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The Japanese grocery store doubles as a modest restaurant, where owner Morgan Doizaki serves up catfish nuggets and fish and chips.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This business is bustling, but around the shop, there’s not a lot of activity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When my great uncle opened the store, this was the downtown for communities of color,” Doizaki said. “Then, it became a ghost town.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because, in the 1960s, Fresno’s Chinatown was hit hard by \u003ca href=\"https://www.urbandisplacement.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/03/Fresno.pdf\">urban renewal\u003c/a>. A major highway cut through the once-vibrant neighborhood, resulting in demolished buildings and shuttered stores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, the California High-Speed Rail Authority promises to bring economic prosperity back to this area by constructing a new station — one of the first to be built along the line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while some Chinatown residents said this station will be a boon to the local economy, others worry it will be a catalyst for gentrification, ultimately pushing out the very people and businesses the new station aims to benefit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Margaret Cederoth, the director of planning and sustainability at the California High-Speed Rail Authority, said that after decades of segregation, she hopes the new station — with entrances on both the Chinatown and downtown sides of the tracks — will be a bridge to reknit the two neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s actually a fantastic opportunity for reconnecting downtown and Chinatown,” Cederoth said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11983935\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11983935\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-Crossing-Path-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-Crossing-Path-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-Crossing-Path-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-Crossing-Path-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-Crossing-Path-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-Crossing-Path.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A 2024 rendering of the high-speed rail station in Fresno. \u003ccite>(Courtesy California High-Speed Rail Authority)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To jumpstart economic activity, the authority secured a \u003ca href=\"https://hsr.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2023/08/RAISE-2023-Factsheet-Revised-A11Y.pdf\">$20 million grant\u003c/a> from the federal government to build a plaza in front of the new station that will host food trucks and street vendors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaza, which will sit on the downtown side of the tracks, is slated to open in 2026, a full four years before trains are expected to start running. On the Chinatown side, the authority plans to build an electric vehicle charging station for residents. The funding will also help restore the historic train depot, which will be incorporated into the new station’s design and is believed to be one of Fresno’s oldest buildings, according to the High-Speed Rail Authority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Fresno] was a city that was really born out of the railway, and having that historic station next to the future high-speed rail station creates this real chemistry between old and new,” Cederoth said. “We want these to be places that are enjoyed by the public, even in advance of high-speed rail service.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The history of Fresno’s Chinatown\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Chinese immigrants were among the first to settle in Fresno after they helped build the transcontinental railroad in the 1860s. When white landlords in the city agreed not to sell or lease homes east of the railroad to Chinese residents, they were forced to relocate to the west side of the tracks, where Chinatown is now, separating downtown Fresno from Chinese residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These residents created a bustling neighborhood filled with shops, restaurants and civic organizations. But, Jan Minami, director of the Chinatown Fresno Foundation Project, said it was also a locus of illicit activity, which took place inside a warren of underground tunnels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At one point, Chinatown was a red light district,” Minami said. “Many of the underground tunnels and basements were created to escape the heat, but they were also used to essentially hide gambling and prostitution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chinese immigrants continued to move to the neighborhood and began working at nearby farms, picking figs, grapes, cotton and wheat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, in the 1880s, the Chinese Exclusion Act diminished the Chinese workforce. Japanese immigrants, including Doizaki’s family, moved in with many replacing Chinese workers in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11983937\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11983937\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/8A450199-F2F2-4509-AAE8-C6ED1F7A34D1_1_105_c_qut-800x601.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"601\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/8A450199-F2F2-4509-AAE8-C6ED1F7A34D1_1_105_c_qut-800x601.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/8A450199-F2F2-4509-AAE8-C6ED1F7A34D1_1_105_c_qut-1020x766.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/8A450199-F2F2-4509-AAE8-C6ED1F7A34D1_1_105_c_qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/8A450199-F2F2-4509-AAE8-C6ED1F7A34D1_1_105_c_qut.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Morgan Doizaki stands outside his family business, Central Fish Company, in Fresno’s Chinatown on March 26, 2024. Doizaki’s family has run the shop since 1950. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Morgan Doizaki)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Doizaki’s great-grandpa first moved from Japan to Fowler, a small rural town south of Fresno, in 1898. He and his family relocated to Fresno’s Chinatown years later and began creating a life there — until World War II when Japanese immigrants were forced into internment camps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Doizaki’s family was one of the few that was able to rebuild and maintain a business in the area. Over time, Fresno’s Chinatown would become home to 11 different cultures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve had our ups and downs, but we’re starting to see improvements,” Doizaki said of his neighborhood. ” High-speed rail definitely has helped put a lot of focus into Chinatown.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Chinatown revitalization\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The High-Speed Rail Authority estimates it will spend more than \u003ca href=\"https://hsr.ca.gov/2023/06/28/news-release-high-speed-rail-authority-receives-20-million-from-federal-government-to-revitalize-historic-fresno-train-depot/#:~:text=NEWS%20RELEASE%3A%E2%80%8B%20High%2DSpeed,Revitalize%20Historic%20Fresno%20Train%20Depot&text=FRESNO%2C%20Calif.\">$33 million\u003c/a> on the plaza and other early work near the new station — an investment that’s also prompting city officials to get in on the revitalization effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fresno City Council members recently approved a $10 million contract, with funding from the \u003ca href=\"https://sgc.ca.gov/grant-programs/tcc/\">Transforming Climate Communities Program\u003c/a>, to construct median islands with greenery and new sidewalks, as well as install street lights with Chinese lanterns to honor the neighborhood’s culture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11983940\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11983940\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A 2024 rendering of the high-speed rail station in Fresno. \u003ccite>(Courtesy California High-Speed Rail Authority)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the last year, the city has opened an apartment building with \u003ca href=\"https://fresnohousing.org/properties/the-monarch-chinatown/\">57 affordable units\u003c/a> just three blocks from the Chinatown station. Councilmember Miguel Arias, who represents the district, said the city has also acquired old motels and historic buildings that will eventually be converted into market-rate and affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a responsibility to these communities to not allow the next modern transit system to continue that historical redlining because the freeway system, the train system fundamentally killed Chinatown,” Arias said. “Our goal is to have about half a dozen housing projects be opened or in the final stages of construction by 2026.” [aside label='Related Coverage' tag='central-valley']But housing advocates said building more is just one piece of a much larger puzzle. Marisa Moraza, a campaign director with Power California, said the city needs to ensure that all this new development does not price out tenants and business owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For that, she’s advocating for the city to impose a rent cap, increase tenant protections and institute a new oversight board to oversee these efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s Department of Housing and Community Development has mandated that Fresno build nearly \u003ca href=\"https://fresnocog.wpenginepowered.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/11/FCOG_RHNP_Public_Review_Final_November_2022_Compiled.pdf\">37,000 new homes and apartments\u003c/a> by 2031 as part of California’s broader goal to construct \u003ca href=\"https://statewide-housing-plan-cahcd.hub.arcgis.com/\">2.5 million homes\u003c/a> in that time. And in a \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1eZOB6B6RPRgSnWfKu27p8iYwbPij2vaU/view?usp=sharing\">letter to the city\u003c/a> (PDF), the department recommended it listen and incorporate comments from community groups, such as Power California, as it plans for its share of that new housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to continue to see the city of Fresno grow,” Moraza said. “However, we want to ensure that we are not increasing displacement in downtown and in southwest Fresno as well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Doizaki, whose family business has been in Chinatown since 1950, he hopes the city and businesses can work together to provide enough housing for residents with a healthy range of incomes and backgrounds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the plans that I’m seeing right now is to fill Chinatown with affordable housing. That’s not how you build a thriving community,” he said. “It’s 2024; we should be able to foresee that this is not how you treat a cultural minority district that was born through racism.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"California High-Speed Rail Authorities are promising to revitalize Fresno’s Chinatown years before the first trains leave the station, intending to spur economic growth for the struggling neighborhood.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1714003621,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":30,"wordCount":1296},"headData":{"title":"In Fresno’s Chinatown, High-Speed Rail Sparks Hope and Debate Within Residents | KQED","description":"California High-Speed Rail Authorities are promising to revitalize Fresno’s Chinatown years before the first trains leave the station, intending to spur economic growth for the struggling neighborhood.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"In Fresno’s Chinatown, High-Speed Rail Sparks Hope and Debate Within Residents","datePublished":"2024-04-25T11:00:42.000Z","dateModified":"2024-04-25T00:07:01.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"audioUrl":"https://traffic.omny.fm/d/clips/0af137ef-751e-4b19-a055-aaef00d2d578/ffca7e9f-6831-41c5-bcaf-aaef00f5a073/5fe27eaf-26a1-4ef5-bdf2-b15c00f545df/audio.mp3","sticky":false,"excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11983907/in-fresnos-chinatown-high-speed-rail-sparks-hope-and-debate-within-residents","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>On a recent weekday in Fresno’s Chinatown, a steady stream of customers flow into the Central Fish Company. The Japanese grocery store doubles as a modest restaurant, where owner Morgan Doizaki serves up catfish nuggets and fish and chips.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This business is bustling, but around the shop, there’s not a lot of activity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When my great uncle opened the store, this was the downtown for communities of color,” Doizaki said. “Then, it became a ghost town.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because, in the 1960s, Fresno’s Chinatown was hit hard by \u003ca href=\"https://www.urbandisplacement.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/03/Fresno.pdf\">urban renewal\u003c/a>. A major highway cut through the once-vibrant neighborhood, resulting in demolished buildings and shuttered stores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, the California High-Speed Rail Authority promises to bring economic prosperity back to this area by constructing a new station — one of the first to be built along the line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while some Chinatown residents said this station will be a boon to the local economy, others worry it will be a catalyst for gentrification, ultimately pushing out the very people and businesses the new station aims to benefit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Margaret Cederoth, the director of planning and sustainability at the California High-Speed Rail Authority, said that after decades of segregation, she hopes the new station — with entrances on both the Chinatown and downtown sides of the tracks — will be a bridge to reknit the two neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s actually a fantastic opportunity for reconnecting downtown and Chinatown,” Cederoth said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11983935\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11983935\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-Crossing-Path-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-Crossing-Path-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-Crossing-Path-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-Crossing-Path-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-Crossing-Path-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-Crossing-Path.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A 2024 rendering of the high-speed rail station in Fresno. \u003ccite>(Courtesy California High-Speed Rail Authority)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To jumpstart economic activity, the authority secured a \u003ca href=\"https://hsr.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2023/08/RAISE-2023-Factsheet-Revised-A11Y.pdf\">$20 million grant\u003c/a> from the federal government to build a plaza in front of the new station that will host food trucks and street vendors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaza, which will sit on the downtown side of the tracks, is slated to open in 2026, a full four years before trains are expected to start running. On the Chinatown side, the authority plans to build an electric vehicle charging station for residents. The funding will also help restore the historic train depot, which will be incorporated into the new station’s design and is believed to be one of Fresno’s oldest buildings, according to the High-Speed Rail Authority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Fresno] was a city that was really born out of the railway, and having that historic station next to the future high-speed rail station creates this real chemistry between old and new,” Cederoth said. “We want these to be places that are enjoyed by the public, even in advance of high-speed rail service.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The history of Fresno’s Chinatown\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Chinese immigrants were among the first to settle in Fresno after they helped build the transcontinental railroad in the 1860s. When white landlords in the city agreed not to sell or lease homes east of the railroad to Chinese residents, they were forced to relocate to the west side of the tracks, where Chinatown is now, separating downtown Fresno from Chinese residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These residents created a bustling neighborhood filled with shops, restaurants and civic organizations. But, Jan Minami, director of the Chinatown Fresno Foundation Project, said it was also a locus of illicit activity, which took place inside a warren of underground tunnels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At one point, Chinatown was a red light district,” Minami said. “Many of the underground tunnels and basements were created to escape the heat, but they were also used to essentially hide gambling and prostitution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chinese immigrants continued to move to the neighborhood and began working at nearby farms, picking figs, grapes, cotton and wheat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, in the 1880s, the Chinese Exclusion Act diminished the Chinese workforce. Japanese immigrants, including Doizaki’s family, moved in with many replacing Chinese workers in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11983937\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11983937\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/8A450199-F2F2-4509-AAE8-C6ED1F7A34D1_1_105_c_qut-800x601.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"601\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/8A450199-F2F2-4509-AAE8-C6ED1F7A34D1_1_105_c_qut-800x601.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/8A450199-F2F2-4509-AAE8-C6ED1F7A34D1_1_105_c_qut-1020x766.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/8A450199-F2F2-4509-AAE8-C6ED1F7A34D1_1_105_c_qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/8A450199-F2F2-4509-AAE8-C6ED1F7A34D1_1_105_c_qut.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Morgan Doizaki stands outside his family business, Central Fish Company, in Fresno’s Chinatown on March 26, 2024. Doizaki’s family has run the shop since 1950. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Morgan Doizaki)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Doizaki’s great-grandpa first moved from Japan to Fowler, a small rural town south of Fresno, in 1898. He and his family relocated to Fresno’s Chinatown years later and began creating a life there — until World War II when Japanese immigrants were forced into internment camps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Doizaki’s family was one of the few that was able to rebuild and maintain a business in the area. Over time, Fresno’s Chinatown would become home to 11 different cultures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve had our ups and downs, but we’re starting to see improvements,” Doizaki said of his neighborhood. ” High-speed rail definitely has helped put a lot of focus into Chinatown.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Chinatown revitalization\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The High-Speed Rail Authority estimates it will spend more than \u003ca href=\"https://hsr.ca.gov/2023/06/28/news-release-high-speed-rail-authority-receives-20-million-from-federal-government-to-revitalize-historic-fresno-train-depot/#:~:text=NEWS%20RELEASE%3A%E2%80%8B%20High%2DSpeed,Revitalize%20Historic%20Fresno%20Train%20Depot&text=FRESNO%2C%20Calif.\">$33 million\u003c/a> on the plaza and other early work near the new station — an investment that’s also prompting city officials to get in on the revitalization effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fresno City Council members recently approved a $10 million contract, with funding from the \u003ca href=\"https://sgc.ca.gov/grant-programs/tcc/\">Transforming Climate Communities Program\u003c/a>, to construct median islands with greenery and new sidewalks, as well as install street lights with Chinese lanterns to honor the neighborhood’s culture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11983940\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11983940\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A 2024 rendering of the high-speed rail station in Fresno. \u003ccite>(Courtesy California High-Speed Rail Authority)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the last year, the city has opened an apartment building with \u003ca href=\"https://fresnohousing.org/properties/the-monarch-chinatown/\">57 affordable units\u003c/a> just three blocks from the Chinatown station. Councilmember Miguel Arias, who represents the district, said the city has also acquired old motels and historic buildings that will eventually be converted into market-rate and affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a responsibility to these communities to not allow the next modern transit system to continue that historical redlining because the freeway system, the train system fundamentally killed Chinatown,” Arias said. “Our goal is to have about half a dozen housing projects be opened or in the final stages of construction by 2026.” \u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"label":"Related Coverage ","tag":"central-valley"},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But housing advocates said building more is just one piece of a much larger puzzle. Marisa Moraza, a campaign director with Power California, said the city needs to ensure that all this new development does not price out tenants and business owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For that, she’s advocating for the city to impose a rent cap, increase tenant protections and institute a new oversight board to oversee these efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s Department of Housing and Community Development has mandated that Fresno build nearly \u003ca href=\"https://fresnocog.wpenginepowered.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/11/FCOG_RHNP_Public_Review_Final_November_2022_Compiled.pdf\">37,000 new homes and apartments\u003c/a> by 2031 as part of California’s broader goal to construct \u003ca href=\"https://statewide-housing-plan-cahcd.hub.arcgis.com/\">2.5 million homes\u003c/a> in that time. And in a \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1eZOB6B6RPRgSnWfKu27p8iYwbPij2vaU/view?usp=sharing\">letter to the city\u003c/a> (PDF), the department recommended it listen and incorporate comments from community groups, such as Power California, as it plans for its share of that new housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to continue to see the city of Fresno grow,” Moraza said. “However, we want to ensure that we are not increasing displacement in downtown and in southwest Fresno as well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Doizaki, whose family business has been in Chinatown since 1950, he hopes the city and businesses can work together to provide enough housing for residents with a healthy range of incomes and backgrounds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the plans that I’m seeing right now is to fill Chinatown with affordable housing. That’s not how you build a thriving community,” he said. “It’s 2024; we should be able to foresee that this is not how you treat a cultural minority district that was born through racism.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11983907/in-fresnos-chinatown-high-speed-rail-sparks-hope-and-debate-within-residents","authors":["11895"],"programs":["news_72"],"categories":["news_1169","news_8"],"tags":["news_307","news_20290","news_311","news_23152","news_27626","news_37","news_309","news_1775","news_20202","news_20517"],"featImg":"news_11983945","label":"news_72"},"news_11983858":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11983858","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11983858","score":null,"sort":[1714039234000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"alameda-the-island-that-almost-wasnt","title":"Alameda — The Island That Almost Wasn’t","publishDate":1714039234,"format":"image","headTitle":"Alameda — The Island That Almost Wasn’t | KQED","labelTerm":{},"content":"\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">View the full episode transcript.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city of Alameda has all the sure signs of an island. To get there, you have to use a bridge, a tunnel or a boat. Locals talk about going “on and off island.” And residents, like Nate Puckett, wear Alameda-themed T-shirts that say “Islander.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t leave the island for, like, weeks,” says Puckett, who lives, works and raises two kids in the Bay Area city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But recently, Puckett’s sense of place was thrown off-kilter. He was enjoying an ice cream at a favorite local spot — Tucker’s — when he looked up at a historical map on the wall. It showed Alameda connected to the mainland. That must be wrong, he thought; Alameda is an island.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriouspodcastinfo]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the map was not wrong — it was just old. In fact, Alameda is not a natural island. And it almost never became an island at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It kind of felt like we’ve been living a lie,” Puckett says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Puckett asked Bay Curious to find out more about Alameda’s island origin story. The project took nearly 30 years to complete and had enough twists and turns to make anyone dizzy.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>When it all began\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11983868\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 999px\">\u003ca href=\"https://oaklandlibrary.org/ohc/\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11983868 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Alameda1877-tweaked.jpg\" alt=\"An old map shows what is now Alameda Island as connected to the mainland.\" width=\"999\" height=\"752\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Alameda1877-tweaked.jpg 999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Alameda1877-tweaked-800x602.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Alameda1877-tweaked-160x120.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 999px) 100vw, 999px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A map of Alameda from 1877 shows it as a connected peninsula, not an island. \u003ccite>(Oakland Public Library, Oakland History Center)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the 1870s, Alameda was a big peninsula that jutted out from what is now Oakland’s Fruitvale neighborhood like an outstretched arm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back then, things were pretty quiet in that part of the East Bay (it wasn’t Oakland until later). The marshy region was not very populated; the landscape was mostly wide open fields and the estates of a few wealthy families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Oakland’s inner harbor was nearby, and it was quickly becoming a bustling center for maritime commerce. Once the Gold Rush started, more and more ships arrived, bringing in all sorts of goods. And Oakland itself was growing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But navigation to the budding port was tricky. Boats had to traverse a wild waterway that hadn’t seen much development yet. Sediment on the harbor’s bottom would shift with the tides, causing sandbars to move in unpredictable patterns that caused problems for navigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[The sandbars] were there on Monday, Wednesday and Friday, [and then] they’d be over here on Tuesday and Thursday,” Alameda historian Dennis Evanosky says. “It impeded the shipping traffic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11983870\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11983870\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Evanosky-Puckett.jpg\" alt=\"Older man in blue sweater stands next to a younger one in brown.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1276\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Evanosky-Puckett.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Evanosky-Puckett-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Evanosky-Puckett-1020x678.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Evanosky-Puckett-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Evanosky-Puckett-1536x1021.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dennis Evanosky (left) with Nate Puckett next to the Alameda canal. The Park Street bridge looms in the background. \u003ccite>(Pauline Bartolone/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Oakland was never going to become the shipping destination it wanted to be if the waterways remained so unpredictable and the port so difficult to reach. And Oakland had big development ambitions, says Richard Walker, a \u003ca href=\"https://geography.berkeley.edu/professor-emeritus-richard-walker\">professor emeritus in geography at UC Berkeley\u003c/a> and author of several books about California history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The sense of competition with San Francisco [was] intense,” Walker says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the late 1800s, Oakland was coming into its own politically and economically, developing its own banks, businesses and shipping companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That grows and grows so that Oakland, by the early 20th century, is really thumbing its nose at San Francisco,” Walker says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to local lobbying, Congressmen worked to bring in millions of federal dollars to pay the Army Corps of Engineers to improve the harbor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since shifting sandbars on the bottom was the biggest problem, \u003ca href=\"https://tile.loc.gov/storage-services/master/pnp/habshaer/ca/ca2600/ca2606/data/ca2606data.pdf\">the initial plan\u003c/a> was to cut through the marshy area of the Alameda peninsula, where it was connected to the mainland, to create a canal. Engineers thought if they built a dam at one end, they could release powerful torrents of water through the canal to flush out built-up sediment in the harbor. That would clear the way for bigger ships to come and go more easily.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The project got the green light in the early 1870s, but over the next three decades, it hit roadblock after roadblock.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Resistance to the project\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://alamedamuseum.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/AMQ_MAR_2019.pdf\">Eleven families owned land where the government wanted to dredge the canal\u003c/a>. Oakland officials offered families $40,000 at the time, more than $1.2 million today. But one person refused — \u003ca href=\"https://www.cohenbrayhouse.org/about-6\">A.A. Cohen, a railroad industry baron and attorney\u003c/a> who owned an estate with a 70-room mansion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were screwing with his kingdom,” says Patty Donald, Cohen’s great-great-granddaughter and manager of the\u003ca href=\"https://www.cohenbrayhouse.org/history\"> Cohen Bray house\u003c/a>, a historic Victorian building in Oakland’s Fruitvale neighborhood. The Cohen family challenged the canal project more than once.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He was one of the most powerful people in Alameda at that time because he had bought a failing rail system,” Donald says. “He built it up in two years and created another one.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the canal project progressed despite Cohen’s legal challenge, and by 1889 the excavation was underway.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>The setbacks pile up\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Quickly, the canal project suffered another setback — flooding. The winter of 1889 was one of the wettest on record. More than 45 inches of rain fell that year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Disaster struck on a stormy night in January when Sausal Creek overflowed its banks at Fruitvale Avenue and flooded the ditch and equipment,” \u003ca href=\"https://alamedamuseum.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/AMQ_MAR_2019.pdf\">wrote historian Woody Minor in the Alameda Museum newslette\u003c/a>r. “It took two months to pump out the water.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Next, the project’s proponents had to deal with public opinion and perhaps the very first complaints from Alamedans about commuting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People complain, ‘Well if you’re gonna have this canal here, how are we going to get home?’” Evanosky says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The dredged canal cut across one of the main thoroughfares, leading to the Alameda peninsula, disrupting traffic \u003ca href=\"https://alamedamuseum.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/AMQ_MAR_2019.pdf\">for two years\u003c/a>. The Park Street bridge opened in 1891, and Alameda’s two other bridges, at High Street and Fruitvale Avenue, were built the following decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If legal battles, payouts and flooding weren’t enough, there was an economic depression in the 1890s. Funding for the canal project dried up. And then, the project’s long-time champion at the Army Corp of Engineers, \u003ca href=\"https://www.spn.usace.army.mil/Portals/68/docs/History/Engineers%20at%20the%20Golden%20Gate.pdf?ver=2019-10-24-161149-027\">Major George Mendell\u003c/a>, retired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the nail in the coffin for the dam/canal combo plan came from \u003ca href=\"https://alamedamuseum.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/AMQ_MAR_2019.pdf\">new research suggesting that dredging deeper in Oakland’s harbor would be more effective for boat passage\u003c/a> than this idea of flushing sediment away using a dam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While government officials debated the next steps, a partially dug, unfinished giant trench was left.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>‘Fetid water awash with dead fish’\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At this point, 20 years after the project began, raw sewage in the area’s waterways had become a real problem. In the late 1800s, people in Oakland and Alameda started installing residential sewer systems, and the waste flowed right into Lake Merritt and the Oakland Harbor. The unfinished canal became a cesspool.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Fetid water awash with dead fish lapped against the dam and seeped into the ditch, emitting a pervasive stench,” \u003ca href=\"https://alamedamuseum.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/AMQ_MAR_2019.pdf\">wrote Minor in his history of the island\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alameda’s health officer at the time, Dr. John T. McClean, became the biggest crusader for completing the canal. In a letter to Washington, published by the Oakland Enquirer in 1897, McLean argued that the stench from the incomplete trench had not only become offensive, but the foul water was killing fish and crabs and posed a health hazard. Better water circulation through the canal would help flush away foul substances, he argued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, government officials soon found the money to put a massive steam shovel to work ripping through the marsh between Alameda and modern-day Oakland. They finished dredging the canal in 1902, nearly 30 years after the plan was first hatched. Alameda was officially an island.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There was no dam. … but residents celebrated anyway — through days of fireworks, carnival acts and a procession of two hundred lighted boats.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>A failed idea? \u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The scale and ambition of the Alameda Island project don’t impress geographer Richard Walker. In the grand scheme of things, he says, the project was actually pretty small. There are very few parts of the San Francisco Bay that humans haven’t somehow altered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is California,” Walker says. “California [is] one of the most monumentally re-engineered landscapes on Earth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than a century after the project was completed, the water in the neatly engineered tidal canal that separates Alameda from Oakland is relatively still, looking like a moat around a castle. People mostly use it for recreation now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nate Puckett says it doesn’t bother him that Alameda isn’t naturally an island. Residents here still bond over bridge and tunnel delays and over a beer at Alameda Island Brewing Company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriousquestion]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\nOlivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>One of the best parts about a deep and long-running friendship is you can poke a little fun at each other for your quirks. Like how you’re a diehard fan for a chronically losing sports team or how you put ketchup on everything – gross. For Nate Puckett, his friends rib him about how he never leaves the city of Alameda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nate Puckett:\u003c/b> So I work here, I live here, my kids go to school here. I have a 4-year-old and a 6-year-old. So I don’t leave the island for like weeks. And people make fun of me for that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>Alameda is an island, in case you didn’t know, and that fact is pretty wrapped up in the identity of some people who live there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nate Puckett:\u003c/b> I have a T-shirt that says Islander. That’s, like, Alameda themed. There’s Alameda Island Brewing. Like, you talk about whether, you know, you’re on the island or not on the island.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>But recently, Nate’s sense of place was thrown off-kilter. He was eating ice cream at a local spot – Tuckers. He glanced up at a historical map hanging on the wall. And there, he saw something that shook him to the core. Alameda was connected to what is now mainland Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nate Puckett:\u003c/b> It kind of felt like we’ve been all living a lie. It kind of felt like, no, that’s wrong. Alameda is an island.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>But no. The map was not wrong. It was just \u003ci>old\u003c/i>. Alameda is not a natural island. And it almost never became an island at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Bay Curious theme music starts\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>On this episode of Bay Curious, we’re going to find out how and \u003ci>why \u003c/i>Alameda was sliced off the mainland. It’s a story with enough twists and turns to make your head spin. I’m Olivia Allen Price. We’ll dive in just after this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Sponsor break\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>Making Alameda into an island took nearly 30 years. And in the end, the original idea for the massive excavation, didn’t quite pan out as planned. KQED Producer Pauline Bartolone tells us all about the bumpy journey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Flooding, legal battles, an economic slump and raw sewage. They’re all part of Alameda’s island origin story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Music starts\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It all starts back in the 1870s, Alameda was a big peninsula, jutting out like an outstretched arm from what is now Oakland’s Fruitvale neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back then, things were pretty quiet where Alameda connected with the mainland. Not many people lived in this marshy region. Think open fields and maybe just a few estates of wealthy families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just to the west was a waterway, the Oakland harbor, that opened up to the San Francisco Bay. And it was becoming a bustling center for maritime commerce. More and more ships were arriving since the Gold Rush, bringing all sorts of goods. But navigation in this waterway was tricky. Sediment on its floor would shift — a lot! — causing all sorts of problems for boats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Music ends. We hear the sounds of street traffic and outside noises.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> The trouble is, there were sandbars. And there were all kinds of impediments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Alameda historian Dennis Evanosky took me and our question-asker, Nate Puckett, on a tour along Alameda’s waterfront. He says around what is now the Port of Oakland, the waterway was wild and untouched, with sandbars that would ebb and flow with the tide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> They were there on Monday, Wednesday and Friday, then they’d be over here on Tuesday and Thursday, this place else.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nate Puckett:\u003c/b> Oh, yeah, haha.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> And it impeded the shipping traffic!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>The unpredictable nature of the waterway didn’t work for the shipping industry, which wanted to get more boats into the port. Oakland had big development ambitions, says Richard Walker, a professor emeritus in geography at UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Richard Walker: \u003c/b>Then, the sense of competition with San Francisco is intense, even though there’s a lot of San Francisco investment in Oakland. But you start to create Oakland having its own capitalist class, its own leadership who have banks in Oakland, have businesses, you know, have shipping companies, and they actually have a local interest. And that grows and grows so that Oakland, you know, by the early 20th century, is really thumbing its nose at San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Local Congressmen made deals to bring in millions of federal dollars to improve the harbor. Evanosky says the big idea was to dredge a canal all the way across the north side of Alameda, turning the peninsula into an island.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>We hear sounds of traffic near the canal\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> They planned to build this tidal canal as a scouring channel. What they planned to do was build a dam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone:\u003c/b> The dam would be built on the far east side of Alameda. And then during ebb tide, when the water is naturally flowing out to the Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> They are going to open that dam, and we’re going to have the water to, I say, “whoosh” through the scouring channel here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone:\u003c/b> Engineers thought this would harness the natural power of tides to flush sediment out of the Oakland estuary and toward the Bay, learning the passage for boats coming in and out of the narrow waterway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> And these aren’t necessarily big, huge ships. These could be smaller ships, but they need a place to navigate and turn around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone:\u003c/b> So, that was the plan. … in the beginning. The project got the green light in the early 1870s but had a slow start. And over the next three decades, it hit roadblock after roadblock. Early on, the government had to buy out 11 families who would lose part of their estates to the canal. They were offered $40,000 at the time, what is more than $1.2 million today. But one family refused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Patty Donald:\u003c/b> They were screwing with his kingdom. If you put it that way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Patty Donald is the great-great-granddaughter of A.A. Cohen, a railroad industry baron and attorney who owned an estate with a 70-room mansion on Alameda. A.A. Cohen’s family challenged the canal project more than once.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Patty Donald:\u003c/b> He was one of the most powerful people in Alameda at that time because he had started, he had bought a failing rail system in 1876, I think.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>He sued to stop the canal project and lost. And it went forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Music starts\u003c/i>\u003ci>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/i>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>By 1889, the excavation was underway. But quickly suffered another setback. A deluge, literally. The winter that started in 1889 was one of the wettest on record. More than 45 inches of rain fell that year. That’s according to a history written by Woody Minor of the Alameda Museum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Sound effect of typewriter under voice-over\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>\u003ci>Voice actor reading:\u003c/i>\u003c/b> Disaster struck on a stormy night in January when Sausal Creek overflowed its banks at Fruitvale Avenue and flooded the ditch and equipment. It took two months to pump out the water.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Then, they had to deal with public opinion. And perhaps the very first complaints from Alameda residents about commuting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> They are digging this canal. And there’s a problem. People complain, well, if you’re gonna have this canal here, how are we going to get home?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>The canal dredging was disrupting traffic to one of Alameda’s main entrances, Evanosky says. So, the Park Street Bridge was built first, and then two other bridges came.. in the decade that followed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Music starts\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>As if legal battles, payouts and flooding weren’t enough, the canal project suffered more roadblocks in the 1890s. According to the Alameda Museum’s Woody Minor, funding dried up during an economic depression. Then, the project’s long-time champion at the Army Corps of Engineers retired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And then — this one’s big — new research suggested that dredging deeper in Oakland’s harbor would be more effective for boat passage than this idea of flushing sediment out using a dam. While government officials debated next steps, a partially dug unfinished canal was left. A big giant trench.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> So they had to stop. And this is all done, and they had to stop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Now, this is where the raw sewage comes into the picture. Right around this time, people in Oakland and Alameda started installing residential sewer systems. And the waste was flowing right into Lake Merritt and the Oakland Harbor. By the Alameda Museum’s account, the waterway became a cesspool.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Sound effect of typewriter under voice-over\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Voice Actor:\u003c/b> Fetid water awash with dead fish lapped against the dam and seeped into the ditch, emitting a pervasive stench.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Alameda’s health officer became the biggest crusader for completing the canal. In 1897, he argued that the stench from the incomplete trench had not only become offensive, but the foul water was killing fish and crabs and posing a health hazard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So government officials soon found the money to put a massive steam shovel to work and finish that canal excavation once and for good.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Sound of a big machine starting up\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>In case you’re wondering if, during this era, anyone ever chimed in about the ecological impacts of ripping through this marshy area?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Richard Walker:\u003c/b> No, no, no, no, no, it’s nothing like that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Richard Walker says there wasn’t really an environmental movement at this time. Maybe an oysterman was concerned about declining catches.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Richard Walker:\u003c/b> The conservationists at that time would be, I think, entirely obsessed with creating the first state parks. Saving the redwoods. They’re worried about mine debris in the Central Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>By 1902, the dredging was done. And 30 years after the plan was first hatched, the canal filled with water. Alameda was officially an island.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Residents in the city of Alameda were ready to celebrate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Sounds of a marching band, crowd noise and fireworks\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>In September of 1902, there were days of fireworks, parades, brass bands, carnival acts, fancy diving and a procession of two hundred lighted boats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Things were different from what was originally envisioned, of course. For one, there was no dam to help flush water out of the estuary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> In my view, they didn’t build the dam because they were just tired of this whole thing, and a lot of people didn’t think the dam was going to work anyway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Now, more than a century later, as I walk along the canal with Alameda historian Dennis Evanosky near the Park Street Bridge, the canal water is relatively still. A few boats are docked, but none sail by. This neatly engineered waterway looks like a moat around a castle. It’s mostly used for recreation now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nate Puckett:\u003c/b> This wasn’t natural. It looks very not natural.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> Right? Right? Right, right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Our question asker, Nate Puckett, has been walking with us, listening to Evanosky this whole time. He looks slightly unsettled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nate Puckett:\u003c/b> So it sounds like the reason it’s an island was a failed idea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> Yeah, exactly. Yeah. I would say, “The island city, sort of.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nate Puckett:\u003c/b> Yeah, yeah, the island city by accident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> Right, right. Right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Nate clarified later that he found Alameda’s island origin story “surprising.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nate Puckett:\u003c/b> You kind of always assume big projects like this are for a very clear and thought-out purpose. And to find that it was kind of an accident or the plan changed so many times is definitely surprising. Especially just, you know, because Alameda is so into being an island.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>The fact that Alameda isn’t naturally an island doesn’t bother Nate Puckett too much now. After all, it’s been that way for a while, and residents here still bond over bridge and tunnel delays. And over a beer at Alameda Island Brewing Co.\u003cbr>\n\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003ci>Island-themed music starts\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>That story was produced by Pauline Bartolone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Big shout out and thanks to Liam O’Donoghue of the \u003ca href=\"https://eastbayyesterday.com/\">East Bay Yesterday podcast \u003c/a>and UC Davis geographer Javier Arbona for their help on this story. Facts in this story came from Woody Minor of the Alameda Museum and historical documents from the Army Corp of Engineers and the National Park Service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s still time to vote in our April voting round. Here are your choices:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Voice 1:\u003c/b> I was recently at the Morcom Rose Garden in Oakland and saw three different official Oakland signs that read, “No glitter.” I would love to know what happened at the rose garden to warrant so many signs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Voice 2:\u003c/b> Yesterday, I walked with a fellow science teacher on the Great Hwy. We commented on the blackish sand, made of iron filings. Where does the iron come from?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Voice 3:\u003c/b> Who are the de Youngs? I think they have some crazy stories!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>Vote for which question you think we should tackle next at baycurious.org. While you’re there, sign up for our monthly newsletter, ask your own question or get lost listening through the Bay Curious archive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Curious is made in San Francisco at member-supported KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>Our show is made by:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/b>Katrina Schwartz\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Christopher Beale: \u003c/b>Christopher Beale\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan:\u003c/b> Katherine Monahan\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>and me, Olivia Allen Price. Additional support from:\u003cbr>\n\u003cb>Jen Chien: \u003c/b>Jen Chien\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katie Springer: \u003c/b>Katie Springer\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Cesar Saldana: \u003c/b>Cesar Saldana\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Maha Sanad: \u003c/b>Maha Sanad\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Holly Kernan:\u003c/b> Holly Kernan\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Crowd:\u003c/b> And the whole KQED family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>I’m Olivia Allen-Price. We’ll be back next week.\u003c/p>\n\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"Alameda residents fully own their island identity, but many don't know that it used to be connected to mainland Oakland.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1713993439,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":true,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":136,"wordCount":3910},"headData":{"title":"Alameda — The Island That Almost Wasn’t | KQED","description":"Alameda residents fully own their island identity, but many don't know that it used to be connected to mainland Oakland.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Alameda — The Island That Almost Wasn’t","datePublished":"2024-04-25T10:00:34.000Z","dateModified":"2024-04-24T21:17:19.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"source":"Bay Curious","sourceUrl":"https://www.kqed.org/podcasts/baycurious/","audioUrl":"https://dcs.megaphone.fm/KQINC3081122282.mp3?key=fc075dc0e32f001c439745b9697d7766&request_event_id=3ff129a1-c582-463c-8902-bc37d989ad55","sticky":false,"excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11983858/alameda-the-island-that-almost-wasnt","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">View the full episode transcript.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city of Alameda has all the sure signs of an island. To get there, you have to use a bridge, a tunnel or a boat. Locals talk about going “on and off island.” And residents, like Nate Puckett, wear Alameda-themed T-shirts that say “Islander.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t leave the island for, like, weeks,” says Puckett, who lives, works and raises two kids in the Bay Area city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But recently, Puckett’s sense of place was thrown off-kilter. He was enjoying an ice cream at a favorite local spot — Tucker’s — when he looked up at a historical map on the wall. It showed Alameda connected to the mainland. That must be wrong, he thought; Alameda is an island.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" />\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Bay Curious\u003c/a> is a podcast that answers your questions about the Bay Area.\n Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>,\n \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/podcasts/500557090/bay-curious\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR One\u003c/a> or your favorite podcast platform.\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the map was not wrong — it was just old. In fact, Alameda is not a natural island. And it almost never became an island at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It kind of felt like we’ve been living a lie,” Puckett says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Puckett asked Bay Curious to find out more about Alameda’s island origin story. The project took nearly 30 years to complete and had enough twists and turns to make anyone dizzy.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>When it all began\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11983868\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 999px\">\u003ca href=\"https://oaklandlibrary.org/ohc/\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11983868 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Alameda1877-tweaked.jpg\" alt=\"An old map shows what is now Alameda Island as connected to the mainland.\" width=\"999\" height=\"752\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Alameda1877-tweaked.jpg 999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Alameda1877-tweaked-800x602.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Alameda1877-tweaked-160x120.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 999px) 100vw, 999px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A map of Alameda from 1877 shows it as a connected peninsula, not an island. \u003ccite>(Oakland Public Library, Oakland History Center)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the 1870s, Alameda was a big peninsula that jutted out from what is now Oakland’s Fruitvale neighborhood like an outstretched arm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back then, things were pretty quiet in that part of the East Bay (it wasn’t Oakland until later). The marshy region was not very populated; the landscape was mostly wide open fields and the estates of a few wealthy families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Oakland’s inner harbor was nearby, and it was quickly becoming a bustling center for maritime commerce. Once the Gold Rush started, more and more ships arrived, bringing in all sorts of goods. And Oakland itself was growing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But navigation to the budding port was tricky. Boats had to traverse a wild waterway that hadn’t seen much development yet. Sediment on the harbor’s bottom would shift with the tides, causing sandbars to move in unpredictable patterns that caused problems for navigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[The sandbars] were there on Monday, Wednesday and Friday, [and then] they’d be over here on Tuesday and Thursday,” Alameda historian Dennis Evanosky says. “It impeded the shipping traffic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11983870\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11983870\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Evanosky-Puckett.jpg\" alt=\"Older man in blue sweater stands next to a younger one in brown.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1276\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Evanosky-Puckett.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Evanosky-Puckett-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Evanosky-Puckett-1020x678.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Evanosky-Puckett-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Evanosky-Puckett-1536x1021.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dennis Evanosky (left) with Nate Puckett next to the Alameda canal. The Park Street bridge looms in the background. \u003ccite>(Pauline Bartolone/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Oakland was never going to become the shipping destination it wanted to be if the waterways remained so unpredictable and the port so difficult to reach. And Oakland had big development ambitions, says Richard Walker, a \u003ca href=\"https://geography.berkeley.edu/professor-emeritus-richard-walker\">professor emeritus in geography at UC Berkeley\u003c/a> and author of several books about California history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The sense of competition with San Francisco [was] intense,” Walker says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the late 1800s, Oakland was coming into its own politically and economically, developing its own banks, businesses and shipping companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That grows and grows so that Oakland, by the early 20th century, is really thumbing its nose at San Francisco,” Walker says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to local lobbying, Congressmen worked to bring in millions of federal dollars to pay the Army Corps of Engineers to improve the harbor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since shifting sandbars on the bottom was the biggest problem, \u003ca href=\"https://tile.loc.gov/storage-services/master/pnp/habshaer/ca/ca2600/ca2606/data/ca2606data.pdf\">the initial plan\u003c/a> was to cut through the marshy area of the Alameda peninsula, where it was connected to the mainland, to create a canal. Engineers thought if they built a dam at one end, they could release powerful torrents of water through the canal to flush out built-up sediment in the harbor. That would clear the way for bigger ships to come and go more easily.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The project got the green light in the early 1870s, but over the next three decades, it hit roadblock after roadblock.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Resistance to the project\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://alamedamuseum.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/AMQ_MAR_2019.pdf\">Eleven families owned land where the government wanted to dredge the canal\u003c/a>. Oakland officials offered families $40,000 at the time, more than $1.2 million today. But one person refused — \u003ca href=\"https://www.cohenbrayhouse.org/about-6\">A.A. Cohen, a railroad industry baron and attorney\u003c/a> who owned an estate with a 70-room mansion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were screwing with his kingdom,” says Patty Donald, Cohen’s great-great-granddaughter and manager of the\u003ca href=\"https://www.cohenbrayhouse.org/history\"> Cohen Bray house\u003c/a>, a historic Victorian building in Oakland’s Fruitvale neighborhood. The Cohen family challenged the canal project more than once.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He was one of the most powerful people in Alameda at that time because he had bought a failing rail system,” Donald says. “He built it up in two years and created another one.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the canal project progressed despite Cohen’s legal challenge, and by 1889 the excavation was underway.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>The setbacks pile up\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Quickly, the canal project suffered another setback — flooding. The winter of 1889 was one of the wettest on record. More than 45 inches of rain fell that year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Disaster struck on a stormy night in January when Sausal Creek overflowed its banks at Fruitvale Avenue and flooded the ditch and equipment,” \u003ca href=\"https://alamedamuseum.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/AMQ_MAR_2019.pdf\">wrote historian Woody Minor in the Alameda Museum newslette\u003c/a>r. “It took two months to pump out the water.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Next, the project’s proponents had to deal with public opinion and perhaps the very first complaints from Alamedans about commuting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People complain, ‘Well if you’re gonna have this canal here, how are we going to get home?’” Evanosky says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The dredged canal cut across one of the main thoroughfares, leading to the Alameda peninsula, disrupting traffic \u003ca href=\"https://alamedamuseum.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/AMQ_MAR_2019.pdf\">for two years\u003c/a>. The Park Street bridge opened in 1891, and Alameda’s two other bridges, at High Street and Fruitvale Avenue, were built the following decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If legal battles, payouts and flooding weren’t enough, there was an economic depression in the 1890s. Funding for the canal project dried up. And then, the project’s long-time champion at the Army Corp of Engineers, \u003ca href=\"https://www.spn.usace.army.mil/Portals/68/docs/History/Engineers%20at%20the%20Golden%20Gate.pdf?ver=2019-10-24-161149-027\">Major George Mendell\u003c/a>, retired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the nail in the coffin for the dam/canal combo plan came from \u003ca href=\"https://alamedamuseum.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/AMQ_MAR_2019.pdf\">new research suggesting that dredging deeper in Oakland’s harbor would be more effective for boat passage\u003c/a> than this idea of flushing sediment away using a dam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While government officials debated the next steps, a partially dug, unfinished giant trench was left.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>‘Fetid water awash with dead fish’\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At this point, 20 years after the project began, raw sewage in the area’s waterways had become a real problem. In the late 1800s, people in Oakland and Alameda started installing residential sewer systems, and the waste flowed right into Lake Merritt and the Oakland Harbor. The unfinished canal became a cesspool.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Fetid water awash with dead fish lapped against the dam and seeped into the ditch, emitting a pervasive stench,” \u003ca href=\"https://alamedamuseum.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/AMQ_MAR_2019.pdf\">wrote Minor in his history of the island\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alameda’s health officer at the time, Dr. John T. McClean, became the biggest crusader for completing the canal. In a letter to Washington, published by the Oakland Enquirer in 1897, McLean argued that the stench from the incomplete trench had not only become offensive, but the foul water was killing fish and crabs and posed a health hazard. Better water circulation through the canal would help flush away foul substances, he argued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, government officials soon found the money to put a massive steam shovel to work ripping through the marsh between Alameda and modern-day Oakland. They finished dredging the canal in 1902, nearly 30 years after the plan was first hatched. Alameda was officially an island.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There was no dam. … but residents celebrated anyway — through days of fireworks, carnival acts and a procession of two hundred lighted boats.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>A failed idea? \u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The scale and ambition of the Alameda Island project don’t impress geographer Richard Walker. In the grand scheme of things, he says, the project was actually pretty small. There are very few parts of the San Francisco Bay that humans haven’t somehow altered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is California,” Walker says. “California [is] one of the most monumentally re-engineered landscapes on Earth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than a century after the project was completed, the water in the neatly engineered tidal canal that separates Alameda from Oakland is relatively still, looking like a moat around a castle. People mostly use it for recreation now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nate Puckett says it doesn’t bother him that Alameda isn’t naturally an island. Residents here still bond over bridge and tunnel delays and over a beer at Alameda Island Brewing Company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"baycuriousquestion","attributes":{"named":{"label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\nOlivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>One of the best parts about a deep and long-running friendship is you can poke a little fun at each other for your quirks. Like how you’re a diehard fan for a chronically losing sports team or how you put ketchup on everything – gross. For Nate Puckett, his friends rib him about how he never leaves the city of Alameda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nate Puckett:\u003c/b> So I work here, I live here, my kids go to school here. I have a 4-year-old and a 6-year-old. So I don’t leave the island for like weeks. And people make fun of me for that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>Alameda is an island, in case you didn’t know, and that fact is pretty wrapped up in the identity of some people who live there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nate Puckett:\u003c/b> I have a T-shirt that says Islander. That’s, like, Alameda themed. There’s Alameda Island Brewing. Like, you talk about whether, you know, you’re on the island or not on the island.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>But recently, Nate’s sense of place was thrown off-kilter. He was eating ice cream at a local spot – Tuckers. He glanced up at a historical map hanging on the wall. And there, he saw something that shook him to the core. Alameda was connected to what is now mainland Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nate Puckett:\u003c/b> It kind of felt like we’ve been all living a lie. It kind of felt like, no, that’s wrong. Alameda is an island.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>But no. The map was not wrong. It was just \u003ci>old\u003c/i>. Alameda is not a natural island. And it almost never became an island at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Bay Curious theme music starts\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>On this episode of Bay Curious, we’re going to find out how and \u003ci>why \u003c/i>Alameda was sliced off the mainland. It’s a story with enough twists and turns to make your head spin. I’m Olivia Allen Price. We’ll dive in just after this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Sponsor break\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>Making Alameda into an island took nearly 30 years. And in the end, the original idea for the massive excavation, didn’t quite pan out as planned. KQED Producer Pauline Bartolone tells us all about the bumpy journey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Flooding, legal battles, an economic slump and raw sewage. They’re all part of Alameda’s island origin story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Music starts\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It all starts back in the 1870s, Alameda was a big peninsula, jutting out like an outstretched arm from what is now Oakland’s Fruitvale neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back then, things were pretty quiet where Alameda connected with the mainland. Not many people lived in this marshy region. Think open fields and maybe just a few estates of wealthy families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just to the west was a waterway, the Oakland harbor, that opened up to the San Francisco Bay. And it was becoming a bustling center for maritime commerce. More and more ships were arriving since the Gold Rush, bringing all sorts of goods. But navigation in this waterway was tricky. Sediment on its floor would shift — a lot! — causing all sorts of problems for boats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Music ends. We hear the sounds of street traffic and outside noises.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> The trouble is, there were sandbars. And there were all kinds of impediments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Alameda historian Dennis Evanosky took me and our question-asker, Nate Puckett, on a tour along Alameda’s waterfront. He says around what is now the Port of Oakland, the waterway was wild and untouched, with sandbars that would ebb and flow with the tide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> They were there on Monday, Wednesday and Friday, then they’d be over here on Tuesday and Thursday, this place else.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nate Puckett:\u003c/b> Oh, yeah, haha.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> And it impeded the shipping traffic!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>The unpredictable nature of the waterway didn’t work for the shipping industry, which wanted to get more boats into the port. Oakland had big development ambitions, says Richard Walker, a professor emeritus in geography at UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Richard Walker: \u003c/b>Then, the sense of competition with San Francisco is intense, even though there’s a lot of San Francisco investment in Oakland. But you start to create Oakland having its own capitalist class, its own leadership who have banks in Oakland, have businesses, you know, have shipping companies, and they actually have a local interest. And that grows and grows so that Oakland, you know, by the early 20th century, is really thumbing its nose at San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Local Congressmen made deals to bring in millions of federal dollars to improve the harbor. Evanosky says the big idea was to dredge a canal all the way across the north side of Alameda, turning the peninsula into an island.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>We hear sounds of traffic near the canal\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> They planned to build this tidal canal as a scouring channel. What they planned to do was build a dam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone:\u003c/b> The dam would be built on the far east side of Alameda. And then during ebb tide, when the water is naturally flowing out to the Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> They are going to open that dam, and we’re going to have the water to, I say, “whoosh” through the scouring channel here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone:\u003c/b> Engineers thought this would harness the natural power of tides to flush sediment out of the Oakland estuary and toward the Bay, learning the passage for boats coming in and out of the narrow waterway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> And these aren’t necessarily big, huge ships. These could be smaller ships, but they need a place to navigate and turn around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone:\u003c/b> So, that was the plan. … in the beginning. The project got the green light in the early 1870s but had a slow start. And over the next three decades, it hit roadblock after roadblock. Early on, the government had to buy out 11 families who would lose part of their estates to the canal. They were offered $40,000 at the time, what is more than $1.2 million today. But one family refused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Patty Donald:\u003c/b> They were screwing with his kingdom. If you put it that way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Patty Donald is the great-great-granddaughter of A.A. Cohen, a railroad industry baron and attorney who owned an estate with a 70-room mansion on Alameda. A.A. Cohen’s family challenged the canal project more than once.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Patty Donald:\u003c/b> He was one of the most powerful people in Alameda at that time because he had started, he had bought a failing rail system in 1876, I think.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>He sued to stop the canal project and lost. And it went forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Music starts\u003c/i>\u003ci>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/i>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>By 1889, the excavation was underway. But quickly suffered another setback. A deluge, literally. The winter that started in 1889 was one of the wettest on record. More than 45 inches of rain fell that year. That’s according to a history written by Woody Minor of the Alameda Museum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Sound effect of typewriter under voice-over\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>\u003ci>Voice actor reading:\u003c/i>\u003c/b> Disaster struck on a stormy night in January when Sausal Creek overflowed its banks at Fruitvale Avenue and flooded the ditch and equipment. It took two months to pump out the water.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Then, they had to deal with public opinion. And perhaps the very first complaints from Alameda residents about commuting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> They are digging this canal. And there’s a problem. People complain, well, if you’re gonna have this canal here, how are we going to get home?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>The canal dredging was disrupting traffic to one of Alameda’s main entrances, Evanosky says. So, the Park Street Bridge was built first, and then two other bridges came.. in the decade that followed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Music starts\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>As if legal battles, payouts and flooding weren’t enough, the canal project suffered more roadblocks in the 1890s. According to the Alameda Museum’s Woody Minor, funding dried up during an economic depression. Then, the project’s long-time champion at the Army Corps of Engineers retired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And then — this one’s big — new research suggested that dredging deeper in Oakland’s harbor would be more effective for boat passage than this idea of flushing sediment out using a dam. While government officials debated next steps, a partially dug unfinished canal was left. A big giant trench.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> So they had to stop. And this is all done, and they had to stop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Now, this is where the raw sewage comes into the picture. Right around this time, people in Oakland and Alameda started installing residential sewer systems. And the waste was flowing right into Lake Merritt and the Oakland Harbor. By the Alameda Museum’s account, the waterway became a cesspool.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Sound effect of typewriter under voice-over\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Voice Actor:\u003c/b> Fetid water awash with dead fish lapped against the dam and seeped into the ditch, emitting a pervasive stench.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Alameda’s health officer became the biggest crusader for completing the canal. In 1897, he argued that the stench from the incomplete trench had not only become offensive, but the foul water was killing fish and crabs and posing a health hazard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So government officials soon found the money to put a massive steam shovel to work and finish that canal excavation once and for good.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Sound of a big machine starting up\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>In case you’re wondering if, during this era, anyone ever chimed in about the ecological impacts of ripping through this marshy area?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Richard Walker:\u003c/b> No, no, no, no, no, it’s nothing like that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Richard Walker says there wasn’t really an environmental movement at this time. Maybe an oysterman was concerned about declining catches.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Richard Walker:\u003c/b> The conservationists at that time would be, I think, entirely obsessed with creating the first state parks. Saving the redwoods. They’re worried about mine debris in the Central Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>By 1902, the dredging was done. And 30 years after the plan was first hatched, the canal filled with water. Alameda was officially an island.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Residents in the city of Alameda were ready to celebrate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Sounds of a marching band, crowd noise and fireworks\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>In September of 1902, there were days of fireworks, parades, brass bands, carnival acts, fancy diving and a procession of two hundred lighted boats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Things were different from what was originally envisioned, of course. For one, there was no dam to help flush water out of the estuary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> In my view, they didn’t build the dam because they were just tired of this whole thing, and a lot of people didn’t think the dam was going to work anyway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Now, more than a century later, as I walk along the canal with Alameda historian Dennis Evanosky near the Park Street Bridge, the canal water is relatively still. A few boats are docked, but none sail by. This neatly engineered waterway looks like a moat around a castle. It’s mostly used for recreation now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nate Puckett:\u003c/b> This wasn’t natural. It looks very not natural.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> Right? Right? Right, right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Our question asker, Nate Puckett, has been walking with us, listening to Evanosky this whole time. He looks slightly unsettled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nate Puckett:\u003c/b> So it sounds like the reason it’s an island was a failed idea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> Yeah, exactly. Yeah. I would say, “The island city, sort of.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nate Puckett:\u003c/b> Yeah, yeah, the island city by accident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> Right, right. Right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Nate clarified later that he found Alameda’s island origin story “surprising.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nate Puckett:\u003c/b> You kind of always assume big projects like this are for a very clear and thought-out purpose. And to find that it was kind of an accident or the plan changed so many times is definitely surprising. Especially just, you know, because Alameda is so into being an island.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>The fact that Alameda isn’t naturally an island doesn’t bother Nate Puckett too much now. After all, it’s been that way for a while, and residents here still bond over bridge and tunnel delays. And over a beer at Alameda Island Brewing Co.\u003cbr>\n\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003ci>Island-themed music starts\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>That story was produced by Pauline Bartolone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Big shout out and thanks to Liam O’Donoghue of the \u003ca href=\"https://eastbayyesterday.com/\">East Bay Yesterday podcast \u003c/a>and UC Davis geographer Javier Arbona for their help on this story. Facts in this story came from Woody Minor of the Alameda Museum and historical documents from the Army Corp of Engineers and the National Park Service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s still time to vote in our April voting round. Here are your choices:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Voice 1:\u003c/b> I was recently at the Morcom Rose Garden in Oakland and saw three different official Oakland signs that read, “No glitter.” I would love to know what happened at the rose garden to warrant so many signs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Voice 2:\u003c/b> Yesterday, I walked with a fellow science teacher on the Great Hwy. We commented on the blackish sand, made of iron filings. Where does the iron come from?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Voice 3:\u003c/b> Who are the de Youngs? I think they have some crazy stories!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>Vote for which question you think we should tackle next at baycurious.org. While you’re there, sign up for our monthly newsletter, ask your own question or get lost listening through the Bay Curious archive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Curious is made in San Francisco at member-supported KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>Our show is made by:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/b>Katrina Schwartz\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Christopher Beale: \u003c/b>Christopher Beale\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan:\u003c/b> Katherine Monahan\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>and me, Olivia Allen Price. Additional support from:\u003cbr>\n\u003cb>Jen Chien: \u003c/b>Jen Chien\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katie Springer: \u003c/b>Katie Springer\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Cesar Saldana: \u003c/b>Cesar Saldana\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Maha Sanad: \u003c/b>Maha Sanad\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Holly Kernan:\u003c/b> Holly Kernan\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Crowd:\u003c/b> And the whole KQED family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>I’m Olivia Allen-Price. We’ll be back next week.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11983858/alameda-the-island-that-almost-wasnt","authors":["11879"],"programs":["news_33523"],"series":["news_17986"],"categories":["news_31795","news_28250","news_8"],"tags":["news_3631","news_32459","news_28262","news_22761"],"featImg":"news_11983865","label":"source_news_11983858"},"news_11983977":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11983977","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11983977","score":null,"sort":[1714006266000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"california-lawmakers-advance-proposal-to-offer-unemployment-insurance-to-striking-workers","title":"California Lawmakers Advance Proposal to Offer Unemployment Insurance to Striking Workers","publishDate":1714006266,"format":"standard","headTitle":"California Lawmakers Advance Proposal to Offer Unemployment Insurance to Striking Workers | KQED","labelTerm":{"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>California lawmakers advanced a bill on Wednesday that would allow workers who go on strike for more than two weeks to receive unemployment insurance benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The various unions supporting the legislation — \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB1116\">SB 1116 \u003c/a>— say that walking off the job is a last resort for workers, who forgo their regular pay and often struggle to afford basic necessities as they fight for better wages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the 4-to-1 vote by the state Senate’s Labor, Public Employment and Retirement Committee to move the bill forward followed opposition testimony from a long line of business group representatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Striking is a negotiating tactic and, of course, a difficult one, and it’s hard on all parties involved. But we view it as fundamentally different from being unemployed,” Robert Moutrie, a senior policy advocate with the California Chamber of Commerce, told the committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added that employers, who finance unemployment benefits through a payroll tax, worry they’d be forced to “subsidize” striking workers and pay for additional costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, California saw dozens of strikes, including at least 15 that involved 1,000 or more workers, \u003ca href=\"https://www.bls.gov/wsp/data/\">according to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 148-day, high-profile Hollywood screenwriters’ walkout last year inspired \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2023-08-23/labor-unions-business-unemployment-benefits-striking-workers\">a statewide proposal\u003c/a> to offer striking workers up to $450 a week.[aside label=\"more labor coverage\" tag=\"labor-strikes\"]Last year, Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/SB-799-Veto-Message.pdf\">vetoed\u003c/a> that legislation, citing concerns that California’s Unemployment Insurance Fund is about \u003ca href=\"https://edd.ca.gov/siteassets/files/unemployment/pdf/edduiforecastjan24.pdf\">$21 billion\u003c/a> in debt after the state borrowed from the federal government to keep the program solvent during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meagan Subers, a lobbyist on behalf of the Writers Guild of America West, said striking screenwriters depended on second and third jobs, as well as donations, to pay for food, gas and rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Corporations rely on the expectation that striking workers will lack the resources to hold out for better wages, fair compensation and job security,” Subers said. “And their strategy is often to wait workers out until they have no choice. One studio executive said the employers’ strategy was to allow things to drag on until union members start losing their apartments and losing their houses.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In testimony before the committee on Wednesday, supporters of the new bill argued the state should address the fund’s long-standing insolvency issues, but also noted that the number of California workers involved in extended trade disputes who would be actually be eligible for the proposed benefits is relatively small.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you look at other states who offer unemployment insurance for striking workers, we know that it’s doable,” said Lorena Gonzalez, who heads the California Labor Federation, referring to New York and New Jersey, which offer such benefits. “California should be on the forefront of not penalizing workers who go on strike\u003ci>.”\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"SB 1116 would offer partial wage replacement to workers who go on strike for longer than two weeks. Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed a similar proposal last year.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1714007714,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":13,"wordCount":487},"headData":{"title":"California Lawmakers Advance Proposal to Offer Unemployment Insurance to Striking Workers | KQED","description":"SB 1116 would offer partial wage replacement to workers who go on strike for longer than two weeks. Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed a similar proposal last year.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"California Lawmakers Advance Proposal to Offer Unemployment Insurance to Striking Workers","datePublished":"2024-04-25T00:51:06.000Z","dateModified":"2024-04-25T01:15:14.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"sticky":false,"excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11983977/california-lawmakers-advance-proposal-to-offer-unemployment-insurance-to-striking-workers","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California lawmakers advanced a bill on Wednesday that would allow workers who go on strike for more than two weeks to receive unemployment insurance benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The various unions supporting the legislation — \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB1116\">SB 1116 \u003c/a>— say that walking off the job is a last resort for workers, who forgo their regular pay and often struggle to afford basic necessities as they fight for better wages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the 4-to-1 vote by the state Senate’s Labor, Public Employment and Retirement Committee to move the bill forward followed opposition testimony from a long line of business group representatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Striking is a negotiating tactic and, of course, a difficult one, and it’s hard on all parties involved. But we view it as fundamentally different from being unemployed,” Robert Moutrie, a senior policy advocate with the California Chamber of Commerce, told the committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added that employers, who finance unemployment benefits through a payroll tax, worry they’d be forced to “subsidize” striking workers and pay for additional costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, California saw dozens of strikes, including at least 15 that involved 1,000 or more workers, \u003ca href=\"https://www.bls.gov/wsp/data/\">according to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 148-day, high-profile Hollywood screenwriters’ walkout last year inspired \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2023-08-23/labor-unions-business-unemployment-benefits-striking-workers\">a statewide proposal\u003c/a> to offer striking workers up to $450 a week.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"label":"more labor coverage ","tag":"labor-strikes"},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Last year, Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/SB-799-Veto-Message.pdf\">vetoed\u003c/a> that legislation, citing concerns that California’s Unemployment Insurance Fund is about \u003ca href=\"https://edd.ca.gov/siteassets/files/unemployment/pdf/edduiforecastjan24.pdf\">$21 billion\u003c/a> in debt after the state borrowed from the federal government to keep the program solvent during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meagan Subers, a lobbyist on behalf of the Writers Guild of America West, said striking screenwriters depended on second and third jobs, as well as donations, to pay for food, gas and rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Corporations rely on the expectation that striking workers will lack the resources to hold out for better wages, fair compensation and job security,” Subers said. “And their strategy is often to wait workers out until they have no choice. One studio executive said the employers’ strategy was to allow things to drag on until union members start losing their apartments and losing their houses.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In testimony before the committee on Wednesday, supporters of the new bill argued the state should address the fund’s long-standing insolvency issues, but also noted that the number of California workers involved in extended trade disputes who would be actually be eligible for the proposed benefits is relatively small.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you look at other states who offer unemployment insurance for striking workers, we know that it’s doable,” said Lorena Gonzalez, who heads the California Labor Federation, referring to New York and New Jersey, which offer such benefits. “California should be on the forefront of not penalizing workers who go on strike\u003ci>.”\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11983977/california-lawmakers-advance-proposal-to-offer-unemployment-insurance-to-striking-workers","authors":["8659"],"categories":["news_8"],"tags":["news_29594","news_27626","news_19904","news_24590","news_26062"],"featImg":"news_11966855","label":"news"},"news_11983971":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11983971","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11983971","score":null,"sort":[1714005030000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"voters-under-35-have-a-lot-at-stake-in-november-heres-what-theyre-thinking-about","title":"Voters Under 35 Have A Lot At Stake in November. Here’s What They’re Thinking About","publishDate":1714005030,"format":"audio","headTitle":"Voters Under 35 Have A Lot At Stake in November. Here’s What They’re Thinking About | KQED","labelTerm":{},"content":"\u003cp>As part of KQED’s Youth Takeover Week, we’ll hear from young voters and what they care about most. From the war in Gaza to climate change, student debt and how they might vote in November. In addition to hearing from young Bay Area voters, Scott talks with Erin Heys\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, p\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">olicy director and senior researcher for the Berkeley Institute for Young Americans and \u003c/span>Saa’un Bell \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">with Power California, which focuses on young people of color and LGBTQ voters throughout the state.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":null,"status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1714000177,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":3,"wordCount":88},"headData":{"title":"Voters Under 35 Have A Lot At Stake in November. Here’s What They’re Thinking About | KQED","description":"As part of KQED’s Youth Takeover Week, we’ll hear from young voters and what they care about most. From the war in Gaza to climate change, student debt and how they might vote in November. In addition to hearing from young Bay Area voters, Scott talks with Erin Heys, policy director and senior researcher for","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Voters Under 35 Have A Lot At Stake in November. Here’s What They’re Thinking About","datePublished":"2024-04-25T00:30:30.000Z","dateModified":"2024-04-24T23:09:37.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"source":"Political Breakdown","audioUrl":"https://www.podtrac.com/pts/redirect.mp3/chrt.fm/track/G6C7C3/traffic.megaphone.fm/KQINC8517808556.mp3?updated=1714000384","sticky":false,"excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11983971/voters-under-35-have-a-lot-at-stake-in-november-heres-what-theyre-thinking-about","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As part of KQED’s Youth Takeover Week, we’ll hear from young voters and what they care about most. From the war in Gaza to climate change, student debt and how they might vote in November. In addition to hearing from young Bay Area voters, Scott talks with Erin Heys\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, p\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">olicy director and senior researcher for the Berkeley Institute for Young Americans and \u003c/span>Saa’un Bell \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">with Power California, which focuses on young people of color and LGBTQ voters throughout the state.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11983971/voters-under-35-have-a-lot-at-stake-in-november-heres-what-theyre-thinking-about","authors":["255"],"programs":["news_33544"],"categories":["news_8"],"tags":["news_32839","news_22235"],"featImg":"news_11983972","label":"source_news_11983971"},"news_11983956":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11983956","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11983956","score":null,"sort":[1713995514000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"newsom-proposes-law-to-let-arizona-doctors-come-to-california-to-perform-abortions","title":"Newsom Proposes Law to Let Arizona Doctors Perform Abortions in California","publishDate":1713995514,"format":"standard","headTitle":"Newsom Proposes Law to Let Arizona Doctors Perform Abortions in California | KQED","labelTerm":{"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>Arizona doctors could give their patients abortions in California under a proposal announced Wednesday by Gov. Gavin Newsom as part of an effort to circumvent a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/arizona-abortion-ban-what-to-know-797a4bbbc738497fe2284d6870c5be24\">ban on nearly all abortions\u003c/a> in that state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would apply only to doctors licensed in good standing in Arizona and their patients and last only through the end of November. Newsom said protecting access to abortions is “just about basic decency” and “respect for women and girls.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arizona’s long-defunct 1864 law banning nearly all abortions except if the mother’s life is in jeopardy goes into effect on June 8 — although the Arizona House on Wednesday \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/arizona-abortion-1864-ban-repeal-lawmakers-84b0cd9a8c44ddaefed2c45e9eff1c79\">advanced a repeal of the law\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This Arizona law is the first border-state law that will directly impact the state of California,” the governor said. “Rather than just acknowledging that fate and future, we’re trying to get ahead of this law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom joined the California Legislative Women’s Caucus and pro-choice advocates to announce the proposal. Lawmakers called the Arizona law “draconian” and said California had an obligation to get involved. The bill would need to pass by a two-thirds vote in each house of the state Legislature before reaching Newsom’s desk. After he signs it, it will go into effect immediately.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Tanya Spirtos, a gynecologist and president of the California Medical Association, said it is unfortunate that Arizona abortion patients will have to travel out-of-state, but she’s proud to see California step in to assist them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All personal medical decisions, including those around abortion, should be made by patients in consultation with their health care providers,” Spirtos said. “By banning virtually all abortions in the state, the ruling will put physicians in harm’s way for simply providing often lifesaving medical care to their patients.”[aside label=\"more abortion coverage\" tag=\"abortion\"]The Arizona Supreme Court cleared the way earlier this month for the near-total ban to move forward. Besides Arizona, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/arizona-abortion-restrictions-1864-9c68866d69dca38c728dd27b80592e8f\">14 other states\u003c/a> have banned abortion at all stages of pregnancy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While abortion access in California has never been under serious threat in recent history, Newsom — widely seen as a potential presidential candidate beyond 2024 — has made defending that access a priority of his administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom pushed for abortion access to be enshrined into the California Constitution. He \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/abortion-us-supreme-court-california-gavin-newsom-729c1df436b5efa69d1cbff438f5905c\">approved $20 million\u003c/a> of taxpayer money to help pay for women in other states to come to California for abortions. And he has signed \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/abortion-us-supreme-court-health-california-df6dd40a7e2af65a1c6a4042e4ffa485\">dozens of laws\u003c/a> aimed at making it harder for other states to investigate women for coming to California for abortions, including banning social media companies from \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-abortion-pill-gavin-newsom-b7e392be628411230319215d7c010f21\">complying with subpoenas\u003c/a> or warrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His actions have endeared him to the Democratic Party’s core constituencies despite some of the state’s other problems — including homelessness, wildfire insurance and a pair of multibillion-dollar budget deficits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2022, months after the U.S. Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade, California launched a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/abortion-travel-health-gavin-newsom-state-budgets-98f36da0cf3219d01e4564ba61a0a6fb\">publicly-funded website\u003c/a> to promote the state’s abortion services, including information about financial help for travel expenses and letting teenagers in other states know that California does not require them to have their parents’ permission to get an abortion in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It has also become a chief talking point in Newsom’s role as a top surrogate for President Joe Biden’s reelection campaign. Using money left over from his 2022 reelection campaign, Newsom started a political action committee he calls the “ \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-governor-newsom-president-democrats-2024-843877ca6aca701a5a68b8cb022203a2\">Campaign for Democracy\u003c/a> ” that has paid for billboards and TV ads in Republican-led states to criticize their leaders’ attempts to outlaw or restrict access to abortions. In February, he launched \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-governor-newsom-abortion-politics-travel-67ac67b4fed8434c5908ae89ca2a01f9\">ads in multiple states\u003c/a> to criticize proposals there that aimed to prohibit out-of-state travel for abortions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When an Alabama lawmaker introduced a bill to make it a crime to help someone under 18 get an abortion without telling their parents or guardians, Newsom paid for an ad depicting a young woman trying to leave the state only to be stopped by a police officer who demands that she take a pregnancy test.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Associated Press writer Adam Beam contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"The bill would temporarily allow Arizona doctors to give their patients abortions in California as part of an effort to circumvent a ban on nearly all abortions in that state.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1713999058,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":16,"wordCount":734},"headData":{"title":"Newsom Proposes Law to Let Arizona Doctors Perform Abortions in California | KQED","description":"The bill would temporarily allow Arizona doctors to give their patients abortions in California as part of an effort to circumvent a ban on nearly all abortions in that state.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Newsom Proposes Law to Let Arizona Doctors Perform Abortions in California","datePublished":"2024-04-24T21:51:54.000Z","dateModified":"2024-04-24T22:50:58.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"sticky":false,"nprByline":"Sophie Austin\u003cbr>Associated Press","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","showOnAuthorArchivePages":"No","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11983956/newsom-proposes-law-to-let-arizona-doctors-come-to-california-to-perform-abortions","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Arizona doctors could give their patients abortions in California under a proposal announced Wednesday by Gov. Gavin Newsom as part of an effort to circumvent a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/arizona-abortion-ban-what-to-know-797a4bbbc738497fe2284d6870c5be24\">ban on nearly all abortions\u003c/a> in that state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would apply only to doctors licensed in good standing in Arizona and their patients and last only through the end of November. Newsom said protecting access to abortions is “just about basic decency” and “respect for women and girls.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arizona’s long-defunct 1864 law banning nearly all abortions except if the mother’s life is in jeopardy goes into effect on June 8 — although the Arizona House on Wednesday \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/arizona-abortion-1864-ban-repeal-lawmakers-84b0cd9a8c44ddaefed2c45e9eff1c79\">advanced a repeal of the law\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This Arizona law is the first border-state law that will directly impact the state of California,” the governor said. “Rather than just acknowledging that fate and future, we’re trying to get ahead of this law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom joined the California Legislative Women’s Caucus and pro-choice advocates to announce the proposal. Lawmakers called the Arizona law “draconian” and said California had an obligation to get involved. The bill would need to pass by a two-thirds vote in each house of the state Legislature before reaching Newsom’s desk. After he signs it, it will go into effect immediately.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Tanya Spirtos, a gynecologist and president of the California Medical Association, said it is unfortunate that Arizona abortion patients will have to travel out-of-state, but she’s proud to see California step in to assist them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All personal medical decisions, including those around abortion, should be made by patients in consultation with their health care providers,” Spirtos said. “By banning virtually all abortions in the state, the ruling will put physicians in harm’s way for simply providing often lifesaving medical care to their patients.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"label":"more abortion coverage ","tag":"abortion"},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The Arizona Supreme Court cleared the way earlier this month for the near-total ban to move forward. Besides Arizona, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/arizona-abortion-restrictions-1864-9c68866d69dca38c728dd27b80592e8f\">14 other states\u003c/a> have banned abortion at all stages of pregnancy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While abortion access in California has never been under serious threat in recent history, Newsom — widely seen as a potential presidential candidate beyond 2024 — has made defending that access a priority of his administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom pushed for abortion access to be enshrined into the California Constitution. He \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/abortion-us-supreme-court-california-gavin-newsom-729c1df436b5efa69d1cbff438f5905c\">approved $20 million\u003c/a> of taxpayer money to help pay for women in other states to come to California for abortions. And he has signed \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/abortion-us-supreme-court-health-california-df6dd40a7e2af65a1c6a4042e4ffa485\">dozens of laws\u003c/a> aimed at making it harder for other states to investigate women for coming to California for abortions, including banning social media companies from \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-abortion-pill-gavin-newsom-b7e392be628411230319215d7c010f21\">complying with subpoenas\u003c/a> or warrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His actions have endeared him to the Democratic Party’s core constituencies despite some of the state’s other problems — including homelessness, wildfire insurance and a pair of multibillion-dollar budget deficits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2022, months after the U.S. Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade, California launched a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/abortion-travel-health-gavin-newsom-state-budgets-98f36da0cf3219d01e4564ba61a0a6fb\">publicly-funded website\u003c/a> to promote the state’s abortion services, including information about financial help for travel expenses and letting teenagers in other states know that California does not require them to have their parents’ permission to get an abortion in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It has also become a chief talking point in Newsom’s role as a top surrogate for President Joe Biden’s reelection campaign. Using money left over from his 2022 reelection campaign, Newsom started a political action committee he calls the “ \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-governor-newsom-president-democrats-2024-843877ca6aca701a5a68b8cb022203a2\">Campaign for Democracy\u003c/a> ” that has paid for billboards and TV ads in Republican-led states to criticize their leaders’ attempts to outlaw or restrict access to abortions. In February, he launched \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-governor-newsom-abortion-politics-travel-67ac67b4fed8434c5908ae89ca2a01f9\">ads in multiple states\u003c/a> to criticize proposals there that aimed to prohibit out-of-state travel for abortions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When an Alabama lawmaker introduced a bill to make it a crime to help someone under 18 get an abortion without telling their parents or guardians, Newsom paid for an ad depicting a young woman trying to leave the state only to be stopped by a police officer who demands that she take a pregnancy test.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Associated Press writer Adam Beam contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11983956/newsom-proposes-law-to-let-arizona-doctors-come-to-california-to-perform-abortions","authors":["byline_news_11983956"],"categories":["news_8"],"tags":["news_866","news_30251","news_22880","news_21477","news_18543"],"featImg":"news_11983961","label":"news"},"news_11983896":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11983896","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11983896","score":null,"sort":[1713992432000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"its-got-to-start-on-the-inside-how-this-training-program-for-people-in-prison-aims-to-keep-them-from-returning","title":"'It’s Got to Start on the Inside': How a Business-Training Program for People in Prison Aims to Keep Them From Returning","publishDate":1713992432,"format":"standard","headTitle":"‘It’s Got to Start on the Inside’: How a Business-Training Program for People in Prison Aims to Keep Them From Returning | KQED","labelTerm":{"term":18481,"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>Timothy Jackson never thought about becoming an entrepreneur until he spent 12 years in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s where he came across and got inspired by other formerly incarcerated people who had started their own businesses. He then enrolled in a training program that gave him the skills and confidence to do the same.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I saw people come back from the program empowered — they were changed,” Jackson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, he owns and runs Quality Touch Cleaning Systems, a San Diego-area business he started mostly to keep himself employed. He oversees five employees plus a couple of independent contractors and has clients in biotech, health care and other industries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jackson, 43, marveled at how far he’s come since he got out of prison in 2017 and started his business a year later. “Five, six years later, and I’m signing checks,” he said. “This is crazy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Defy Ventures is a national nonprofit organization that runs the program that helped Jackson eventually launch his business. Its chief executive, Andrew Glazier, said the six- to nine-month program teaches employment-readiness and business skills to people in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program also addresses “self-limiting beliefs,” he said. “It’s about coming to terms with past trauma and creating a new narrative for yourself that isn’t based on liabilities of your past.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The organization is one of many around the nation trying to minimize recidivism rates through its in-prison and community programs. Defy’s definition of recidivism aligns with the federal one: a return to prison if convicted of a crime or because of a parole violation. Defy — which is funded with public and private money — said its graduates have a 10% recidivism rate at the one-year mark and 15% at the three-year mark, compared with the U.S. rate of 20% and 39%, respectively, according to the most recent \u003ca href=\"https://bjs.ojp.gov/library/publications/recidivism-prisoners-released-34-states-2012-5-year-follow-period-2012-2017\">federal data\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jackson, who was among a cohort of almost 100 people who went through the program, placed second in a business-pitch competition. Defy awarded him a $7,000 grant to help start his business and connected him with a mentor, who Jackson said “was there every step of the way” and who has become like family to him.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-california-an-outlier\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">California an ‘outlier’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Defy’s programs operate in 11 prisons in California and nearly a dozen in eight other states. Glazier said California and Wisconsin are the only two states that help provide grants for its programs, and the rest of its funding comes from corporations and foundations. Last year, 18% of the organization’s funding, or about $245,000, came from the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, the California Community Reinvestment Grants Program and federal funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Glazier said California is an outlier not just because it provides funding but also because of its openness to programs like Defy’s. “Access and space are just as important as the funding,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s got to start on the inside,” Glazier added, saying programs like Defy’s end up saving state money in the long run, given that the cost of housing a prisoner in California is \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2024/01/california-prison-cost-per-inmate/#:~:text=The%20cost%20of%20imprisoning%20one,according%20to%20state%20finance%20documents.\">now more than $132,000 a year\u003c/a>. “If you wait till people come home, by and large, it’s too late.”[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"recidivism\"]A total of 936 people took part in Defy’s prison programs last year, 497 of them in California. The organization helped an additional 168 people nationwide with career and re-entry services after they were released from prison, 123 of whom were in the state. And 19 of its graduates launched businesses last year, 10 in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among Defy’s funders is Checkr, a San Francisco-based software company that does background checks for employers. Checkr advocates for fair-chance hiring and says its workforce is 5% formerly incarcerated people. In California, the Fair Chance Act prohibits employers with five or more employees from asking about potential employees’ conviction history before making them a job offer. And \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2024/03/california-criminal-records-expungement-law/\">a new state law\u003c/a> that took effect last year allows for most people with felony convictions to ask for their records to be cleared.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Checkr Foundation, the company’s fledgling philanthropic arm, recently awarded Defy a $25,000 grant. The foundation’s executive director is Ken Oliver, who \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/legal/government/prisoner-philanthropist-remarkable-journey-ken-oliver-2021-12-09/\">spent more than two decades in prison\u003c/a> and has been advocating for formerly incarcerated people since he got out in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oliver said Checkr just launched an apprenticeship program, bringing in nine men and women at “all levels of the business, giving them nice salaries for being fresh out of prison, and benefits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said that kind of support can do wonders for formerly incarcerated people since society tends to “judge” them — a sentiment echoed by several such people who spoke with CalMatters, all of whom faced challenges getting a job when they first got out of jail or prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Give people a job for $80,000, all of a sudden they’re model citizens,” Oliver said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-post-prison-success-stories\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Post-prison success stories\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Other Defy graduates already have jobs at Checkr.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They include Jaylene Leslie of Contra Costa County, who went through Defy’s training program after she got out of Santa Rita County Jail in Dublin and had trouble finding a job because of her record. After she finished Defy’s program, she won some grants to start a catering business and did that for a while. Then, she landed a job at Checkr, where she has been for the past six years, most recently on the customer-success team.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leslie, who is 55, said that at one point, she had lost “everything — job, house, car.” But getting a job at Checkr helped her get those things back. “If I didn’t have the compensation from a full-time tech position, I don’t think I’d be able to live in the Bay Area,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Adam Garcia, who lives near Grass Valley, an hour northeast of Sacramento, has similar feelings about Defy — and Checkr. That’s why, despite completing an almost 20-year prison sentence in 2019, he returns to prison to volunteer and try to inspire others. Garcia, 43, went through Defy’s program, then eventually got a job at Checkr, where he is on the talent team and will soon be a recruiter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 10 years into his sentence, Garcia said, “I didn’t want to hurt my family anymore.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So he thought, “If I get a whole bunch of certificates, let me do the song and dance for the [parole] board so I can get out of prison.” But after the various programs and group sessions he attended, he said his mindset genuinely began to change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of that prepared him for Defy’s program. Garcia likened its “very intensive curriculum” to a semester in college. The program only has a 65% graduation rate, according to Glazier, its CEO.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garcia, who entered the program with about a year to go in his sentence, said it also provided him with a laptop and a gift card to Men’s Wearhouse when he got out of prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, at Checkr, he is doing some of the things he was previously volunteering to do “and getting paid for it,” Garcia said. “I was excited for myself and excited that the company was investing in me and people like me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jackson, the cleaning business owner, is similarly enthusiastic about how his life has changed. He said going through the Defy program helped him “transition from hope to transformation.”\u003c/p>\n\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"The program, run by a national nonprofit, offers intensive multi-month training on employment readiness and business skills for people in prison.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1713989060,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":29,"wordCount":1333},"headData":{"title":"'It’s Got to Start on the Inside': How a Business-Training Program for People in Prison Aims to Keep Them From Returning | KQED","description":"The program, run by a national nonprofit, offers intensive multi-month training on employment readiness and business skills for people in prison.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"'It’s Got to Start on the Inside': How a Business-Training Program for People in Prison Aims to Keep Them From Returning","datePublished":"2024-04-24T21:00:32.000Z","dateModified":"2024-04-24T20:04:20.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"sticky":false,"nprByline":"\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/author/levi-sumagaysay/\">Levi Sumagaysay\u003c/a>","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","showOnAuthorArchivePages":"No","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11983896/its-got-to-start-on-the-inside-how-this-training-program-for-people-in-prison-aims-to-keep-them-from-returning","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Timothy Jackson never thought about becoming an entrepreneur until he spent 12 years in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s where he came across and got inspired by other formerly incarcerated people who had started their own businesses. He then enrolled in a training program that gave him the skills and confidence to do the same.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I saw people come back from the program empowered — they were changed,” Jackson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, he owns and runs Quality Touch Cleaning Systems, a San Diego-area business he started mostly to keep himself employed. He oversees five employees plus a couple of independent contractors and has clients in biotech, health care and other industries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jackson, 43, marveled at how far he’s come since he got out of prison in 2017 and started his business a year later. “Five, six years later, and I’m signing checks,” he said. “This is crazy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Defy Ventures is a national nonprofit organization that runs the program that helped Jackson eventually launch his business. Its chief executive, Andrew Glazier, said the six- to nine-month program teaches employment-readiness and business skills to people in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program also addresses “self-limiting beliefs,” he said. “It’s about coming to terms with past trauma and creating a new narrative for yourself that isn’t based on liabilities of your past.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The organization is one of many around the nation trying to minimize recidivism rates through its in-prison and community programs. Defy’s definition of recidivism aligns with the federal one: a return to prison if convicted of a crime or because of a parole violation. Defy — which is funded with public and private money — said its graduates have a 10% recidivism rate at the one-year mark and 15% at the three-year mark, compared with the U.S. rate of 20% and 39%, respectively, according to the most recent \u003ca href=\"https://bjs.ojp.gov/library/publications/recidivism-prisoners-released-34-states-2012-5-year-follow-period-2012-2017\">federal data\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jackson, who was among a cohort of almost 100 people who went through the program, placed second in a business-pitch competition. Defy awarded him a $7,000 grant to help start his business and connected him with a mentor, who Jackson said “was there every step of the way” and who has become like family to him.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-california-an-outlier\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">California an ‘outlier’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Defy’s programs operate in 11 prisons in California and nearly a dozen in eight other states. Glazier said California and Wisconsin are the only two states that help provide grants for its programs, and the rest of its funding comes from corporations and foundations. Last year, 18% of the organization’s funding, or about $245,000, came from the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, the California Community Reinvestment Grants Program and federal funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Glazier said California is an outlier not just because it provides funding but also because of its openness to programs like Defy’s. “Access and space are just as important as the funding,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s got to start on the inside,” Glazier added, saying programs like Defy’s end up saving state money in the long run, given that the cost of housing a prisoner in California is \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2024/01/california-prison-cost-per-inmate/#:~:text=The%20cost%20of%20imprisoning%20one,according%20to%20state%20finance%20documents.\">now more than $132,000 a year\u003c/a>. “If you wait till people come home, by and large, it’s too late.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"label":"related coverage ","tag":"recidivism"},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>A total of 936 people took part in Defy’s prison programs last year, 497 of them in California. The organization helped an additional 168 people nationwide with career and re-entry services after they were released from prison, 123 of whom were in the state. And 19 of its graduates launched businesses last year, 10 in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among Defy’s funders is Checkr, a San Francisco-based software company that does background checks for employers. Checkr advocates for fair-chance hiring and says its workforce is 5% formerly incarcerated people. In California, the Fair Chance Act prohibits employers with five or more employees from asking about potential employees’ conviction history before making them a job offer. And \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2024/03/california-criminal-records-expungement-law/\">a new state law\u003c/a> that took effect last year allows for most people with felony convictions to ask for their records to be cleared.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Checkr Foundation, the company’s fledgling philanthropic arm, recently awarded Defy a $25,000 grant. The foundation’s executive director is Ken Oliver, who \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/legal/government/prisoner-philanthropist-remarkable-journey-ken-oliver-2021-12-09/\">spent more than two decades in prison\u003c/a> and has been advocating for formerly incarcerated people since he got out in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oliver said Checkr just launched an apprenticeship program, bringing in nine men and women at “all levels of the business, giving them nice salaries for being fresh out of prison, and benefits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said that kind of support can do wonders for formerly incarcerated people since society tends to “judge” them — a sentiment echoed by several such people who spoke with CalMatters, all of whom faced challenges getting a job when they first got out of jail or prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Give people a job for $80,000, all of a sudden they’re model citizens,” Oliver said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-post-prison-success-stories\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Post-prison success stories\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Other Defy graduates already have jobs at Checkr.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They include Jaylene Leslie of Contra Costa County, who went through Defy’s training program after she got out of Santa Rita County Jail in Dublin and had trouble finding a job because of her record. After she finished Defy’s program, she won some grants to start a catering business and did that for a while. Then, she landed a job at Checkr, where she has been for the past six years, most recently on the customer-success team.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leslie, who is 55, said that at one point, she had lost “everything — job, house, car.” But getting a job at Checkr helped her get those things back. “If I didn’t have the compensation from a full-time tech position, I don’t think I’d be able to live in the Bay Area,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Adam Garcia, who lives near Grass Valley, an hour northeast of Sacramento, has similar feelings about Defy — and Checkr. That’s why, despite completing an almost 20-year prison sentence in 2019, he returns to prison to volunteer and try to inspire others. Garcia, 43, went through Defy’s program, then eventually got a job at Checkr, where he is on the talent team and will soon be a recruiter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 10 years into his sentence, Garcia said, “I didn’t want to hurt my family anymore.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So he thought, “If I get a whole bunch of certificates, let me do the song and dance for the [parole] board so I can get out of prison.” But after the various programs and group sessions he attended, he said his mindset genuinely began to change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of that prepared him for Defy’s program. Garcia likened its “very intensive curriculum” to a semester in college. The program only has a 65% graduation rate, according to Glazier, its CEO.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garcia, who entered the program with about a year to go in his sentence, said it also provided him with a laptop and a gift card to Men’s Wearhouse when he got out of prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, at Checkr, he is doing some of the things he was previously volunteering to do “and getting paid for it,” Garcia said. “I was excited for myself and excited that the company was investing in me and people like me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jackson, the cleaning business owner, is similarly enthusiastic about how his life has changed. He said going through the Defy program helped him “transition from hope to transformation.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11983896/its-got-to-start-on-the-inside-how-this-training-program-for-people-in-prison-aims-to-keep-them-from-returning","authors":["byline_news_11983896"],"categories":["news_8"],"tags":["news_28202","news_26658","news_616","news_1629","news_2842","news_28392"],"affiliates":["news_18481"],"featImg":"news_11983897","label":"news_18481"},"news_11983885":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11983885","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11983885","score":null,"sort":[1713985235000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"california-empowers-users-with-online-privacy-tools-amid-data-sales-concerns","title":"Worried About Data Brokers in California? Here’s How to Protect Yourself Online","publishDate":1713985235,"format":"standard","headTitle":"Worried About Data Brokers in California? Here’s How to Protect Yourself Online | KQED","labelTerm":{},"content":"\u003cp>If you visited a Planned Parenthood in the continental United States in the past few years, then the company Near Intelligence, a data broker, probably knew it — and may have \u003ca href=\"https://www.wsj.com/articles/antiabortion-group-used-cellphone-data-to-target-ads-to-planned-parenthood-visitors-446c1212\">sold that information to anti-abortion activists\u003c/a>. If you attended certain houses of worship or patronized particular pharmacies, the data broker known as Outlogic allegedly sold that information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Near Intelligence \u003ca href=\"https://themarkup.org/privacy/2024/02/23/what-happens-to-your-sensitive-data-when-a-data-broker-goes-bankrupt\">filed for bankruptcy\u003c/a> in December. Outlogic agreed to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ftc.gov/system/files/ftc_gov/pdf/X-ModeSocialDecisionandOrder.pdf\">settlement\u003c/a> with the Federal Trade Commission to stop selling user location data while insisting regulators had found \u003ca href=\"https://news.bloomberglaw.com/privacy-and-data-security/ftc-reaches-first-settlement-banning-location-data-tracking\">“no misuse of any data.”\u003c/a> Both were among nearly 90 companies on the latest version of the \u003ca href=\"https://cppa.ca.gov/data_broker_registry/\">California data broker registry\u003c/a> that self-reported selling data about where people are or have been.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the first time this year, California requires data brokers — companies that knowingly collect and sell consumer’s data to third parties — to report if they collect location data. New state transparency requirements that kicked in this year also revealed that roughly two dozen companies collect personal data about children, and about a dozen collect reproductive health data about people who are pregnant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Do data brokers somewhere have data about you? Almost certainly. Almost everywhere you go on your digital journey will collect traces of information about you. If you’ve been on the internet in the past few years, you’ve probably seen a bunch of notices asking if it’s okay for the website you’re on to collect your “cookies” — information that allows the website to remember you, essentially. Some apps on your phone may track your location. It’s hard to precisely say what information about you is where because there are so many variables — your privacy settings, the sites you visit, what you buy and from whom, etc. — but data brokers are in the business of finding, collecting, and selling that data to other businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brokers sell your web activity and other personal information to companies that may target advertising to you\u003cem>\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/em>or make important decisions about your life, such as \u003ca href=\"https://themarkup.org/locked-out/2020/05/28/access-denied-faulty-automated-background-checks-freeze-out-renters\">whether you get an apartment\u003c/a>, whether your activity is \u003ca href=\"https://epic.org/pondera-surveillance/\">labeled fraudulent\u003c/a>, or how \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/03/11/technology/carmakers-driver-tracking-insurance.html\">insurance companies treat you\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The market is largely unregulated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Selling data about people is the cornerstone of the modern internet economy, powering targeted advertising based on insights gleaned from personal data. Media investment company GroupM forecasted $258 billion in digital advertising revenue this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To give people visibility into who sells their data for profit, four years ago, California started requiring data brokers to register once a year. Since then, a new registry has come out each year based on those submissions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The latest registry debuted one month ago with more detailed information and is now maintained by a relatively new state agency. A law passed last fall introduces new consumer rights and more stringent requirements for brokers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are some important things to know:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How can data brokers harm you or your loved ones?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Data brokers can sell data to bad actors, ranging from scam artists to adversarial foreign governments. In testimony to a congressional committee one year ago, Georgetown Law Center associate professor Laura Moy said data brokers selling information to law enforcement agencies could amount to a violation of the Fourth Amendment right to live free from unreasonable search and seizure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From Beijing to Brussels to Washington D.C. and U.S. state capitals, government regulators are creating registries and business reporting rules to prevent privacy violations or harmful forms of artificial intelligence. Privacy advocates have urged the creation of a national data broker registry with the Federal Trade Commission for years, but no such registry exists yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who protects my privacy rights?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California voters passed a ballot measure in 2020 that gives consumers the right to access information collected about them, delete or modify that information, or tell a broker they cannot sell or share that information. Consumers can initiate the process by emailing the point of contact \u003ca href=\"https://cppa.ca.gov/data_broker_registry/\">listed on the registry website\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, they must present a copy of their ID, like a driver’s license, to prove who they are. Consumers and people under 18 can also work with an authorized agent, someone who makes data deletion requests on their behalf. Companies like Transcend and nonprofit organizations like Consumer Reports offer consumer data deletion services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To enforce these rights, the ballot measure created the California Privacy Protection Agency and a five-member board to govern its activity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Companies that buy, sell, or share the personal data of at least 100,000 Californians or get a majority of annual revenue from selling data are required to comply with the consumer privacy law.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What’s new?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The most recent changes to California’s data broker registry — which took effect in January — require brokers to disclose whether they sell data about children, pregnant people, or anyone’s geolocation data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, relatively soon — at the speed at which state governments operate — consumers should be able to delete data collected about them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Right now, consumers must go to hundreds of data brokers one at a time if they want them to delete their data.[aside postID=news_11947039 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS40986_iStock-1170728885-qut-1020x680.jpg']Last fall, Gov. Gavin Newsom signed \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb362?slug=CA_202320240SB362\">the Delete Act\u003c/a> giving consumers a way to delete data from all registered brokers by using a single tool or website.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the law — authored by state Sen. Josh Becker, a Democrat from Menlo Park — the state’s privacy agency must launch a website by 2026 that allows Californians to delete their data in 30 seconds or less. The Delete Act doubles the cost if data brokers fail to register to $200 a day, as well as the costs associated with an action brought by the state attorney general. By 2028, audits must verify that data brokers are complying with the Delete Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other major change is that the Delete Act requires brokers to delete any information they collect about a consumer, not just information shared directly from a consumer, closing what privacy advocates called a crucial loophole that existed in the right to delete granted to consumers under the California Consumer Privacy Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law also shifts responsibility for maintaining the registry from the Department of Justice to the California Privacy Protection Agency. That means that the power to determine which companies fail to register and comply with state privacy law or the Delete Act is decided by enforcement officers within that privacy agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it’s up to the agency to decide whether companies should register as data brokers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The enforcement division has received more than 1,200 complaints from July 2023 to February 2024, according to a staff update \u003ca href=\"https://www.cppa.ca.gov/meetings/materials/20240308_item6_enforcement_update.pdf\">last month\u003c/a>. The majority of those complaints concern the right to delete data collected about individuals.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Is California’s data broker registry comprehensive?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Since data brokers do not have a direct relationship with consumers, most people have never heard of companies that buy and sell data. But the registry is not comprehensive, not yet at least.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The registry that launched March 1 includes roughly 450 businesses and email points of contact. Brokers were required to register by Jan. 31, but in a meeting held in February, privacy protection agency attorney Liz Travis Allen warned: “If you look at the whole universe of every data broker, we don’t have that list. But that would be something we can enforce on, to figure out who isn’t registered and should be.”[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='privacy']The \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/data-brokers\">2023 registry maintained by the state Justice Department\u003c/a> listed 550 companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Privacy Rights Clearinghouse head of privacy Emory Roane was a co-sponsor of the Delete Act. He said it’s “really cool” that the privacy protection agency data broker registry illuminates metrics you couldn’t see before, like the number of companies that track your location or collect data about kids and people who are pregnant or that the credit score agency Experian collects all three. But he said the registry is incomplete. The state of Vermont defines a data broker the same way as California, also \u003ca href=\"https://sos.vermont.gov/corporations/other-services/data-brokers/\">maintains a data broker registry\u003c/a>, and created its registry around the same time as California, but it lists 660 companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That discrepancy “suggests that there is a problem with non-registered data brokers,” he told CalMatters in an email. “As to how many brokers aren’t registered, well, that’s anyone’s guess. It could be dozens, hundreds, or even thousands.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A January \u003ca href=\"https://www.consumerreports.org/electronics/privacy/each-facebook-user-is-monitored-by-thousands-of-companies-a5824207467/#:~:text=Using%20a%20panel%20of%20709,to%20Facebook%20by%202%2C230%20companies.\">Consumer Reports study\u003c/a> involving nearly 700 volunteers who shared the data Meta collects about them on Facebook and Instagram found that more than 2,220 companies track the average person.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How can I tell a data broker to delete my data?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Each company maintains its own privacy policy, but deleting the data it collects on you can be as simple as sending an email to the broker, whose contact email is listed on the registry. California law requires the broker to respond within 90 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can also use third-party tools like \u003ca href=\"https://permissionslipcr.com/\">the Permission Slip app\u003c/a> to tell data brokers to delete your data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brokers must detail how to delete or modify data in a privacy policy listed on their website. If a business fails to act within 90 days, you can \u003ca href=\"https://cppa.ca.gov/webapplications/complaint\">file a complaint\u003c/a> with California’s privacy protection agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To quickly view the complete list of companies that sell kids data, reproductive health data, or geolocation data, toggle the arrow buttons at the top of the screen on California’s online registry site.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How do I delete data collected about my kid?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A parent or guardian who wishes to make a deletion request on a child’s behalf may follow the same steps necessary for any other Californian, but a business may require them to verify their identity with a government-issued ID card or phone or video call with a trained professional.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What’s next in California?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The state’s privacy protection agency is already developing a single-click data deletion option. The enforcement division will contact companies they believe should be part of the registry or face fines, fees, or legal action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How aggressive will California’s consumer privacy agency be? One test is how frequently it issues fines and fees for brokers who fail to register. Privacy Protection Agency deputy director of external affairs, Megan White, wouldn’t say when enforcement officers will contact companies that they determined must register as data brokers and are in violation of the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roane said he hopes for and expects “eager enforcers more vigilantly holding non-registering and non-conforming data brokers to account.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July, California will begin requiring data brokers to publicly report on their websites the number of requests they receive to delete, modify, or share what data they collected about individuals and the median amount of time it takes to fulfill those requests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"About 450 companies are on the data broker registry in California, and a law passed last year will make it easier to delete the data they collect about people.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1713986671,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":40,"wordCount":1880},"headData":{"title":"Worried About Data Brokers in California? Here’s How to Protect Yourself Online | KQED","description":"About 450 companies are on the data broker registry in California, and a law passed last year will make it easier to delete the data they collect about people.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Worried About Data Brokers in California? Here’s How to Protect Yourself Online","datePublished":"2024-04-24T19:00:35.000Z","dateModified":"2024-04-24T19:24:31.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"source":"CalMatters","sourceUrl":"https://calmatters.org/","sticky":false,"nprByline":"Khari Johnson, CalMatters","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","showOnAuthorArchivePages":"No","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11983885/california-empowers-users-with-online-privacy-tools-amid-data-sales-concerns","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>If you visited a Planned Parenthood in the continental United States in the past few years, then the company Near Intelligence, a data broker, probably knew it — and may have \u003ca href=\"https://www.wsj.com/articles/antiabortion-group-used-cellphone-data-to-target-ads-to-planned-parenthood-visitors-446c1212\">sold that information to anti-abortion activists\u003c/a>. If you attended certain houses of worship or patronized particular pharmacies, the data broker known as Outlogic allegedly sold that information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Near Intelligence \u003ca href=\"https://themarkup.org/privacy/2024/02/23/what-happens-to-your-sensitive-data-when-a-data-broker-goes-bankrupt\">filed for bankruptcy\u003c/a> in December. Outlogic agreed to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ftc.gov/system/files/ftc_gov/pdf/X-ModeSocialDecisionandOrder.pdf\">settlement\u003c/a> with the Federal Trade Commission to stop selling user location data while insisting regulators had found \u003ca href=\"https://news.bloomberglaw.com/privacy-and-data-security/ftc-reaches-first-settlement-banning-location-data-tracking\">“no misuse of any data.”\u003c/a> Both were among nearly 90 companies on the latest version of the \u003ca href=\"https://cppa.ca.gov/data_broker_registry/\">California data broker registry\u003c/a> that self-reported selling data about where people are or have been.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the first time this year, California requires data brokers — companies that knowingly collect and sell consumer’s data to third parties — to report if they collect location data. New state transparency requirements that kicked in this year also revealed that roughly two dozen companies collect personal data about children, and about a dozen collect reproductive health data about people who are pregnant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Do data brokers somewhere have data about you? Almost certainly. Almost everywhere you go on your digital journey will collect traces of information about you. If you’ve been on the internet in the past few years, you’ve probably seen a bunch of notices asking if it’s okay for the website you’re on to collect your “cookies” — information that allows the website to remember you, essentially. Some apps on your phone may track your location. It’s hard to precisely say what information about you is where because there are so many variables — your privacy settings, the sites you visit, what you buy and from whom, etc. — but data brokers are in the business of finding, collecting, and selling that data to other businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brokers sell your web activity and other personal information to companies that may target advertising to you\u003cem>\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/em>or make important decisions about your life, such as \u003ca href=\"https://themarkup.org/locked-out/2020/05/28/access-denied-faulty-automated-background-checks-freeze-out-renters\">whether you get an apartment\u003c/a>, whether your activity is \u003ca href=\"https://epic.org/pondera-surveillance/\">labeled fraudulent\u003c/a>, or how \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/03/11/technology/carmakers-driver-tracking-insurance.html\">insurance companies treat you\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The market is largely unregulated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Selling data about people is the cornerstone of the modern internet economy, powering targeted advertising based on insights gleaned from personal data. Media investment company GroupM forecasted $258 billion in digital advertising revenue this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To give people visibility into who sells their data for profit, four years ago, California started requiring data brokers to register once a year. Since then, a new registry has come out each year based on those submissions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The latest registry debuted one month ago with more detailed information and is now maintained by a relatively new state agency. A law passed last fall introduces new consumer rights and more stringent requirements for brokers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are some important things to know:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How can data brokers harm you or your loved ones?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Data brokers can sell data to bad actors, ranging from scam artists to adversarial foreign governments. In testimony to a congressional committee one year ago, Georgetown Law Center associate professor Laura Moy said data brokers selling information to law enforcement agencies could amount to a violation of the Fourth Amendment right to live free from unreasonable search and seizure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From Beijing to Brussels to Washington D.C. and U.S. state capitals, government regulators are creating registries and business reporting rules to prevent privacy violations or harmful forms of artificial intelligence. Privacy advocates have urged the creation of a national data broker registry with the Federal Trade Commission for years, but no such registry exists yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who protects my privacy rights?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California voters passed a ballot measure in 2020 that gives consumers the right to access information collected about them, delete or modify that information, or tell a broker they cannot sell or share that information. Consumers can initiate the process by emailing the point of contact \u003ca href=\"https://cppa.ca.gov/data_broker_registry/\">listed on the registry website\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, they must present a copy of their ID, like a driver’s license, to prove who they are. Consumers and people under 18 can also work with an authorized agent, someone who makes data deletion requests on their behalf. Companies like Transcend and nonprofit organizations like Consumer Reports offer consumer data deletion services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To enforce these rights, the ballot measure created the California Privacy Protection Agency and a five-member board to govern its activity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Companies that buy, sell, or share the personal data of at least 100,000 Californians or get a majority of annual revenue from selling data are required to comply with the consumer privacy law.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What’s new?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The most recent changes to California’s data broker registry — which took effect in January — require brokers to disclose whether they sell data about children, pregnant people, or anyone’s geolocation data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, relatively soon — at the speed at which state governments operate — consumers should be able to delete data collected about them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Right now, consumers must go to hundreds of data brokers one at a time if they want them to delete their data.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11947039","hero":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS40986_iStock-1170728885-qut-1020x680.jpg","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Last fall, Gov. Gavin Newsom signed \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb362?slug=CA_202320240SB362\">the Delete Act\u003c/a> giving consumers a way to delete data from all registered brokers by using a single tool or website.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the law — authored by state Sen. Josh Becker, a Democrat from Menlo Park — the state’s privacy agency must launch a website by 2026 that allows Californians to delete their data in 30 seconds or less. The Delete Act doubles the cost if data brokers fail to register to $200 a day, as well as the costs associated with an action brought by the state attorney general. By 2028, audits must verify that data brokers are complying with the Delete Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other major change is that the Delete Act requires brokers to delete any information they collect about a consumer, not just information shared directly from a consumer, closing what privacy advocates called a crucial loophole that existed in the right to delete granted to consumers under the California Consumer Privacy Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law also shifts responsibility for maintaining the registry from the Department of Justice to the California Privacy Protection Agency. That means that the power to determine which companies fail to register and comply with state privacy law or the Delete Act is decided by enforcement officers within that privacy agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it’s up to the agency to decide whether companies should register as data brokers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The enforcement division has received more than 1,200 complaints from July 2023 to February 2024, according to a staff update \u003ca href=\"https://www.cppa.ca.gov/meetings/materials/20240308_item6_enforcement_update.pdf\">last month\u003c/a>. The majority of those complaints concern the right to delete data collected about individuals.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Is California’s data broker registry comprehensive?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Since data brokers do not have a direct relationship with consumers, most people have never heard of companies that buy and sell data. But the registry is not comprehensive, not yet at least.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The registry that launched March 1 includes roughly 450 businesses and email points of contact. Brokers were required to register by Jan. 31, but in a meeting held in February, privacy protection agency attorney Liz Travis Allen warned: “If you look at the whole universe of every data broker, we don’t have that list. But that would be something we can enforce on, to figure out who isn’t registered and should be.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"label":"Related Coverage ","tag":"privacy"},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/data-brokers\">2023 registry maintained by the state Justice Department\u003c/a> listed 550 companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Privacy Rights Clearinghouse head of privacy Emory Roane was a co-sponsor of the Delete Act. He said it’s “really cool” that the privacy protection agency data broker registry illuminates metrics you couldn’t see before, like the number of companies that track your location or collect data about kids and people who are pregnant or that the credit score agency Experian collects all three. But he said the registry is incomplete. The state of Vermont defines a data broker the same way as California, also \u003ca href=\"https://sos.vermont.gov/corporations/other-services/data-brokers/\">maintains a data broker registry\u003c/a>, and created its registry around the same time as California, but it lists 660 companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That discrepancy “suggests that there is a problem with non-registered data brokers,” he told CalMatters in an email. “As to how many brokers aren’t registered, well, that’s anyone’s guess. It could be dozens, hundreds, or even thousands.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A January \u003ca href=\"https://www.consumerreports.org/electronics/privacy/each-facebook-user-is-monitored-by-thousands-of-companies-a5824207467/#:~:text=Using%20a%20panel%20of%20709,to%20Facebook%20by%202%2C230%20companies.\">Consumer Reports study\u003c/a> involving nearly 700 volunteers who shared the data Meta collects about them on Facebook and Instagram found that more than 2,220 companies track the average person.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How can I tell a data broker to delete my data?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Each company maintains its own privacy policy, but deleting the data it collects on you can be as simple as sending an email to the broker, whose contact email is listed on the registry. California law requires the broker to respond within 90 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can also use third-party tools like \u003ca href=\"https://permissionslipcr.com/\">the Permission Slip app\u003c/a> to tell data brokers to delete your data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brokers must detail how to delete or modify data in a privacy policy listed on their website. If a business fails to act within 90 days, you can \u003ca href=\"https://cppa.ca.gov/webapplications/complaint\">file a complaint\u003c/a> with California’s privacy protection agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To quickly view the complete list of companies that sell kids data, reproductive health data, or geolocation data, toggle the arrow buttons at the top of the screen on California’s online registry site.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How do I delete data collected about my kid?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A parent or guardian who wishes to make a deletion request on a child’s behalf may follow the same steps necessary for any other Californian, but a business may require them to verify their identity with a government-issued ID card or phone or video call with a trained professional.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What’s next in California?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The state’s privacy protection agency is already developing a single-click data deletion option. The enforcement division will contact companies they believe should be part of the registry or face fines, fees, or legal action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How aggressive will California’s consumer privacy agency be? One test is how frequently it issues fines and fees for brokers who fail to register. Privacy Protection Agency deputy director of external affairs, Megan White, wouldn’t say when enforcement officers will contact companies that they determined must register as data brokers and are in violation of the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roane said he hopes for and expects “eager enforcers more vigilantly holding non-registering and non-conforming data brokers to account.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July, California will begin requiring data brokers to publicly report on their websites the number of requests they receive to delete, modify, or share what data they collected about individuals and the median amount of time it takes to fulfill those requests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11983885/california-empowers-users-with-online-privacy-tools-amid-data-sales-concerns","authors":["byline_news_11983885"],"categories":["news_31795","news_8","news_248"],"tags":["news_18538","news_30069","news_22844","news_22472","news_16","news_3137","news_2414","news_2125","news_4903"],"affiliates":["news_18481"],"featImg":"news_11983892","label":"source_news_11983885"},"news_11983850":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11983850","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11983850","score":null,"sort":[1713956456000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"will-less-homework-stress-make-california-students-happier","title":"Will Less Homework Stress Make California Students Happier?","publishDate":1713956456,"format":"standard","headTitle":"Will Less Homework Stress Make California Students Happier? | KQED","labelTerm":{"term":18481,"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>Some bills before California’s Legislature don’t come from passionate policy advocates or powerful interest groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sometimes, the inspiration comes from a family car ride.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While campaigning two years ago, Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/pilar-schiavo-5510\">Pilar Schiavo\u003c/a>’s daughter, then 9, asked from the backseat what her mother could do if she won.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schiavo answered that she’d be able to make laws. Then, her daughter Sofia asked if she could make a law banning homework.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was a kind of a joke,” the Santa Clarita Valley Democrat said in an interview, “though I’m sure she’d be happy if homework were banned.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the conversation got Schiavo thinking, she said. And while \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2999?slug=CA_202320240AB2999\">Assembly Bill 2999\u003c/a> — which faces its first big test on Wednesday — is far from a ban on homework, it would require school districts, county offices of education and charter schools to develop guidelines for K–12 students. It would urge schools to be more intentional about “good” or meaningful homework.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among other things, the guidelines should consider students’ physical health, how long assignments take, and how effective they are. However, the bill’s main concern is mental health and when homework adds stress to students’ daily lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homework’s impact on happiness is partly why Schiavo brought up the proposal last month during \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/03/happiness-california-legislature/\">the first meeting of the Legislature’s select committee on happiness\u003c/a>, led by former Assembly Speaker \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/anthony-rendon-120?_gl=1*186p1dm*_ga*MTM0NTExODk4NS4xNjkwMzA5NjYy*_ga_5TKXNLE5NK*MTcxMzg1MzY3OS45MzYuMS4xNzEzODU2ODUzLjU4LjAuMA..*_ga_GNY4L81DZE*MTcxMzg1Njg1MS4xMDAzLjAuMTcxMzg1Njg1MS4wLjAuMA..\">Anthony Rendon\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"mindshift_62400,mindshift_63052\" label=\"Related Stories\"]“This feeling of loneliness and disconnection — I know when my kid is not feeling connected,” Schiavo, a member of the happiness committee, told CalMatters. “It’s when she’s alone in her room (doing homework), not playing with her cousin, not having dinner with her family.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill analysis cites a survey of 15,000 California high schoolers from Challenge Success, a nonprofit affiliated with the Stanford Graduate School of Education. It found that 45% said homework was a major source of stress and that 52% considered most assignments to be busywork.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://challengesuccess.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/04/Challenge-Success-Homework-White-Paper-2020.pdf\">organization also reported in 2020\u003c/a> that students with higher workloads reported “symptoms of exhaustion and lower rates of sleep” but that spending more time on homework did not necessarily lead to higher test scores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homework’s potential to also widen inequities is why Casey Cuny supports the measure. Cuny, an English and mythology teacher at Valencia High School and \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/nr/ne/yr23/yr23rel81.asp\">2024’s California Teacher of the Year\u003c/a>, said language barriers, unreliable home internet, family responsibilities or other outside factors may contribute to a student falling behind on homework.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I never want a kid’s grade to be low because they have divorced parents, and their book was at their dad’s house when they were spending the weekend at mom’s house,” said Cuny, who plans to attend a press conference Wednesday to promote the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition, as technology makes it easier for students to cheat — using artificial technology or chat threads to lift answers, for example — Schiavo said that the educators she has spoken to indicate they’re moving towards more in-class assignments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cuny agrees that an emphasis on classwork does help to rein in cheating and allows him to give students immediate feedback. “I feel that I should teach them what I need to teach them when I’m with them in the room,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11983855\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/031224-Happiness-Committee-FG-CM-2-.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11983855\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/031224-Happiness-Committee-FG-CM-2-.jpg\" alt=\"A woman sits at a table facing a woman and man seated at a larger table with microphones attached.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/031224-Happiness-Committee-FG-CM-2-.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/031224-Happiness-Committee-FG-CM-2--800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/031224-Happiness-Committee-FG-CM-2--1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/031224-Happiness-Committee-FG-CM-2--160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/031224-Happiness-Committee-FG-CM-2--1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/031224-Happiness-Committee-FG-CM-2--1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Members of the Select Committee On Happiness And Public Policy Outcomes listen to speakers during an informational hearing at the California Capitol in Sacramento on March 12, 2024. \u003ccite>(Fred Greaves/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The bill said the local homework policies should have input from teachers, parents, school counselors, social workers and students; be distributed at the beginning of every school year; and be reevaluated every five years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Assembly Committee on Education is expected to hear the bill Wednesday. Schiavo said she has received bipartisan support, and so far, no official opposition or support has been listed in the bill analysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she acknowledges that, if passed, the measure’s provision for parental input may lead to disagreements given the recent \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletter/culture-wars-california-schools/\">culture war disputes\u003c/a> between Democratic officials and parental rights groups backed by some Republican lawmakers. “I’m sure there will be lively (school) board meetings,” Schiavo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nevertheless, she hopes the proposal will overhaul the discussion around homework and mental health. The bill is especially pertinent now that the state is also poised to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2023/06/mental-health-funding-2/\">cut spending on mental health services for children\u003c/a> with the passage of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-voter-guide-2024/prop-1-mental-health/\">Proposition 1\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schiavo said the mother of a student with attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder told her that the child’s struggle to finish homework had raised issues inside the house, as well as with the school’s principal and teachers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And I’m just like, it’s sixth grade!” Schaivo said. “What’s going on?”\u003c/p>\n\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"A bill from a member of the Legislature’s happiness committee would require schools to develop homework policies that consider the mental and physical strain on students.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1713912168,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":23,"wordCount":848},"headData":{"title":"Will Less Homework Stress Make California Students Happier? | KQED","description":"A bill from a member of the Legislature’s happiness committee would require schools to develop homework policies that consider the mental and physical strain on students.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Will Less Homework Stress Make California Students Happier?","datePublished":"2024-04-24T11:00:56.000Z","dateModified":"2024-04-23T22:42:48.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"sticky":false,"nprByline":"Lynn La\u003cbr>CalMatters\u003c/br>","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","showOnAuthorArchivePages":"No","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11983850/will-less-homework-stress-make-california-students-happier","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Some bills before California’s Legislature don’t come from passionate policy advocates or powerful interest groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sometimes, the inspiration comes from a family car ride.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While campaigning two years ago, Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/pilar-schiavo-5510\">Pilar Schiavo\u003c/a>’s daughter, then 9, asked from the backseat what her mother could do if she won.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schiavo answered that she’d be able to make laws. Then, her daughter Sofia asked if she could make a law banning homework.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was a kind of a joke,” the Santa Clarita Valley Democrat said in an interview, “though I’m sure she’d be happy if homework were banned.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the conversation got Schiavo thinking, she said. And while \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2999?slug=CA_202320240AB2999\">Assembly Bill 2999\u003c/a> — which faces its first big test on Wednesday — is far from a ban on homework, it would require school districts, county offices of education and charter schools to develop guidelines for K–12 students. It would urge schools to be more intentional about “good” or meaningful homework.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among other things, the guidelines should consider students’ physical health, how long assignments take, and how effective they are. However, the bill’s main concern is mental health and when homework adds stress to students’ daily lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homework’s impact on happiness is partly why Schiavo brought up the proposal last month during \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/03/happiness-california-legislature/\">the first meeting of the Legislature’s select committee on happiness\u003c/a>, led by former Assembly Speaker \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/anthony-rendon-120?_gl=1*186p1dm*_ga*MTM0NTExODk4NS4xNjkwMzA5NjYy*_ga_5TKXNLE5NK*MTcxMzg1MzY3OS45MzYuMS4xNzEzODU2ODUzLjU4LjAuMA..*_ga_GNY4L81DZE*MTcxMzg1Njg1MS4xMDAzLjAuMTcxMzg1Njg1MS4wLjAuMA..\">Anthony Rendon\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"mindshift_62400,mindshift_63052","label":"Related Stories "},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“This feeling of loneliness and disconnection — I know when my kid is not feeling connected,” Schiavo, a member of the happiness committee, told CalMatters. “It’s when she’s alone in her room (doing homework), not playing with her cousin, not having dinner with her family.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill analysis cites a survey of 15,000 California high schoolers from Challenge Success, a nonprofit affiliated with the Stanford Graduate School of Education. It found that 45% said homework was a major source of stress and that 52% considered most assignments to be busywork.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://challengesuccess.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/04/Challenge-Success-Homework-White-Paper-2020.pdf\">organization also reported in 2020\u003c/a> that students with higher workloads reported “symptoms of exhaustion and lower rates of sleep” but that spending more time on homework did not necessarily lead to higher test scores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homework’s potential to also widen inequities is why Casey Cuny supports the measure. Cuny, an English and mythology teacher at Valencia High School and \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/nr/ne/yr23/yr23rel81.asp\">2024’s California Teacher of the Year\u003c/a>, said language barriers, unreliable home internet, family responsibilities or other outside factors may contribute to a student falling behind on homework.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I never want a kid’s grade to be low because they have divorced parents, and their book was at their dad’s house when they were spending the weekend at mom’s house,” said Cuny, who plans to attend a press conference Wednesday to promote the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition, as technology makes it easier for students to cheat — using artificial technology or chat threads to lift answers, for example — Schiavo said that the educators she has spoken to indicate they’re moving towards more in-class assignments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cuny agrees that an emphasis on classwork does help to rein in cheating and allows him to give students immediate feedback. “I feel that I should teach them what I need to teach them when I’m with them in the room,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11983855\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/031224-Happiness-Committee-FG-CM-2-.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11983855\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/031224-Happiness-Committee-FG-CM-2-.jpg\" alt=\"A woman sits at a table facing a woman and man seated at a larger table with microphones attached.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/031224-Happiness-Committee-FG-CM-2-.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/031224-Happiness-Committee-FG-CM-2--800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/031224-Happiness-Committee-FG-CM-2--1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/031224-Happiness-Committee-FG-CM-2--160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/031224-Happiness-Committee-FG-CM-2--1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/031224-Happiness-Committee-FG-CM-2--1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Members of the Select Committee On Happiness And Public Policy Outcomes listen to speakers during an informational hearing at the California Capitol in Sacramento on March 12, 2024. \u003ccite>(Fred Greaves/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The bill said the local homework policies should have input from teachers, parents, school counselors, social workers and students; be distributed at the beginning of every school year; and be reevaluated every five years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Assembly Committee on Education is expected to hear the bill Wednesday. Schiavo said she has received bipartisan support, and so far, no official opposition or support has been listed in the bill analysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she acknowledges that, if passed, the measure’s provision for parental input may lead to disagreements given the recent \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletter/culture-wars-california-schools/\">culture war disputes\u003c/a> between Democratic officials and parental rights groups backed by some Republican lawmakers. “I’m sure there will be lively (school) board meetings,” Schiavo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nevertheless, she hopes the proposal will overhaul the discussion around homework and mental health. The bill is especially pertinent now that the state is also poised to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2023/06/mental-health-funding-2/\">cut spending on mental health services for children\u003c/a> with the passage of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-voter-guide-2024/prop-1-mental-health/\">Proposition 1\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schiavo said the mother of a student with attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder told her that the child’s struggle to finish homework had raised issues inside the house, as well as with the school’s principal and teachers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And I’m just like, it’s sixth grade!” Schaivo said. “What’s going on?”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11983850/will-less-homework-stress-make-california-students-happier","authors":["byline_news_11983850"],"categories":["news_18540","news_8"],"tags":["news_32580","news_27626","news_28683","news_2998","news_3457","news_6387"],"affiliates":["news_18481"],"featImg":"news_11983856","label":"news_18481"},"news_11983830":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11983830","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11983830","score":null,"sort":[1713952841000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"silicon-valley-house-seat-race-gets-a-recount","title":"Silicon Valley House Seat Race Gets a Recount","publishDate":1713952841,"format":"audio","headTitle":"Silicon Valley House Seat Race Gets a Recount | KQED","labelTerm":{"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">\u003ci>View the full episode transcript.\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ballots are being recounted in the race for California’s 16th Congressional house seat, which ended in a tie for second between Assemblymember Evan Low and Santa Clara County Supervisor Joe Simitian. One or both of them will move on to face former San Jose Mayor Sam Liccardo in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s Guy Marzorati explains how the recount is working, and why it’s gotten a little ugly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"card card--enclosed grey\">\n\u003cp id=\"embed-code\" class=\"inconsolata\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm/?e=KQINC1324653751&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra and welcome to the Bay. Local news to keep you rooted. Election workers are recounting ballots in Silicon Valley after the race for California’s 16th congressional district seat ended. In a mind blowing tie, Assembly member Evan Lo and Santa Clara County Supervisor Joe Simitian both got second place, after each winning exactly 30,249 votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>It took just such a insane confluence of events to even end up here. I mean, all the candidates have talked about, like, people coming up to them. I’m really sorry, I have to admit. Like, I didn’t cast a ballot like you. Could have been the difference today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>KQED politics and government correspondent Guy Marzorati explains how the recount is going and why it’s gotten a little ugly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>So this is a district that stretches from Pacifica down through San Mateo County into Santa Clara County, Palo Alto, Mountain View, parts of San Jose all the way to Los Gatos. It’s been represented for about 30 years by Anna Eshoo. She decided last year she’s not going to run for another term. And so this opened up this really wild primary that’s gotten even more interesting recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Right. And can you just remind us to who are the players in this election?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>Yeah. So there was a lot of players in the primary. You could have made a football team out of it. There’s 11 candidates, running, but three ones who were the front runners, kind of from the beginning. And that was former mayor of San Jose, Sam Liccardo. Evan Lowe, a state assembly member, and Joe Simitian, who’s currently a Santa Clara County supervisor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>Those three, I guess we’re kind of the favorites going in, but there’s a lot of money spent more than $5 million by campaigns in the primary there, as millions more by outside groups just trying to get, you know, candidates names out there. But ultimately those were the, you know, top three finishers in the primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Remind us of this very crazy, unlikely. Everything that happened in terms of the results of this race, there were actually two runner ups who were basically caught up in a tie. Like, what are even the odds of that happening?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>Yeah, I’m I’m not a math person, but this you would need one of those massive calculators where they’re like front of it kind of ramps up at the end to figure this out. Basically. Yeah. Liccardo won the primary. He got a little bit more than 38,000 votes. And then Lo and Simeon each ended with 30,249 votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>I mean, it’s just like the chances of that happening and the vote counts were coming in all through the month of March. People were, you know, following it. They would go back and forth. One person would lead the next day, then it would switch. But that’s where they ended up. And what that means is both Simitian and Lo advance of the general election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>I know we have a top two primary, but the rules and the top two primaries, if there is a tie for a second, all three candidates, would advance for a general election, which is just incredibly rare. That only happened one time in the state history since we switched to a top two primary, and in this case, the first time where you’d have three Democrats on the ballot in the general election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>So this tie that we’re talking about between Evan Lo and Joe Simitian did that, then automatically trigger a recount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>Now, that’s what’s crazy is there is no automatic recount. In this race, that is the law for some local races, like in Santa Clara County and a local race, if it’s within 25 votes, it doesn’t even have to be tied though automatically to a recount. But in this case, there is no automatic recount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>This is a federal race that stretches across two different counties, and it’s up to a voter to actually come forward and start the recount process. So in this case, you know, once the vote was certified in early April, there was a five day window where any voter could come forward and request a recount as long as they can pay for the recount themselves, then the recount can go forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>The first place we were looking was would the campaigns be interested in doing this? But both Evan Lowe and Joe Simeon were like, you know what? We’re good. Like, let’s just run it back in in November and see what happens. But then someone did come forward. Jonathan Padilla, who requested a recount in both of the counties and got this process started.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>How then, does a recount work? Exactly?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>What literally what’s happening is the ballots are being run back through the machine with the extra added element of PDA has requested to view a lot of election materials and ballots that were not counted the first time around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And what are those ballots you’re referring to? Ballots that weren’t counted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>Yeah. So this can, you know, range a lot of different ways, but how it’s actually played out so far in this recount is ballots relating to conditional voters. So if you’re someone who shows up to vote but is not registered even up to Election Day in California, you can just register on the spot and cast a, conditional on a provisional ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>How that works is you fill out your information, you attest to the fact that you’re a citizen, that you’re 18 years old, that you’re not voting elsewhere, and then the registrar will go and double check all that information and ultimately count your ballot or not. In this case on the form, there was a box that needed to be checked. Just declare I’m a US citizen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>There was also a signature field to say I’m a citizen, I’m 18, etc. in many of these ballots that are being challenged, the voters signed it but did not check that box and so the registrar did not count their ballots. We don’t know which way the voters voted in this race, but the registrar didn’t even go through the process of actually counting that vote. And so Padilla and his lawyers are challenging that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And this is just a very, very small number of ballots. Right. But when we’re talking about a tie, they maybe matter a lot. Right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>Only takes one. I mean, I think that’s definitely something to drive home in this case. In any election you’re going to look at, there might be a handful of votes that are kind of judgment calls. Maybe it’s a voter marked a certain choice, cross it out and marked another one. In this case, election workers literally review those. Those ballots go on like dual screens and two election workers view them and kind of make their determination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>But those are kind of judgment calls trying to figure out, okay, what is this voter’s intent. And so in this case, you have, at least in Santa Clara County, about two dozen ballots that have been challenged. You have about a dozen more in San Mateo County, but that’s in the grand scheme of thousands and thousands of votes. So it’s not as if we’re finding a whole different result. But as you say, it only takes one vote to actually change what we’re all watching in this race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Coming up, we’ll talk about who requested the recount and why. Some folks in the South Bay are suspicious of him. Stay with us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Okay, so anyone can initiate a recount as long as you basically have the money to to fund it. But in this case, it’s even more interesting, in part because of who requested it and what we know of his background. Tell me a little bit more about who exactly this guy is, Jonathan Padilla.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>Yeah. So here’s where things I think pivot from, like schoolhouse Rock to something a little more spicy. Jonathan Padilla actually used to work for Sam Liccardo. He was the finance director when Liccardo ran for mayor of San Jose in 2014. He contributed to Lakatos campaign last year. He told me like, that’s the last contact he’s had with the campaign from then D.A., someone who stayed politically involved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>Even though he’s a tech entrepreneur, he doesn’t necessarily work in politics, is his day job. He’s been involved in politics. So when it was discovered this is the guy who is requesting the recount. That’s when questions started. Why is he doing this? Is there some advantage that he is looking for for Liccardo by requesting this recount?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>Perhaps he wants a field to be narrowed to just two candidates. So that’s when the questions started to come in. And like, you know, what’s the political motivation behind going ahead with this process? You’ve heard a lot of critiques from Evan Lo’s campaign. They’ve even called him like a lackey for Sam Liccardo. They’re basically like, you’re doing Sam Liccardo bidding in this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Yeah. Well, what do we know about that? Why is he spending money to do this?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>This is what I’ve been trying to figure out for weeks. Padilla came out and said, you know, I just want to have all the votes counted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jonathan Padilla: \u003c/strong>My positions have been super clear. We should count every single vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>I’ve been DMing with him like trying to get more information. Finally, earlier this week, he agreed to to chat on the phone, and he’s kind of stuck by this story that he is not doing this in any kind of coordination with Liccardo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jonathan Padilla: \u003c/strong>This is about counting all the ballots. I have not spoken Mercado about this. I have not spoken anybody campaign about this. I had no meaningful contact with anybody in Liccardo campaign since I made my donation at the end of December.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>He said, you know, I have no idea how this is going to turn out. I’m really just interested in making sure that all the votes are counted. And something he talked about was he didn’t want any candidate to win the seat with like a plurality of votes. I mean, you could end up in a scenario with three candidates. Maybe someone gets, you know, in the high 30s and they can still win the seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>This is a really important seat. There’s no term limits. You can have this for decades. So it’s almost like, should it really be up to less than a majority of voters to make this decision? That’s his story. I mean, he is very involved in politics. It’s hard to believe there’s no political inklings or no kind of political motivations at all in here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>But that’s what Padilla said. He said he’s not getting anything out of this personally other than, you know, supporting democracy. And the Carlos campaign has said, we have nothing to do with this. We you know, we’re completely not involved. We’re happy to see the votes get counted. But we’re not involved with this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>How much is this costing Jonathan Padilla?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>It’s not just Padilla. There’s this whole outside organization called Count the Vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jonathan Padilla: \u003c/strong>And we’re a concern group of citizens that are acting with every intent to follow, every FEC guideline and law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>It could be well over $200,000 when all is said and done, because the amount each county is charging is $12,000 a day. And literally, like I’ve seen the checks, they have to write a $12,000 check each day and give it to the registrar. And then that’s how the work goes forward for that day with a recount. Like you have to see it all the way through. If at any point they start making the payments, then the whole recount stops.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>And even if there were votes that were changed, none of it counts. There have been calls, you know, from Anna. Sue currently holds the seat. She wants them to release their donors. Who’s actually funding the recount? There have been a complaint filed with federal election regulators by a group of lawyers in Santa Clara County who have said, Sam Liccardo is really behind this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>This needs to be investigated what kind of coordination he has with this recount group. So there have been a lot of critiques hurled that Padilla’s way. And until we get more of the information about donations, what we know now is Padilla is someone who has supported Liccardo in the past, but there’s no smoking gun, you know, between the Liccardo campaign and Padilla.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>So you have Padilla and Liccardo basically saying, we’re not in this together, and you have Evan Lowe saying, yeah, you are. Where’s Joe Simitian and all this?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>You know, Joe Simitian has not gone into the fray in this kind of back and forth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Simitian: \u003c/strong>Eventually the process will work itself out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>He’s kind of said, I want to see this play out. And it’s actually kind of been a good look for him. I would have to say, you know, in this race where you have this mudslinging back and forth, when I’ve asked him his reaction to all these developments, he said, look, I just want to thank the election workers and we’ll see how this process plays out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Simitian: \u003c/strong>I’ll just politics at this point. And, my job is to stay focused on how I can best represent the folks in our district. That’s really my reaction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>What do you make of the rhetoric here in this debate over the recount guy between all the candidates involved? And it just seems very heated, like, why does it matter to the average voter what arguments these people are slinging around?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>I think there’s definitely room for self-reflection on a lot of sides, in kind of how the rhetoric has escalated since this recount started. You had Evan Lowe’s campaign when the recount was announced, accused PDA of taking a page out of Trump’s playbook, attacking democracy, subverting the will of voters. I mean, ultimately, we’re counting ballots like the will of the voters will either be confirmed or newly illuminated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>And then you also had Padilla, who said, you know, the fact that there was ballots challenge. He called it a travesty. He said the ballots were discovered. He said there was special interest influencing, you know, the election work going on in San Mateo County. Even when I asked him, like what specifically you’re talking about? He didn’t really have an answer. So I’m not trying to be the language police here, but like just taking a step back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>These are all Democrats. I know all these folks were appalled by, you know, former President Trump’s attempts to overturn the results of the election, appalled by ideas like fake, fake electors. And I think if every bit of election gamesmanship becomes Trumpian, if it becomes undermining democracy, then it all might just be noise to voters when someone is actually trying to threaten democracy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Well, what’s next here, guy? What’s the timeline for this? When can we know the new results?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>By the end of this week. Santa Clara County election officials are confident they can wrap this up. Adjudicate all those, you know, challenge ballots, finish running everything through the machine and have a result. It might be even sooner in San Mateo County just because it’s there’s fewer votes there. So I think, you know, by the end of this week, we could know who’s actually going to the general election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Well, as a politics reporter, I’m curious what big questions you’re left with from this situation. I mean, one thing I’m thinking about is that not any average person maybe has $200,000 lying around if they want a recount. Yeah.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>And that’s, you know, what Padilla has actually been. That’s one of the things he’s been talking about a lot is like, why should it come to this that I have to put together this money to make the recount happen? At the local level, there are automatic recount laws. And so I wonder if this is, you know, going to kind of spur a conversation about maybe having a state law that triggers an automatic recount at some point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>I mean, like I said, there’s in any election, there’s going to be votes where you have kind of a 5050, you know, should this vote be counted, what’s the voters intent? But in the grand scheme of things, they don’t really matter. But if you have a race like this where it’s tied, maybe that’s the impetus that could lead to some changes. Could lead to a state mandatory recount law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Well, Guy, thank you so much as always.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>My pleasure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>That was Guy Marzorati, politics and government correspondent for KQED. This 26 minute conversation with Guy was cut down and edited by senior editor Alan Montecillo. Ellie Prickett-Morgan is our intern.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>They scored this episode and added up the tape. Music courtesy of First Come Music Audio Network and Universal Production Music. The Bay is a production of listener supported KQED in San Francisco. I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra, thanks so much for listening. Peace.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"In this episode of The Bay, we talk about the unprecedented tie in California's 16th Congressional district election.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1713982999,"stats":{"hasAudio":true,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":66,"wordCount":3374},"headData":{"title":"Silicon Valley House Seat Race Gets a Recount | KQED","description":"In this episode of The Bay, we talk about the unprecedented tie in California's 16th Congressional district election.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Silicon Valley House Seat Race Gets a Recount","datePublished":"2024-04-24T10:00:41.000Z","dateModified":"2024-04-24T18:23:19.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"audioUrl":"https://www.podtrac.com/pts/redirect.mp3/chrt.fm/track/G6C7C3/traffic.megaphone.fm/KQINC1324653751.mp3?updated=1713902542","sticky":false,"excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11983830/silicon-valley-house-seat-race-gets-a-recount","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">\u003ci>View the full episode transcript.\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ballots are being recounted in the race for California’s 16th Congressional house seat, which ended in a tie for second between Assemblymember Evan Low and Santa Clara County Supervisor Joe Simitian. One or both of them will move on to face former San Jose Mayor Sam Liccardo in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s Guy Marzorati explains how the recount is working, and why it’s gotten a little ugly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"card card--enclosed grey\">\n\u003cp id=\"embed-code\" class=\"inconsolata\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm/?e=KQINC1324653751&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra and welcome to the Bay. Local news to keep you rooted. Election workers are recounting ballots in Silicon Valley after the race for California’s 16th congressional district seat ended. In a mind blowing tie, Assembly member Evan Lo and Santa Clara County Supervisor Joe Simitian both got second place, after each winning exactly 30,249 votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>It took just such a insane confluence of events to even end up here. I mean, all the candidates have talked about, like, people coming up to them. I’m really sorry, I have to admit. Like, I didn’t cast a ballot like you. Could have been the difference today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>KQED politics and government correspondent Guy Marzorati explains how the recount is going and why it’s gotten a little ugly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>So this is a district that stretches from Pacifica down through San Mateo County into Santa Clara County, Palo Alto, Mountain View, parts of San Jose all the way to Los Gatos. It’s been represented for about 30 years by Anna Eshoo. She decided last year she’s not going to run for another term. And so this opened up this really wild primary that’s gotten even more interesting recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Right. And can you just remind us to who are the players in this election?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>Yeah. So there was a lot of players in the primary. You could have made a football team out of it. There’s 11 candidates, running, but three ones who were the front runners, kind of from the beginning. And that was former mayor of San Jose, Sam Liccardo. Evan Lowe, a state assembly member, and Joe Simitian, who’s currently a Santa Clara County supervisor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>Those three, I guess we’re kind of the favorites going in, but there’s a lot of money spent more than $5 million by campaigns in the primary there, as millions more by outside groups just trying to get, you know, candidates names out there. But ultimately those were the, you know, top three finishers in the primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Remind us of this very crazy, unlikely. Everything that happened in terms of the results of this race, there were actually two runner ups who were basically caught up in a tie. Like, what are even the odds of that happening?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>Yeah, I’m I’m not a math person, but this you would need one of those massive calculators where they’re like front of it kind of ramps up at the end to figure this out. Basically. Yeah. Liccardo won the primary. He got a little bit more than 38,000 votes. And then Lo and Simeon each ended with 30,249 votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>I mean, it’s just like the chances of that happening and the vote counts were coming in all through the month of March. People were, you know, following it. They would go back and forth. One person would lead the next day, then it would switch. But that’s where they ended up. And what that means is both Simitian and Lo advance of the general election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>I know we have a top two primary, but the rules and the top two primaries, if there is a tie for a second, all three candidates, would advance for a general election, which is just incredibly rare. That only happened one time in the state history since we switched to a top two primary, and in this case, the first time where you’d have three Democrats on the ballot in the general election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>So this tie that we’re talking about between Evan Lo and Joe Simitian did that, then automatically trigger a recount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>Now, that’s what’s crazy is there is no automatic recount. In this race, that is the law for some local races, like in Santa Clara County and a local race, if it’s within 25 votes, it doesn’t even have to be tied though automatically to a recount. But in this case, there is no automatic recount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>This is a federal race that stretches across two different counties, and it’s up to a voter to actually come forward and start the recount process. So in this case, you know, once the vote was certified in early April, there was a five day window where any voter could come forward and request a recount as long as they can pay for the recount themselves, then the recount can go forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>The first place we were looking was would the campaigns be interested in doing this? But both Evan Lowe and Joe Simeon were like, you know what? We’re good. Like, let’s just run it back in in November and see what happens. But then someone did come forward. Jonathan Padilla, who requested a recount in both of the counties and got this process started.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>How then, does a recount work? Exactly?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>What literally what’s happening is the ballots are being run back through the machine with the extra added element of PDA has requested to view a lot of election materials and ballots that were not counted the first time around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And what are those ballots you’re referring to? Ballots that weren’t counted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>Yeah. So this can, you know, range a lot of different ways, but how it’s actually played out so far in this recount is ballots relating to conditional voters. So if you’re someone who shows up to vote but is not registered even up to Election Day in California, you can just register on the spot and cast a, conditional on a provisional ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>How that works is you fill out your information, you attest to the fact that you’re a citizen, that you’re 18 years old, that you’re not voting elsewhere, and then the registrar will go and double check all that information and ultimately count your ballot or not. In this case on the form, there was a box that needed to be checked. Just declare I’m a US citizen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>There was also a signature field to say I’m a citizen, I’m 18, etc. in many of these ballots that are being challenged, the voters signed it but did not check that box and so the registrar did not count their ballots. We don’t know which way the voters voted in this race, but the registrar didn’t even go through the process of actually counting that vote. And so Padilla and his lawyers are challenging that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And this is just a very, very small number of ballots. Right. But when we’re talking about a tie, they maybe matter a lot. Right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>Only takes one. I mean, I think that’s definitely something to drive home in this case. In any election you’re going to look at, there might be a handful of votes that are kind of judgment calls. Maybe it’s a voter marked a certain choice, cross it out and marked another one. In this case, election workers literally review those. Those ballots go on like dual screens and two election workers view them and kind of make their determination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>But those are kind of judgment calls trying to figure out, okay, what is this voter’s intent. And so in this case, you have, at least in Santa Clara County, about two dozen ballots that have been challenged. You have about a dozen more in San Mateo County, but that’s in the grand scheme of thousands and thousands of votes. So it’s not as if we’re finding a whole different result. But as you say, it only takes one vote to actually change what we’re all watching in this race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Coming up, we’ll talk about who requested the recount and why. Some folks in the South Bay are suspicious of him. Stay with us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Okay, so anyone can initiate a recount as long as you basically have the money to to fund it. But in this case, it’s even more interesting, in part because of who requested it and what we know of his background. Tell me a little bit more about who exactly this guy is, Jonathan Padilla.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>Yeah. So here’s where things I think pivot from, like schoolhouse Rock to something a little more spicy. Jonathan Padilla actually used to work for Sam Liccardo. He was the finance director when Liccardo ran for mayor of San Jose in 2014. He contributed to Lakatos campaign last year. He told me like, that’s the last contact he’s had with the campaign from then D.A., someone who stayed politically involved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>Even though he’s a tech entrepreneur, he doesn’t necessarily work in politics, is his day job. He’s been involved in politics. So when it was discovered this is the guy who is requesting the recount. That’s when questions started. Why is he doing this? Is there some advantage that he is looking for for Liccardo by requesting this recount?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>Perhaps he wants a field to be narrowed to just two candidates. So that’s when the questions started to come in. And like, you know, what’s the political motivation behind going ahead with this process? You’ve heard a lot of critiques from Evan Lo’s campaign. They’ve even called him like a lackey for Sam Liccardo. They’re basically like, you’re doing Sam Liccardo bidding in this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Yeah. Well, what do we know about that? Why is he spending money to do this?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>This is what I’ve been trying to figure out for weeks. Padilla came out and said, you know, I just want to have all the votes counted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jonathan Padilla: \u003c/strong>My positions have been super clear. We should count every single vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>I’ve been DMing with him like trying to get more information. Finally, earlier this week, he agreed to to chat on the phone, and he’s kind of stuck by this story that he is not doing this in any kind of coordination with Liccardo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jonathan Padilla: \u003c/strong>This is about counting all the ballots. I have not spoken Mercado about this. I have not spoken anybody campaign about this. I had no meaningful contact with anybody in Liccardo campaign since I made my donation at the end of December.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>He said, you know, I have no idea how this is going to turn out. I’m really just interested in making sure that all the votes are counted. And something he talked about was he didn’t want any candidate to win the seat with like a plurality of votes. I mean, you could end up in a scenario with three candidates. Maybe someone gets, you know, in the high 30s and they can still win the seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>This is a really important seat. There’s no term limits. You can have this for decades. So it’s almost like, should it really be up to less than a majority of voters to make this decision? That’s his story. I mean, he is very involved in politics. It’s hard to believe there’s no political inklings or no kind of political motivations at all in here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>But that’s what Padilla said. He said he’s not getting anything out of this personally other than, you know, supporting democracy. And the Carlos campaign has said, we have nothing to do with this. We you know, we’re completely not involved. We’re happy to see the votes get counted. But we’re not involved with this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>How much is this costing Jonathan Padilla?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>It’s not just Padilla. There’s this whole outside organization called Count the Vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jonathan Padilla: \u003c/strong>And we’re a concern group of citizens that are acting with every intent to follow, every FEC guideline and law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>It could be well over $200,000 when all is said and done, because the amount each county is charging is $12,000 a day. And literally, like I’ve seen the checks, they have to write a $12,000 check each day and give it to the registrar. And then that’s how the work goes forward for that day with a recount. Like you have to see it all the way through. If at any point they start making the payments, then the whole recount stops.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>And even if there were votes that were changed, none of it counts. There have been calls, you know, from Anna. Sue currently holds the seat. She wants them to release their donors. Who’s actually funding the recount? There have been a complaint filed with federal election regulators by a group of lawyers in Santa Clara County who have said, Sam Liccardo is really behind this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>This needs to be investigated what kind of coordination he has with this recount group. So there have been a lot of critiques hurled that Padilla’s way. And until we get more of the information about donations, what we know now is Padilla is someone who has supported Liccardo in the past, but there’s no smoking gun, you know, between the Liccardo campaign and Padilla.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>So you have Padilla and Liccardo basically saying, we’re not in this together, and you have Evan Lowe saying, yeah, you are. Where’s Joe Simitian and all this?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>You know, Joe Simitian has not gone into the fray in this kind of back and forth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Simitian: \u003c/strong>Eventually the process will work itself out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>He’s kind of said, I want to see this play out. And it’s actually kind of been a good look for him. I would have to say, you know, in this race where you have this mudslinging back and forth, when I’ve asked him his reaction to all these developments, he said, look, I just want to thank the election workers and we’ll see how this process plays out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Simitian: \u003c/strong>I’ll just politics at this point. And, my job is to stay focused on how I can best represent the folks in our district. That’s really my reaction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>What do you make of the rhetoric here in this debate over the recount guy between all the candidates involved? And it just seems very heated, like, why does it matter to the average voter what arguments these people are slinging around?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>I think there’s definitely room for self-reflection on a lot of sides, in kind of how the rhetoric has escalated since this recount started. You had Evan Lowe’s campaign when the recount was announced, accused PDA of taking a page out of Trump’s playbook, attacking democracy, subverting the will of voters. I mean, ultimately, we’re counting ballots like the will of the voters will either be confirmed or newly illuminated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>And then you also had Padilla, who said, you know, the fact that there was ballots challenge. He called it a travesty. He said the ballots were discovered. He said there was special interest influencing, you know, the election work going on in San Mateo County. Even when I asked him, like what specifically you’re talking about? He didn’t really have an answer. So I’m not trying to be the language police here, but like just taking a step back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>These are all Democrats. I know all these folks were appalled by, you know, former President Trump’s attempts to overturn the results of the election, appalled by ideas like fake, fake electors. And I think if every bit of election gamesmanship becomes Trumpian, if it becomes undermining democracy, then it all might just be noise to voters when someone is actually trying to threaten democracy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Well, what’s next here, guy? What’s the timeline for this? When can we know the new results?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>By the end of this week. Santa Clara County election officials are confident they can wrap this up. Adjudicate all those, you know, challenge ballots, finish running everything through the machine and have a result. It might be even sooner in San Mateo County just because it’s there’s fewer votes there. So I think, you know, by the end of this week, we could know who’s actually going to the general election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Well, as a politics reporter, I’m curious what big questions you’re left with from this situation. I mean, one thing I’m thinking about is that not any average person maybe has $200,000 lying around if they want a recount. Yeah.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>And that’s, you know, what Padilla has actually been. That’s one of the things he’s been talking about a lot is like, why should it come to this that I have to put together this money to make the recount happen? At the local level, there are automatic recount laws. And so I wonder if this is, you know, going to kind of spur a conversation about maybe having a state law that triggers an automatic recount at some point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>I mean, like I said, there’s in any election, there’s going to be votes where you have kind of a 5050, you know, should this vote be counted, what’s the voters intent? But in the grand scheme of things, they don’t really matter. But if you have a race like this where it’s tied, maybe that’s the impetus that could lead to some changes. Could lead to a state mandatory recount law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Well, Guy, thank you so much as always.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/strong>My pleasure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>That was Guy Marzorati, politics and government correspondent for KQED. This 26 minute conversation with Guy was cut down and edited by senior editor Alan Montecillo. Ellie Prickett-Morgan is our intern.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>They scored this episode and added up the tape. Music courtesy of First Come Music Audio Network and Universal Production Music. The Bay is a production of listener supported KQED in San Francisco. I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra, thanks so much for listening. Peace.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11983830/silicon-valley-house-seat-race-gets-a-recount","authors":["8654","227","11898","11649"],"categories":["news_8"],"tags":["news_33812","news_17968","news_33982","news_353","news_22598"],"featImg":"news_11922004","label":"news"}},"programsReducer":{"possible":{"id":"possible","title":"Possible","info":"Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. 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