am","imageSrc":"https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png","officialWebsiteLink":"https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm","meta":{"site":"news","source":"wnyc"},"link":"/radio/program/on-the-media","subscribe":{"apple":"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2","tuneIn":"https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/","rss":"http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"}},"our-body-politic":{"id":"our-body-politic","title":"Our Body Politic","info":"Presented by KQED, KCRW and KPCC, and created and hosted by award-winning journalist Farai Chideya, Our Body Politic is unapologetically centered on reporting on not just how women of color experience the major political events of today, but how they’re impacting those very issues.","airtime":"SAT 6pm-7pm, SUN 1am-2am","imageSrc":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Our-Body-Politic-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg","officialWebsiteLink":"https://our-body-politic.simplecast.com/","meta":{"site":"news","source":"kcrw"},"link":"/radio/program/our-body-politic","subscribe":{"apple":"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/our-body-politic/id1533069868","google":"https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5zaW1wbGVjYXN0LmNvbS9feGFQaHMxcw","spotify":"https://open.spotify.com/show/4ApAiLT1kV153TttWAmqmc","rss":"https://feeds.simplecast.com/_xaPhs1s","tuneIn":"https://tunein.com/podcasts/News--Politics-Podcasts/Our-Body-Politic-p1369211/"}},"pbs-newshour":{"id":"pbs-newshour","title":"PBS NewsHour","info":"Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.","airtime":"MON-FRI 3pm-4pm","imageSrc":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg","officialWebsiteLink":"https://www.pbs.org/newshour/","meta":{"site":"news","source":"pbs"},"link":"/radio/program/pbs-newshour","subscribe":{"apple":"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2","tuneIn":"https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/","rss":"https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"}},"perspectives":{"id":"perspectives","title":"Perspectives","tagline":"KQED's series of of daily listener commentaries since 1991","info":"KQED's series of of daily listener commentaries since 1991.","imageSrc":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Perspectives-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg","officialWebsiteLink":"/perspectives/","meta":{"site":"radio","source":"kqed","order":"15"},"link":"/perspectives","subscribe":{"apple":"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/id73801135","npr":"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/432309616/perspectives","rss":"https://ww2.kqed.org/perspectives/category/perspectives/feed/","google":"https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly93dzIua3FlZC5vcmcvcGVyc3BlY3RpdmVzL2NhdGVnb3J5L3BlcnNwZWN0aXZlcy9mZWVkLw"}},"planet-money":{"id":"planet-money","title":"Planet Money","info":"The economy explained. 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