Kemanie and his family rent their home in this Novato neighborhood with the help of a Section 8 housing voucher. Like many, they were stuck on a waiting list for years before they were able to get a voucher. (Beth LaBerge/KQED)
Falling behind on rent is the primary reason that people are evicted. So how do you keep people from falling behind in the first place? Help them pay their rent.
In this final episode of the season, we’ll look at the promise, the problems and the history of Section 8, as well as the push for guaranteed income.
THE RENT EATS FIRST [TRANSCRIPT]
ERIN BALDASSARI, HOST: Kemanie and his wife were like a lot of young couples just starting out.
It was the early 2000s. He had recently started his career as a carpenter. She was a teacher. They were both in their mid-20s.
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But even with two incomes, they could barely make ends meet.
KEMANIE: We were living in a, like, a small, tiny little one-bedroom apartment with roaches, like basically a little small ghetto.
ERIN: Then their son was born. His wife stopped working to take care of him. And their budget got even tighter.
KEMANIE: And things was hard, but we started falling behind on rent.
ERIN: How far behind were you on rent at that time?
KEMANIE: I was $4,000 behind on rent at the time.
MOLLY SOLOMON, HOST: They were living where they both grew up in Marin County, just across the Golden Gate Bridge from San Francisco.
KEMANIE: At that point in time there was no way for us to survive in Marin County.
MOLLY: It didn’t help that it’s one of the wealthiest counties in the country. Or that their landlord was planning on selling the apartment they were renting.
They couldn’t figure out how they were going to pay the back rent and still have money for a deposit to move somewhere new.
KEMANIE: We would have been homeless. You know, it would have been really bad.
MOLLY: They thought about moving in with one of their parents or leaving Marin County altogether. Then, they got some good news.
KEMANIE: So we got it, we were out doing something — running an errand — and on the way back, my wife got the email.
(Music in)
ERIN: They got what some have called a “golden ticket” — a Section 8 housing voucher.
Section 8 is a federal program that helps low-income people afford rent on the private market.
Kemanie and his wife had put in their application nearly a decade ago. And they’d been stuck on a waiting list that never seemed to budge. When they finally got the news, it was like winning the lottery.
KEMANIE: We both looked at each other. And was, like, yes. I mean, it was like perfect timing.
MOLLY: It was a huge opportunity for them. With Section 8, they would only have to pay 30% of their income towards rent.
KEMANIE: It was an epiphany for us because it was like, life can go on now, like we — there’s a path forward.
MOLLY: They wouldn’t fall behind on bills. And they’d have a chance to catch up. They’d have some room to breathe.
ERIN: So, they started looking for a new place to live.
(Music out)
KEMANIE: And we searched and searched and searched, and went and visited and talked to people, and knowing that we had the housing voucher, we thought it was going to be easier because it was a guarantee.
ERIN: A guarantee because most of the rent money comes from the federal government. It’s usually deposited straight into the landlord’s bank account.
KEMANIE: And we found out that it was more of a hindrance than anything.
(Sold Out theme song begins.)
ERIN: It’s what most Section 8 tenants discover — the voucher is not only hard to get, it’s hard to use.
MOLLY: These problems aren’t new. And neither is Section 8. But over the past half century, it’s become the No. 1 way we subsidize rent in this country.
As rents climb higher, advocates say we need to fix the problems with Section 8 and expand it. To make it work for more people.
I’m Molly Solomon.
ERIN: And I’m Erin Baldassari. From KQED, this is Sold Out: Rethinking Housing in America.
Today, the final chapter in our series on evictions.
How to keep people from getting evicted? Help pay the rent.
(Sold Out theme song ends.)
MOLLY: Kemanie and his wife have had a housing voucher for nearly two decades now. And anytime they’ve had to move, it’s always the same thing.
They apply to dozens of places, visit a ton of apartments and get the same answers.
KEMANIE: And every single time it was like, no, nope, no, no.
MOLLY: It didn’t seem to matter that they had good references from past landlords, even letters from neighbors.
KEMANIE: As soon as Section 8 comes up, you see like a glaze go over their eyes like, OK, I got to deal with this conversation and move on to the next person.
(Music in)
ERIN: Some landlords told them point-blank they wouldn’t accept Section 8, even though that’s illegal in California and a handful of other states.
Those laws are hard to enforce, though. And landlords find all sorts of ways of getting around them — like requiring a credit score of 700 or above.
KEMANIE: You know, it was kind of, smile in our face, “Oh, yeah, but your credit score is low.” But the bottom line is most people are on Section 8 because they’re having issues financially and their credit is not very good.
MOLLY: Or, landlords would ask them to have an income that’s at least three times the rent.
KEMANIE: It’s like, if I make three times the monthly amount, I’m buying my own place. Period, that’s it.
MOLLY: Other times there was an online application, but no box to check to say they had Section 8.
KEMANIE: Right? And you don’t even get to talk to anybody or even see anybody or state your case. And it doesn’t say you have Section 8 on the app, so you can’t fill that out.
MOLLY: Usually, though, they just never heard back. There was no explanation at all.
(Music out)
ERIN: So, Kemanie and his wife tried harder. They wrote cover letters. And organized all their references and documentation into nice, neat little folders.
KEMANIE: We would put a little picture, a nice little cute picture of our Black family for people to accept and like and maybe, you know, feel sorry for us.
ERIN: It was frustrating and stressful. To Kemanie, it felt racist.
KEMANIE: And it really felt like redlining. Is, that’s how I felt about it, because they’re just like, no, you know.
MOLLY: Racial discrimination can be hard to prove, but a recent audit found it’s a pervasive problem.
The Fair Housing Advocates of Northern California conducted paired tests of white and Black renters. And found that nearly 70% of the time, landlords in the county where Kemanie lives refused to rent to Black tenants, or used more subtle behaviors, like leaving someone on hold for hours, never calling back or steering Black applicants away from certain neighborhoods. More than half the time, landlords did the same for voucher holders.
ERIN: To Kemanie, this was not news.
He and his wife had lived their whole lives in Marin County — a community where more than 70% of the residents are white, and where the average household makes over $115,000 a year.
(Music in)
KEMANIE: It’s hard to explain it to other people. We’re Black in America.
Every day, especially also for me, being a Black man and being very intimidating to a lot of people. Every single day, when I meet somebody, I got to put a smile on my face to like, look, I’m not threatening.
ERIN: Holding a Section 8 voucher in his hands worsens the daily strain of trying to find acceptance.
KEMANIE: And it felt like that times 10, because this time we’re looking for everyone’s approval and it’s — we’re trying to dress us up as the best we can to get accepted by people that we know maybe aren’t racist, but just aren’t as inclined to want us to be there.
That was very, very, very hard. And that was, I think, probably the most defeating part of the whole thing for us.
(Music out)
MOLLY: This discrimination is why we aren’t using Kemanie’s full name. Or his wife’s name.
The experience of looking for a place to live has been so traumatic, they’re afraid to do anything that might hurt their chances of finding a home the next time they have to start looking. Their struggles with Section 8 highlight two of the program’s biggest failures.
ERIN: Only 1 in 5 who qualify for rental assistance actually receives it. Meaning most people are stuck on waitlists for years — even decades.
And when people do get off those waitlists, roughly a thirdlose their vouchers because they can’t find any landlord willing to take them.
MOLLY: That’s partly because there’s an unfair stigma around Section 8, even if it isn’t backed up by evidence.
EVA ROSEN: Landlords sometimes don’t want to rent to big families. They often worry that voucher-holders might be more likely to do damage to the home or that they might be noisier tenants. And again, none of this is really backed up by any kind of data, but the stigma itself is very real.
ERIN: This unfair stigma is made worse when you add in racism — the kind that Kemanie and his family felt.
EVA: In my research with landlords, they say things like, well, I couldn’t rent to a Black person in this neighborhood because all of my other tenants are white and they would not like that.
I think racism is a big part of the reticence that we see from landlords.
MOLLY: Despite all these barriers, Kemanie and his family were able to find a place to live. They’ve been at their current home for three and a half years now.
And in the world of Section 8, it’s kind of a unicorn. It’s a single-family home on a quiet cul-de-sac in Novato, a wealthy suburb north of San Francisco.
KEMANIE: This is literally everything we could ask for. This is — we’re so incredibly happy here right now in the place that we have.
ERIN: It’s got three bedrooms, a two-car garage, and a big, tree-lined backyard.
There are parks nearby and great schools for their kids. And, they feel safe here.
KEMANIE: Safety at school, safety coming home from school, you know, safety on the weekends, playing with their friends, you know, all of that.
KEMANIE: It’s like we’re living in a dream that we know are about to wake up from. We know at some point someone’s going to shake us and be like, “Hey, wake up.”
MOLLY: That wake-up call could come in just a few months.
Their landlord told them they’re thinking about selling. And their current lease lasts only until September. After that, there are no guarantees.
KEMANIE: It’s all up in the air. Everything’s very unsettled for us.
(Music in)
ERIN: When that time comes, they’ll have to find another landlord willing to take them. They know from experience it won’t be easy.
To make the system better for tenants, we need to get more landlords on board.
We’ll tell you how, coming up.
(Music out)
ERIN: When the Pruitt-Igoe public housing development in St. Louis, Missouri, opened in 1954, it was celebrated as a marvel of modern architecture: 33 towers, each 11 stories tall.
ERIN: But just a decade later, it was falling apart and had become a symbol of government mismanagement and neglect, drawing national attention for its horrible living conditions.
KMOX NEWS REPORT: When the temperatures dropped below freezing this week, water lines in several of the Pruitt-Igoe apartment buildings broke and the subsequent flow of water turned into ice. At 2311 Dixon, a sewer line is broken, and now raw sewage bubbles out of the ground like a malevolent spring.
ERIN: On March 16, 1972, the first of its 33 towers was demolished.
(Sounds: A building is being demolished; Pruitt-Igoe implodes.)
PRUITT-IGOE IMPLOSION: Not only St. Louis, but the rest of the nation is viewing with great interest the results of this experiment.
(Music out)
MOLLY: President Richard Nixon saw the growing frustration with public housing failures like Pruitt-Igoe. And so he took a turn towards the private market instead.
Two years after that demolition, Nixon introduced Section 8. Again, here’s Georgetown University professor Eva Rosen.
EVA: You’re not having to build public housing, you’re not having to maintain or renovate a public housing stock. And so it is this sort of very, in theory, economically efficient tool.
ERIN: Under Nixon, Section 8 was just a pilot program.
But by the 1990s, the stage was set for it to grow. Public housing had gotten a real bad rap, and that’s when President Bill Clinton really ramped up Section 8.
PRESIDENT BILL CLINTON: Today I had the honor of signing the budget for programs to help the homeless to give housing vouchers to empower the poor.
EVA: And actually in the title, you can very much notice this emphasis on choice.
MOLLY: Eva says that reflects one of the goals for the program.
The hope was that people could use their vouchers to move to more affluent neighborhoods. Neighborhoods with more resources, better schools and more jobs.
ERIN: Public housing had become extremely segregated.
By 1989, nearly 70% of the households of the residents were people of color. Mostly women-led, Black and Latinx households.
And most of the housing developments were also in segregated and impoverished neighborhoods.
EVA: And that was causing all kinds of problems. And it was leaving public housing residents with very little choice about where they ended up.
ERIN: But Eva says the program hasn’t lived up to its promise of giving voucher holders a real choice of where to live. And a lot of that comes down to landlords: when they choose to participate, and why.
(Music out)
EVA: When we introduced these private landlords into this system, we sort of just assumed that they would play along, that they would want to participate. And that tends not always to be the case.
MOLLY: For some landlords, Section 8 works really well.
Eugene Zinchik and his brother own a real estate and property management company in San Francisco. And he’s been renting to voucher holders for about six or seven years now.
EUGENEZINCHIK: There’s more stability in knowing that your rent checks are going to be coming, you know, whatever it is that happens.
MOLLY: During the pandemic, most of Eugene’s Section 8 tenants stayed put, and their rent checks kept flowing in. But a lot of his tenants who didn’t have vouchers — they left.
Even without the coronavirus, Eugene says voucher holders just stick around longer.
EUGENE: There’s less turnover for a landlord. If there’s less turnover, there’s no rent that they’re losing.
He points to a new building he’s managing in San Francisco’s Bayview neighborhood. Even though he hasn’t found a tenant yet, Eugene already knows it’ll be someone on Section 8.
EUGENE: Part of San Francisco is extremely, extremely expensive. Bayview is still semi-affordable for maybe, still, for a blue-collar family.
ERIN: He says rents here are about $1,000 lower than in other parts of the city.
But landlords can actually charge a Section 8 more than they would with someone without a voucher.
MOLLY: That’s because when the government decides how much it’s willing to pay for each voucher, it doesn’t vary the amounts by neighborhood. It sets one standard for the whole city.
So it’s a pretty good deal for landlords in places like Bayview.
EUGENE: So in Bayview, in my experience, the amounts that Section 8 pays are pretty much competitive.
(Music out)
But landlords in high-rent places could actually lose money.
EUGENE: In at least half the neighborhoods in San Francisco, Section 8 what they pay per unit is just not compatible with the market rent.
ERIN: Eva says those incentives have created an unintended consequence: Most Section 8 tenants are trapped in low-income neighborhoods.
EVA: And this is where you start to understand how the program, which was designed and very much hoped to provide tenants choice, actually creates sort of an opposite scenario where they’re being pushed away from the kind of neighborhoods that they might want to end up in and forced into neighborhoods that they don’t necessarily want to be in.
ERIN: Eugene says even when landlords want to rent to a voucher holder, it’s not that easy. You have to jump through a lot of hoops. What kind of hoops? Well, let’s take a look.
(Music in)
MOLLY: First, there are the forms. For both tenants and landlords.
EUGENE: You know, forms could be scary if you’ve never seen this form before.
ERIN: Let’s say you do fill them out correctly.
EUGENE: For about two weeks, you probably hear nothing.
MOLLY: Then, hopefully, you get a call for an inspection. The housing authority needs to make sure these buildings are up to code. For that, you’ll need to take the day off work.
EUGENE: A lot of times you get a four-hour window for the inspector to come in.
ERIN: And if you have any questions, don’t try to get anyone on the phone.
EUGENE: Just talking to somebody, you’d be waiting on hold for an hour.
MOLLY: Eugene says it’s like dealing with the DMV.
(Music out)
EUGENE: You know, we’ve all been there, but you know, we don’t really want to do that unless we have to.
MOLLY: The federal Department of Housing and Urban Development held listening sessions with property owners across the country back in 2018.
Most of the sessions were taken up by complaints. Eighty-two percent said they had bad experiences dealing with their local housing authority.
ERIN: One of their biggest issues: how long it takes to sign up a new tenant.
The whole process can take a month or two — time spent without collecting rent.
EUGENE: For a landlord to just sit and wait for that tenant is not, is not reasonable, especially if it’s an individual like a mom-and-pop type of shop.
MOLLY: So how do we improve Section 8?
For tenants to have more choice — you know, the original goal of the program — you need more landlords with properties in more neighborhoods. Here’s Eva Rosen:
EVA: When we think about landlord participation, I think we need to think about carrots and sticks.
MOLLY: That means tougher laws to prevent landlords from discriminating against Section 8 tenants. And better enforcement.
EVA: That’s sort of like a stick, right? It’s a slap on the wrist. It’s a no, you’re not allowed to do this.
ERIN: And, then there’s the carrot: more voucher money for properties in wealthier neighborhoods.
It’s something the federal government is already trying. They’re basing the rent on the ZIP code, instead of one standard for the whole city.
EVA: Because there’s no way a landlord is going to participate in the program if they’re getting less rent than they would get from a market tenant, right?
MOLLY: An early test of the program showed it worked. More landlords in affluent areas opened their doors to Section 8.
But in a few cities, there was a downside, too. Some landlords in low-income neighborhoods stopped renting to voucher holders. That led to a drop in the number of homes available there.
Still, the results were still promising enough that they’ve expanded it to two dozen cities across the country.
(Music in)
ERIN: Another way to recruit more landlords? Cut the red tape.
EUGENE: Give those individuals that have the voucher more say of what they’re able to do. Give the power to that individual to sign on their own behalf to take the place or not take the place.
ERIN: After all, Section 8 was supposed to be about choice. So, Eugene says, let people make their own.
Coming up: A different solution that is all about choice. And cold, hard cash.
(Music out)
MOLLY: When the coronavirus hit — and the economy shut down — one thing was clear: People needed cash.
And the federal government stepped in.
WCNC: Stimulus checks are rolling in for millions of Americans today. About 80 million people are expected to receive their payments today.
NBC: Well, these direct payments are what everyone is talking about because 90% of American households should be getting some money.
ERIN: Before the pandemic, the idea of giving out free money in this country was kind of a hard sell.
Natalie Foster is the president and co-founder of the Economic Security Project.
NATALIE FOSTER: Then the pandemic hit and it became clear that cash was the currency of urgency.
ERIN: And it wasn’t just stimulus checks.
NATALIE: Pandemic unemployment insurance was important for supporting people in the midst of job loss, expanding tax credits like the earned income tax credit and the child tax credit.
These were all things that the government did.
MOLLY: For a lot of families, that extra money was a lifeline. Despite a recession and a global pandemic, poverty in this country actually decreased.
NATALIE: We saw a decrease in poverty, and that is because the government realized that poverty is a policy choice and we could make different choices. And so the politics of the moment allowed for us to make a different choice.
ERIN: We also made a choice to keep more people housed, with eviction moratoriums and rent relief.
For progressives and others, those pandemic-era programs were a golden opportunity to tackle poverty and housing insecurity on a grand scale. And test an idea that’s been gaining steam over the past couple years.
NEWS CLIPS: It’s an idea known as guaranteed basic income.
A monthly, no-strings-attached cash payment given directly to individuals.
MOLLY: A guaranteed income.
(Music in)
MOLLY: Basically, if you want to solve poverty, give people money.
Here’s how it would work: The money would come from the federal government, ideally in the form of a regular, monthly payment.
The amount wouldn’t make you rich, but it could help pay for your housing, your food or whatever else you need.
ERIN: For all the excitement around guaranteed income today, it’s not actually a new idea.
Thomas Paine argued for it way back in the 18th century. And over the years, its supporters have come from all over the political spectrum.
From the Black Panthers, to President Richard Nixon.
RECORDING OF PRESIDENT RICHARD NIXON DISCUSSING GUARANTEED INCOME: What I am proposing is that the federal government build a foundation under the income of every American family with dependent children that cannot care for itself.
From libertarian economist Milton Friedman to civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr.
It seems to me that the civil rights movement must now begin to organize for the guaranteed annual income, begin to organize people all over our country and mobilize forces, so that we can bring to the attention of our nation, this need and this something which I believe will go a long, long way toward dealing with the Negros’ economic problem and the economic problem with many other poor people confronting our nation.
(Music out)
MOLLY: Alaska’s been doing this since the 1980s, paying out oil dividends to all its residents — on average, about $1,600 a year.
But more recently, about 90 guaranteed-income experiments have popped up across the country. Most were inspired by one city: Stockton, California.
ERIN: Michael led Stockton’s guaranteed-income program back in 2019. He says a lot of the issues that came across his desk all came back to the same thing.
MICHAEL: Issues of poverty and lack and pervasive poverty and generational poverty.
Michael wanted to bring a guaranteed income to Stockton because the old way of addressing poverty wasn’t working.
The programs we have now — like welfare or food stamps or housing vouchers — they have a lot of rules and regulations.
MICHAEL: When you’re on welfare, you have to spend so much time being with case managers, filling out forms, doing this, doing that, which robs you of the ability to do all the other things you need to do.
MOLLY: Guaranteed-income programs don’t require all that micromanagement, which frees up people’s time.
And, they have another benefit: You can spend the money however you need.
(Music in)
MICHAEL: Whether it’s on new tires, a transmission, a new washer and dryer, school clothes, a wedding, going to visit your parents you haven’t seen in a while.
MOLLY: When people in Stockton were given the choice of how to use the $500 they got each month, they tended to spend it on food and other essentials.
Some also used it to help pay for housing.
MICHAEL: They were able to sort of save up for a down payment to move to safer living conditions. Or some people use it to cope with sort of small rises in rent that occur: $50 here or $100 here, $125 here.
ERIN: Researchers in Stockton didn’t look specifically at the impact of a guaranteed income on evictions. But the small stipend could help.
Just knowing you have enough money to get to the end of the month also goes a long way for your mental health.
MICHAEL: Folks who received the guaranteed income went from elevated levels of stress to regular levels of stress. And that just was like, wow, like money really sort of affects health and mental health and well-being and how we show up in the world.
(Music out)
MOLLY: But probably one of the biggest findings from Stockton: It challenged a widely held criticism of guaranteed income, that it would cause people to stop working.
MICHAEL: And I wasn’t surprised, but I’m glad the data validated this belief that that $500 was not going to make anyone stop working, that people still worked.
ERIN: Michael says that’s because it wasn’t enough to live on. But it gave people some breathing room. It allowed them to quit one of their part-time jobs and look for full-time work.
Or go back to school to change careers.
MICHAEL: It allowed people the chance to live. And live a life, and live a life beyond just going through the motions and working and going to sleep and working, going to sleep.
ERIN: Still, critics say you shouldn’t draw too many conclusions from one small pilot program — with only 125 participants.
Rolling out a guaranteed income nationally could have a much bigger impact on the economy. And many worry that all that extra cash would only cause prices to rise, setting off higher inflation.
MOLLY: Guaranteed income also does nothing to solve a larger problem.
MICHAEL: Guaranteed income is great, but we don’t want all that money to be spent on housing because people have other needs, right? So I think a guaranteed income is a powerful tool. But like any toolbox, you need more than one tool to really get the job done.
(Music in)
MOLLY: Guaranteed income can’t solve poverty on its own. But Michael says it’s a good place to start if we want to solve other big problems, like evictions.
Evictions perpetuate inequality, and they push more people into poverty.
ERIN: When you’re evicted, you lose your neighborhood, your school, your support network. You can be trapped in a cycle of debt, even become homeless.
But the solutions are within our reach, and people are already pushing for them.
MOLLY: Activists in Fresno are fighting for a fair shot in court.
Tenants in Antioch are demanding more protection against rising rents.
And women like Jean [Kendrick, from Episode 2] are sharing their stories and calling attention to inequities we can’t unsee.
ERIN: Evictions reflect our housing system: who reaps the profit and who suffers the pain.
But we have an opportunity to make the system more fair, to invest in people’s success, not just for a few, but for all.
The question is, will we take it? I’m Erin Baldassari.
MOLLY: And I’m Molly Solomon. Thank you so much for listening to Sold Out: Rethinking Housing in America.
If you like what you hear, please leave us a review on Apple Podcasts — and share it with a friend!
ERIN: We’ve got one more thing that we’re working on. It’s a bonus episode full of stories from you. That’ll drop in a few weeks, so stay tuned.
Sold Out is a production of KQED. This episode was written and reported by us: Molly Solomon and Erin Baldassari.
MOLLY: Adhiti Bandlamudi produced this episode. Kyana Moghadam is our senior producer. Brendan Willard is our sound engineer. And Rob Speight wrote our theme song.
Natalia Aldana is our senior engagement producer and Gerald Fermin is our engagement intern.
ERIN: Thank you to our editor, Erika Kelly. Additional editing from Jessica Placzek and Otis Taylor Jr.
We couldn’t have made this season without Ethan Toven-Lindsey, Holly Kernan, Erika Aguilar and Vinnee Tong.
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The protest coincided with the university’s “Admit Weekend,” when prospective students are on campus for orientation activities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984137\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984137\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-StanfordGazaProtest-023-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-StanfordGazaProtest-023-BL.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-StanfordGazaProtest-023-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-StanfordGazaProtest-023-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-StanfordGazaProtest-023-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-StanfordGazaProtest-023-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hundreds of pro-Palestinian demonstrators march through the Stanford University campus on April 25, 2024, calling for the university to divest from Israel. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Once the protest passed White Plaza, what the university calls its “designated free speech zone,” students rushed to quickly form a perimeter around the plaza and throw down tents and tarps. Yungsu Kim, a student at Stanford and one of the organizers of the protest there, said they were setting up a “People’s University” and planned to stay at least through Friday and hold free classes on the subjects of Palestine and the effect of United States imperialism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/zuliemann/status/1783651064425877558\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Students like Kim are not only calling on the University to divest but to first disclose their investments, saying there is a lack of transparency by Stanford in its investments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They play this shadowy game where they refuse to shed any light on which companies the university is actually invested in,” Kim said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984143\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11984143 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-StanfordGazaProtest-014-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-StanfordGazaProtest-014-BL.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-StanfordGazaProtest-014-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-StanfordGazaProtest-014-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-StanfordGazaProtest-014-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-StanfordGazaProtest-014-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pro-Palestinian demonstrators march through the Stanford University campus on April 25, 2024.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In a statement to KQED, director of university public relations Charlene Gage wrote:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The university’s endowment has no direct holdings in Israeli companies, or direct holdings in defense contractors, beyond small exposures resulting from passive funds that track broad indexes such as the S&P 500,” Gage wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that doesn’t necessarily mean that the university doesn’t invest in companies that do business in Israel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Divestment decisions are made by Stanford’s Board of Trustees. In 2015, the Board declined a proposal to divest of certain companies doing business in Israel. The Board has not received another formal divestment petition on this subject, and its 2015 decision remains in place,” wrote Gage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984142\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11984142 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-StanfordGazaProtest-009-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-StanfordGazaProtest-009-BL.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-StanfordGazaProtest-009-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-StanfordGazaProtest-009-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-StanfordGazaProtest-009-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-StanfordGazaProtest-009-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pro-Palestinian demonstrators listen to speakers before marching through the Stanford University campus in Stanford on April 25, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Beheshta Kohistani was among the new students on campus on Thursday for Admit Weekend. The prospective student plans to study biology at Stanford and said that watching how universities respond to peaceful protests like these is “very telling,” especially after seeing how police violently arrested at least 100 people at a student encampment at Columbia University in New York City last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the violent response from Columbia is very telling of the environment, and I wouldn’t want to be in that type of environment learning. So I’m really interested to see how Stanford responds to these student protests because they are largely peaceful, and I think they’re for the good,” Kohistani said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stanford has maintained that the university “respects the interest of students in advocating for their views” but has maintained that overnight camping on the campus is prohibited and poses a safety risk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday, Stanford President Richard Saller and Provost Jenny Martinez released a statement that said, “Last night after 8 p.m., university staff handed out letters signed by the two of us to approximately 60 students who remained on White Plaza, notifying them of the university policies they were violating.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The letter said: “The submission of students’ names to the Office of Community Standards (OCS) has begun.” As graduation approaches, a previous letter from the University noted that “the initiation of an OCS proceeding at this time of year may inhibit the timely conferral of a diploma.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984134\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11984134 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-StanfordGazaProtest-020-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-StanfordGazaProtest-020-BL.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-StanfordGazaProtest-020-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-StanfordGazaProtest-020-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-StanfordGazaProtest-020-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-StanfordGazaProtest-020-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pro-Palestinian demonstrators march through the Stanford University campus on April 25, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Organizer Yungsu Kim said he is aware of the risks of protesting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am also continuing a legacy of sorts of student involvement in mass movements, where all sectors of society are involved because they know that things like this just cannot continue. Injustice like this can’t continue,” Kim said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An encampment that began Monday is ongoing and growing at UC Berkeley’s Sproul Plaza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984220\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11984220 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240424-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-06_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240424-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-06_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240424-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-06_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240424-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-06_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240424-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-06_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240424-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-06_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The UC Berkeley Gaza Solidarity Encampment in front of Sproul Hall on April 24, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On Monday, students like Lev Collins unfurled their tents across the iconic Sproul steps, home to the 1960s Free Speech movement, which made an indelible mark on campus activism and the country at large.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am here because of the genocide that’s going on in Gaza. It is completely unacceptable and tragic, and it’s upsetting that our tuition money and our tax dollars are funding this genocide,” Collins said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Students have vowed to stay there until UC stops investing in companies that benefit Israel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984215\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11984215 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240423-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-05_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240423-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-05_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240423-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-05_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240423-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-05_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240423-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-05_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240423-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-05_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">UC Berkeley students at the UC Berkeley Gaza Solidarity Encampment in front of Sproul Hall on April 23, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Yousuf Abubakr studies mechanical engineering at Cal. He has just three weeks left to graduate and said he’s doing his best to juggle his studies while running security for the new overnight encampment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of us are falling behind in school, whatever. But, you know, you look at the struggles that we’re seeing on the other side of the world, and we can’t let that go,” Abubakr said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984219\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11984219 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240424-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-03_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240424-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-03_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240424-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-03_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240424-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-03_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240424-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-03_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240424-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-03_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Signs set beside tents at UC Berkeley Gaza Solidarity Encampment in front of Sproul Hall on April 24, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In a statement, UC Berkeley said it has no plans to change its investment policies and practices, and UC’s Office of the Chief Investment Officer declined to comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/shossaini\">Sara Hossaini\u003c/a> contributed reporting to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"Protests on college campuses over the Israel-Hamas War in Gaza are spreading throughout California. KQED captured images of demonstrations taking place at UC Berkeley and Stanford University.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1714238521,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":27,"wordCount":1061},"headData":{"title":"Pro-Palestinian Protests Sweep Bay Area College Campuses Amid Surging National Movement | KQED","description":"Protests on college campuses over the Israel-Hamas War in Gaza are spreading throughout California. KQED captured images of demonstrations taking place at UC Berkeley and Stanford University.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Pro-Palestinian Protests Sweep Bay Area College Campuses Amid Surging National Movement","datePublished":"2024-04-27T14:00:13.000Z","dateModified":"2024-04-27T17:22:01.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"sticky":false,"excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11984203/pro-palestinian-protests-sweep-california-college-campuses-amid-israel-hamas-war","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Capping a week where student protesters at colleges across California staged actions decrying their universities’ business dealings with Israeli-linked companies, students at Stanford University became the latest to join the fray on Thursday evening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, students at Cal Poly Humboldt began occupying a building on that campus, police clashed with student protesters at the University of Southern California and UC Berkeley attendees started an encampment in front of Sproul Hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday, around 200 students peacefully marched around the Stanford campus for over an hour. The protest coincided with the university’s “Admit Weekend,” when prospective students are on campus for orientation activities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984137\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984137\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-StanfordGazaProtest-023-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-StanfordGazaProtest-023-BL.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-StanfordGazaProtest-023-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-StanfordGazaProtest-023-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-StanfordGazaProtest-023-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-StanfordGazaProtest-023-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hundreds of pro-Palestinian demonstrators march through the Stanford University campus on April 25, 2024, calling for the university to divest from Israel. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Once the protest passed White Plaza, what the university calls its “designated free speech zone,” students rushed to quickly form a perimeter around the plaza and throw down tents and tarps. Yungsu Kim, a student at Stanford and one of the organizers of the protest there, said they were setting up a “People’s University” and planned to stay at least through Friday and hold free classes on the subjects of Palestine and the effect of United States imperialism.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"singleTwitterStatus","attributes":{"named":{"id":"1783651064425877558"},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Students like Kim are not only calling on the University to divest but to first disclose their investments, saying there is a lack of transparency by Stanford in its investments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They play this shadowy game where they refuse to shed any light on which companies the university is actually invested in,” Kim said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984143\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11984143 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-StanfordGazaProtest-014-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-StanfordGazaProtest-014-BL.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-StanfordGazaProtest-014-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-StanfordGazaProtest-014-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-StanfordGazaProtest-014-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-StanfordGazaProtest-014-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pro-Palestinian demonstrators march through the Stanford University campus on April 25, 2024.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In a statement to KQED, director of university public relations Charlene Gage wrote:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The university’s endowment has no direct holdings in Israeli companies, or direct holdings in defense contractors, beyond small exposures resulting from passive funds that track broad indexes such as the S&P 500,” Gage wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that doesn’t necessarily mean that the university doesn’t invest in companies that do business in Israel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Divestment decisions are made by Stanford’s Board of Trustees. In 2015, the Board declined a proposal to divest of certain companies doing business in Israel. The Board has not received another formal divestment petition on this subject, and its 2015 decision remains in place,” wrote Gage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984142\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11984142 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-StanfordGazaProtest-009-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-StanfordGazaProtest-009-BL.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-StanfordGazaProtest-009-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-StanfordGazaProtest-009-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-StanfordGazaProtest-009-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-StanfordGazaProtest-009-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pro-Palestinian demonstrators listen to speakers before marching through the Stanford University campus in Stanford on April 25, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Beheshta Kohistani was among the new students on campus on Thursday for Admit Weekend. The prospective student plans to study biology at Stanford and said that watching how universities respond to peaceful protests like these is “very telling,” especially after seeing how police violently arrested at least 100 people at a student encampment at Columbia University in New York City last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the violent response from Columbia is very telling of the environment, and I wouldn’t want to be in that type of environment learning. So I’m really interested to see how Stanford responds to these student protests because they are largely peaceful, and I think they’re for the good,” Kohistani said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stanford has maintained that the university “respects the interest of students in advocating for their views” but has maintained that overnight camping on the campus is prohibited and poses a safety risk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday, Stanford President Richard Saller and Provost Jenny Martinez released a statement that said, “Last night after 8 p.m., university staff handed out letters signed by the two of us to approximately 60 students who remained on White Plaza, notifying them of the university policies they were violating.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The letter said: “The submission of students’ names to the Office of Community Standards (OCS) has begun.” As graduation approaches, a previous letter from the University noted that “the initiation of an OCS proceeding at this time of year may inhibit the timely conferral of a diploma.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984134\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11984134 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-StanfordGazaProtest-020-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-StanfordGazaProtest-020-BL.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-StanfordGazaProtest-020-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-StanfordGazaProtest-020-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-StanfordGazaProtest-020-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-StanfordGazaProtest-020-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pro-Palestinian demonstrators march through the Stanford University campus on April 25, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Organizer Yungsu Kim said he is aware of the risks of protesting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am also continuing a legacy of sorts of student involvement in mass movements, where all sectors of society are involved because they know that things like this just cannot continue. Injustice like this can’t continue,” Kim said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An encampment that began Monday is ongoing and growing at UC Berkeley’s Sproul Plaza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984220\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11984220 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240424-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-06_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240424-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-06_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240424-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-06_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240424-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-06_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240424-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-06_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240424-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-06_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The UC Berkeley Gaza Solidarity Encampment in front of Sproul Hall on April 24, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On Monday, students like Lev Collins unfurled their tents across the iconic Sproul steps, home to the 1960s Free Speech movement, which made an indelible mark on campus activism and the country at large.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am here because of the genocide that’s going on in Gaza. It is completely unacceptable and tragic, and it’s upsetting that our tuition money and our tax dollars are funding this genocide,” Collins said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Students have vowed to stay there until UC stops investing in companies that benefit Israel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984215\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11984215 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240423-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-05_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240423-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-05_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240423-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-05_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240423-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-05_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240423-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-05_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240423-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-05_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">UC Berkeley students at the UC Berkeley Gaza Solidarity Encampment in front of Sproul Hall on April 23, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Yousuf Abubakr studies mechanical engineering at Cal. He has just three weeks left to graduate and said he’s doing his best to juggle his studies while running security for the new overnight encampment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of us are falling behind in school, whatever. But, you know, you look at the struggles that we’re seeing on the other side of the world, and we can’t let that go,” Abubakr said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984219\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11984219 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240424-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-03_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240424-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-03_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240424-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-03_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240424-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-03_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240424-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-03_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240424-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-03_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Signs set beside tents at UC Berkeley Gaza Solidarity Encampment in front of Sproul Hall on April 24, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In a statement, UC Berkeley said it has no plans to change its investment policies and practices, and UC’s Office of the Chief Investment Officer declined to comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/shossaini\">Sara Hossaini\u003c/a> contributed reporting to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11984203/pro-palestinian-protests-sweep-california-college-campuses-amid-israel-hamas-war","authors":["11785"],"categories":["news_18540","news_8"],"tags":["news_1386","news_18538","news_20013","news_27626","news_6631","news_33333","news_745","news_1928","news_17597","news_33765"],"featImg":"news_11984136","label":"news"},"news_11984288":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11984288","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11984288","found":true},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"at-least-16-people-died-in-california-after-medics-injected-sedatives-during-police-encounters","title":"At Least 16 People Died in California After Medics Injected Sedatives During Police Encounters","publishDate":1714251629,"format":"standard","headTitle":"At Least 16 People Died in California After Medics Injected Sedatives During Police Encounters | KQED","labelTerm":{"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>At least 16 people died in California over a decade following a physical encounter with police during which medical personnel also injected them with a powerful sedative, \u003ca href=\"http://apnews.com/621909ba7491abc2af8ad2e33ba3415b\">an investigation led by The Associated Press has found\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several of the deaths happened in the San Francisco Bay Area, including two in recent years involving people restrained by the Richmond Police Department. Other places with cases included Los Angeles, San Diego and cities in Orange and San Bernardino counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the use of the drug \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/ap-top-news-health-politics-mn-state-wire-us-news-a872ba9aeeba2f5b0624f8af77f928d3\">ketamine\u003c/a> has drawn scrutiny in other states, AP’s investigation found that California paramedics almost always used midazolam, better known by its brand name Versed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deaths were among \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/associated-press-investigation-deaths-police-encounters-02881a2bd3fbeb1fc31af9208bb0e310\">more than 1,000 that AP’s investigation documented\u003c/a> across the United States of people who died after officers used not their guns, but physical force or weapons such as Tasers that — like sedatives — are not meant to kill. Medical officials said police force caused or contributed to about half of all deaths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was impossible for the AP to determine the exact role injections may have played in many of the 94 deaths involving sedation that reporters found nationally during the investigation’s 2012–2021 timeframe. Few of those deaths were attributed to the sedation and authorities rarely investigated whether injections were appropriate, focusing more often on the use of force by police and the other drugs in people’s systems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea behind the injections is to calm people who are combative, often due to drugs or a psychotic episode, so they can be transported to the hospital. Supporters say sedatives enable rapid treatment while protecting frontline responders from violence. Critics argue that the medications, given without consent, can be too risky to be administered during police encounters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California was among the states with the most sedation cases, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/projects/investigation-police-use-of-force/\">according to the investigation\u003c/a>, which the AP did in collaboration with FRONTLINE (PBS) and the Howard Centers for Investigative Journalism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Midazolam was given in 15 of the 16 California cases, all by paramedics outside of a hospital. The drug can cause respiratory depression, a side effect experts say may be dangerous when mixed with police restraint tactics that restrict breathing — or with alcohol or certain drugs that a person may already have consumed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 16th case involved a man injected with a similar class of drug, lorazepam, while police restrained him at a hospital in San Diego.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two emergency room doctors in San Diego told the AP they have discussed switching to ketamine, which supporters say is safer and works faster than midazolam. But the doctors said negative headlines about ketamine, especially after deaths and misuse in Colorado, stalled that idea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11981111,news_11871364,news_11979576\"]AP’s investigation shows that the risks of sedation during behavioral emergencies go beyond any specific drug, said Eric Jaeger, an emergency medical services educator in New Hampshire who has studied the issue and advocates for additional safety measures and training.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now that we have better information, we know that it can present a significant danger regardless of the sedative agent used,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sedatives were often given as treatments for “excited delirium,” an agitated condition linked to drug use or mental illness that medical groups have disavowed in recent years. California in 2023 became the first state to bar excited delirium as a valid medical diagnosis, including as a cause of death in autopsies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story is part of an ongoing investigation led by The Associated Press in collaboration with the Howard Center for Investigative Journalism programs and FRONTLINE (PBS). The investigation includes the Lethal Restraint \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/projects/investigation-police-use-of-force/visual-story/\">interactive story\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/projects/investigation-police-use-of-force/all-cases/\">database\u003c/a> and the documentary, “Documenting Police Use Of Force,” premiering April 30 on PBS. Contact AP’s global investigative team at Investigative@ap.org or \u003ca href=\"https://www.ap.org/tips/\">https://www.ap.org/tips/\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"An ongoing AP investigation has found that the deaths happened over the past decade in the Bay Area, Los Angeles, San Diego and cities in Orange and San Bernardino counties.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1714246724,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":16,"wordCount":657},"headData":{"title":"At Least 16 People Died in California After Medics Injected Sedatives During Police Encounters | KQED","description":"An ongoing AP investigation has found that the deaths happened over the past decade in the Bay Area, Los Angeles, San Diego and cities in Orange and San Bernardino counties.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"At Least 16 People Died in California After Medics Injected Sedatives During Police Encounters","datePublished":"2024-04-27T21:00:29.000Z","dateModified":"2024-04-27T19:38:44.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"sticky":false,"nprByline":"Ryan J. Foley, Carla K. Johnson\u003cbr>Associated Press","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","showOnAuthorArchivePages":"No","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11984288/at-least-16-people-died-in-california-after-medics-injected-sedatives-during-police-encounters","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>At least 16 people died in California over a decade following a physical encounter with police during which medical personnel also injected them with a powerful sedative, \u003ca href=\"http://apnews.com/621909ba7491abc2af8ad2e33ba3415b\">an investigation led by The Associated Press has found\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several of the deaths happened in the San Francisco Bay Area, including two in recent years involving people restrained by the Richmond Police Department. Other places with cases included Los Angeles, San Diego and cities in Orange and San Bernardino counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the use of the drug \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/ap-top-news-health-politics-mn-state-wire-us-news-a872ba9aeeba2f5b0624f8af77f928d3\">ketamine\u003c/a> has drawn scrutiny in other states, AP’s investigation found that California paramedics almost always used midazolam, better known by its brand name Versed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deaths were among \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/associated-press-investigation-deaths-police-encounters-02881a2bd3fbeb1fc31af9208bb0e310\">more than 1,000 that AP’s investigation documented\u003c/a> across the United States of people who died after officers used not their guns, but physical force or weapons such as Tasers that — like sedatives — are not meant to kill. Medical officials said police force caused or contributed to about half of all deaths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was impossible for the AP to determine the exact role injections may have played in many of the 94 deaths involving sedation that reporters found nationally during the investigation’s 2012–2021 timeframe. Few of those deaths were attributed to the sedation and authorities rarely investigated whether injections were appropriate, focusing more often on the use of force by police and the other drugs in people’s systems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea behind the injections is to calm people who are combative, often due to drugs or a psychotic episode, so they can be transported to the hospital. Supporters say sedatives enable rapid treatment while protecting frontline responders from violence. Critics argue that the medications, given without consent, can be too risky to be administered during police encounters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California was among the states with the most sedation cases, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/projects/investigation-police-use-of-force/\">according to the investigation\u003c/a>, which the AP did in collaboration with FRONTLINE (PBS) and the Howard Centers for Investigative Journalism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Midazolam was given in 15 of the 16 California cases, all by paramedics outside of a hospital. The drug can cause respiratory depression, a side effect experts say may be dangerous when mixed with police restraint tactics that restrict breathing — or with alcohol or certain drugs that a person may already have consumed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 16th case involved a man injected with a similar class of drug, lorazepam, while police restrained him at a hospital in San Diego.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two emergency room doctors in San Diego told the AP they have discussed switching to ketamine, which supporters say is safer and works faster than midazolam. But the doctors said negative headlines about ketamine, especially after deaths and misuse in Colorado, stalled that idea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"label":"Related Stories ","postid":"news_11981111,news_11871364,news_11979576"},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>AP’s investigation shows that the risks of sedation during behavioral emergencies go beyond any specific drug, said Eric Jaeger, an emergency medical services educator in New Hampshire who has studied the issue and advocates for additional safety measures and training.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now that we have better information, we know that it can present a significant danger regardless of the sedative agent used,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sedatives were often given as treatments for “excited delirium,” an agitated condition linked to drug use or mental illness that medical groups have disavowed in recent years. California in 2023 became the first state to bar excited delirium as a valid medical diagnosis, including as a cause of death in autopsies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story is part of an ongoing investigation led by The Associated Press in collaboration with the Howard Center for Investigative Journalism programs and FRONTLINE (PBS). The investigation includes the Lethal Restraint \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/projects/investigation-police-use-of-force/visual-story/\">interactive story\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/projects/investigation-police-use-of-force/all-cases/\">database\u003c/a> and the documentary, “Documenting Police Use Of Force,” premiering April 30 on PBS. Contact AP’s global investigative team at Investigative@ap.org or \u003ca href=\"https://www.ap.org/tips/\">https://www.ap.org/tips/\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11984288/at-least-16-people-died-in-california-after-medics-injected-sedatives-during-police-encounters","authors":["byline_news_11984288"],"categories":["news_6188","news_8"],"tags":["news_33136","news_19662"],"featImg":"news_11984293","label":"news"},"news_11984163":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11984163","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11984163","found":true},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"california-caps-rising-health-care-costs-heres-how-it-works","title":"California Regulators Just Approved New Rule to Cap Health Care Costs. Here's How It Works","publishDate":1714244427,"format":"standard","headTitle":"California Regulators Just Approved New Rule to Cap Health Care Costs. Here’s How It Works | KQED","labelTerm":{"term":18481,"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>You won’t notice it right away, but a new California state agency took a major step this week toward \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2024/02/health-care-costs-cap/\">reining in the seemingly uncontrollable costs of health care\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB184\">Office of Health Care Affordability\u003c/a> approved the state’s first cap on health industry spending increases, limiting growth to 3% by 2029. This means that hospitals, doctors and health insurers will need to find ways to cut costs to prevent annual per capita spending from exceeding the target. Between 2015 and 2020, per capita health spending in California grew more than 5% each year, according to federal data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A board appointed by Gov. Gavin Newsom and the Legislature on Wednesday approved the new regulations in a 6–1 vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Health and Human Services Secretary Dr. Mark Ghaly, who chairs the board, said the regulations recognize that Californians are struggling every day to pay for\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/category/health/\"> health care\u003c/a> and that the state has a role in helping them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a place in making sure it becomes more affordable,” Ghaly said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hospitals, doctors and insurers battled over the regulations for months, arguing that rising inflation and labor costs would make the target impossible to achieve. An earlier proposal would have moved more aggressively to cap costs. The final version gives the industry time to rein in spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ghaly said he is confident that health care industry leaders will be able to find solutions to meet the new target. “When that happens, it’s going to be great for Californians.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-how-does-it-work\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">How does it work?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Increased health spending most often translates to higher out-of-pocket costs for consumers through premiums, deductibles and copays. The annual spending benchmark would require health care providers to limit spending growth to 3.5% next year, decreasing to 3% by 2029. Providers — including hospitals, doctors groups and health insurers — must submit spending data to the state to demonstrate that they comply with the cap.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The affordability office also has the authority to enforce penalties, including performance improvement plans and fines, for organizations that exceed the benchmark. It will not enforce penalties until 2029.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Jim Wood, a Democrat from Ukiah, at the meeting, urged the board to send a clear message to Californians that the state is taking affordability seriously. Wood spearheaded the legislation that created the office in 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is not an exaggeration to say that people are deciding whether to get food on the table or get their medicines,” Wood said. “This is not an exercise. This is an effort to impact the real-life experiences of people in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-how-will-providers-lower-health-care-costs\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">How will providers lower health care costs?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, it’s up to the health care organizations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The board hopes health care organizations will crack down on inefficient and wasteful health spending, such as administrative inefficiency and redundant or poorly coordinated testing. But it doesn’t want to discourage spending on primary care and behavioral health. The affordability office will monitor spending in those areas to ensure organizations do not reduce services or access to preventative care.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-will-californians-see-cheaper-health-care\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Will Californians see cheaper health care?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Yes, but it may not feel like it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The growth cap is not a mandate for providers to lower prices. Californians will not pay less for health insurance next year than they did this year. For those who already can’t afford health care — some estimates peg that number at \u003ca href=\"https://www.chcf.org/publication/2024-chcf-california-health-policy-survey/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">more than 50% of Californians \u003c/a>— the cap won’t bring any immediate relief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The goal of the cap is to prevent future prices from increasing uncontrollably. This year, health insurance premiums on the state’s Affordable Care Act Exchange increased by 9.6% statewide, with double-digit increases in many regions. Personal health care spending shot up 60% between 2010 and 2020, reaching $405 billion, according to federal data. That’s $10,299 per person. \u003ca href=\"https://www.healthsystemtracker.org/brief/tracking-the-rise-in-premium-contributions-and-cost-sharing-for-families-with-large-employer-coverage/#Cumulative%20growth%20in%20out-of-pocket%20and%20total%20health%20spending%20for%20people%20with%20large%20employer%20coverage,%202007-2017\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Household health spending\u003c/a> has also grown twice as fast as wages, according to the Kaiser Family Foundation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an effort to recognize how many Californians can’t pay for health care, the affordability office tied the cap to the average annual median household income growth, which has historically been about 3% over the past two decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-will-california-succeed\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Will California succeed?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California is not the first state to try to lower health care costs. \u003ca href=\"https://www.chcf.org/publication/cost-commissions-eight-states-address-cost-growth/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Eight other states\u003c/a> have similar cost benchmarks, although California’s is one of the more aggressive targets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Massachusetts, the first state to set a health spending benchmark, has largely met its target growth rate of 3.6% over the past 10 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, in recent years, with the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic, states have found it harder to contain costs. \u003ca href=\"https://www.healthaffairs.org/content/forefront/6-29-angeles-piece\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Connecticut, Delaware and Massachusetts\u003c/a> significantly surpassed their spending targets between 2020 and 2021 primarily because of increased health care use, according to a report by the policy journal Health Affairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-who-opposed-the-spending-cap\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Who opposed the spending cap?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Former state Sen. Dr. Richard Pan was the sole no-vote on the new regulations, arguing that the state needed to recognize how changing population needs, such as aging, would affect future health care spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pan and groups representing hospitals and doctors have argued that the state should have set a more “realistic” target rather than one most organizations will fail to achieve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a letter to the board, the California Hospital Association proposed a 6.3% target for 2025 and urged state regulators to consider how inflation, aging and a new law that raises the state \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2023/11/california-health-care-minimum-wage-cost/#:~:text=While%20the%20original%20bill%20would,because%20of%20the%20new%20law.\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">minimum wage for health care workers\u003c/a> would drive up costs. Association President Carmela Coyle said in a statement after the vote that the new regulations will worsen access to care as organizations are forced to make cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The office is charged by law to do more than limit spending,” Coyle said. “It’s imperative that the board analyze the impact of its decision on patients and create a process to reconsider future targets to protect access to equitable, quality care for every Californian.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Association of Health Plans, representing most insurers, and the California Medical Association, representing doctors, voiced support for the phased-in 3% target this week but have previously pushed the affordability office to consider other options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Adopting a 3% health care spending growth target, which most physician practices and health care entities will be unable to meet, will negatively impact access to health care for Californians,” medical association President Dr. Tanya Spirtos wrote ahead of the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-who-supported-the-health-spending-cap\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Who supported the health spending cap?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The new regulations are largely supported by unions, employers and consumer advocates. Supporters turned up in force at the vote to give examples of how housekeepers, bartenders, teachers, carpenters, nurses and other workers cannot afford health care even with insurance and frequently forgo raises to pay for ever-growing medical spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11975284,science_1991871,news_11983752\"]“Consumers, particularly people of color, are burdened by record medical debt and are making daily choices between health care, housing, and food,” said Kiran Savage-Sangwan, executive director of the California Pan-Ethnic Health Network, at the meeting. “If we want a different outcome, we need to change the incentives in our system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anthony Wright, executive director of Health Access California, said the new spending target was “long-awaited, but welcome news for Californians.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California consumers, patients and payers have been screaming for years about the cost,” Wright said. “This will provide some downward pressure on what has been ever-increasing hikes in our health care costs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Supported by the California Health Care Foundation (CHCF), which works to ensure that\u003c/em> \u003cem>people have access to the care they need, when they need it, at a price they can afford. Visit \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"http://www.chcf.org/\">\u003cem>www.chcf.org\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> to learn more.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"California now is one of 9 states with regulations limiting health care cost increases. Consumers won’t necessarily notice the changes, but supporters say they will make a difference over time.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1714246821,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":33,"wordCount":1327},"headData":{"title":"California Regulators Just Approved New Rule to Cap Health Care Costs. Here's How It Works | KQED","description":"California now is one of 9 states with regulations limiting health care cost increases. Consumers won’t necessarily notice the changes, but supporters say they will make a difference over time.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"California Regulators Just Approved New Rule to Cap Health Care Costs. Here's How It Works","datePublished":"2024-04-27T19:00:27.000Z","dateModified":"2024-04-27T19:40:21.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"sticky":false,"nprByline":"\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/author/kristen-hwang/\">Kristen Hwang\u003c/a>","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","showOnAuthorArchivePages":"No","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11984163/california-caps-rising-health-care-costs-heres-how-it-works","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>You won’t notice it right away, but a new California state agency took a major step this week toward \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2024/02/health-care-costs-cap/\">reining in the seemingly uncontrollable costs of health care\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB184\">Office of Health Care Affordability\u003c/a> approved the state’s first cap on health industry spending increases, limiting growth to 3% by 2029. This means that hospitals, doctors and health insurers will need to find ways to cut costs to prevent annual per capita spending from exceeding the target. Between 2015 and 2020, per capita health spending in California grew more than 5% each year, according to federal data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A board appointed by Gov. Gavin Newsom and the Legislature on Wednesday approved the new regulations in a 6–1 vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Health and Human Services Secretary Dr. Mark Ghaly, who chairs the board, said the regulations recognize that Californians are struggling every day to pay for\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/category/health/\"> health care\u003c/a> and that the state has a role in helping them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a place in making sure it becomes more affordable,” Ghaly said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hospitals, doctors and insurers battled over the regulations for months, arguing that rising inflation and labor costs would make the target impossible to achieve. An earlier proposal would have moved more aggressively to cap costs. The final version gives the industry time to rein in spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ghaly said he is confident that health care industry leaders will be able to find solutions to meet the new target. “When that happens, it’s going to be great for Californians.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-how-does-it-work\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">How does it work?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Increased health spending most often translates to higher out-of-pocket costs for consumers through premiums, deductibles and copays. The annual spending benchmark would require health care providers to limit spending growth to 3.5% next year, decreasing to 3% by 2029. Providers — including hospitals, doctors groups and health insurers — must submit spending data to the state to demonstrate that they comply with the cap.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The affordability office also has the authority to enforce penalties, including performance improvement plans and fines, for organizations that exceed the benchmark. It will not enforce penalties until 2029.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Jim Wood, a Democrat from Ukiah, at the meeting, urged the board to send a clear message to Californians that the state is taking affordability seriously. Wood spearheaded the legislation that created the office in 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is not an exaggeration to say that people are deciding whether to get food on the table or get their medicines,” Wood said. “This is not an exercise. This is an effort to impact the real-life experiences of people in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-how-will-providers-lower-health-care-costs\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">How will providers lower health care costs?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, it’s up to the health care organizations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The board hopes health care organizations will crack down on inefficient and wasteful health spending, such as administrative inefficiency and redundant or poorly coordinated testing. But it doesn’t want to discourage spending on primary care and behavioral health. The affordability office will monitor spending in those areas to ensure organizations do not reduce services or access to preventative care.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-will-californians-see-cheaper-health-care\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Will Californians see cheaper health care?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Yes, but it may not feel like it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The growth cap is not a mandate for providers to lower prices. Californians will not pay less for health insurance next year than they did this year. For those who already can’t afford health care — some estimates peg that number at \u003ca href=\"https://www.chcf.org/publication/2024-chcf-california-health-policy-survey/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">more than 50% of Californians \u003c/a>— the cap won’t bring any immediate relief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The goal of the cap is to prevent future prices from increasing uncontrollably. This year, health insurance premiums on the state’s Affordable Care Act Exchange increased by 9.6% statewide, with double-digit increases in many regions. Personal health care spending shot up 60% between 2010 and 2020, reaching $405 billion, according to federal data. That’s $10,299 per person. \u003ca href=\"https://www.healthsystemtracker.org/brief/tracking-the-rise-in-premium-contributions-and-cost-sharing-for-families-with-large-employer-coverage/#Cumulative%20growth%20in%20out-of-pocket%20and%20total%20health%20spending%20for%20people%20with%20large%20employer%20coverage,%202007-2017\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Household health spending\u003c/a> has also grown twice as fast as wages, according to the Kaiser Family Foundation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an effort to recognize how many Californians can’t pay for health care, the affordability office tied the cap to the average annual median household income growth, which has historically been about 3% over the past two decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-will-california-succeed\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Will California succeed?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California is not the first state to try to lower health care costs. \u003ca href=\"https://www.chcf.org/publication/cost-commissions-eight-states-address-cost-growth/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Eight other states\u003c/a> have similar cost benchmarks, although California’s is one of the more aggressive targets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Massachusetts, the first state to set a health spending benchmark, has largely met its target growth rate of 3.6% over the past 10 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, in recent years, with the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic, states have found it harder to contain costs. \u003ca href=\"https://www.healthaffairs.org/content/forefront/6-29-angeles-piece\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Connecticut, Delaware and Massachusetts\u003c/a> significantly surpassed their spending targets between 2020 and 2021 primarily because of increased health care use, according to a report by the policy journal Health Affairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-who-opposed-the-spending-cap\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Who opposed the spending cap?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Former state Sen. Dr. Richard Pan was the sole no-vote on the new regulations, arguing that the state needed to recognize how changing population needs, such as aging, would affect future health care spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pan and groups representing hospitals and doctors have argued that the state should have set a more “realistic” target rather than one most organizations will fail to achieve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a letter to the board, the California Hospital Association proposed a 6.3% target for 2025 and urged state regulators to consider how inflation, aging and a new law that raises the state \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2023/11/california-health-care-minimum-wage-cost/#:~:text=While%20the%20original%20bill%20would,because%20of%20the%20new%20law.\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">minimum wage for health care workers\u003c/a> would drive up costs. Association President Carmela Coyle said in a statement after the vote that the new regulations will worsen access to care as organizations are forced to make cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The office is charged by law to do more than limit spending,” Coyle said. “It’s imperative that the board analyze the impact of its decision on patients and create a process to reconsider future targets to protect access to equitable, quality care for every Californian.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Association of Health Plans, representing most insurers, and the California Medical Association, representing doctors, voiced support for the phased-in 3% target this week but have previously pushed the affordability office to consider other options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Adopting a 3% health care spending growth target, which most physician practices and health care entities will be unable to meet, will negatively impact access to health care for Californians,” medical association President Dr. Tanya Spirtos wrote ahead of the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-who-supported-the-health-spending-cap\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Who supported the health spending cap?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The new regulations are largely supported by unions, employers and consumer advocates. Supporters turned up in force at the vote to give examples of how housekeepers, bartenders, teachers, carpenters, nurses and other workers cannot afford health care even with insurance and frequently forgo raises to pay for ever-growing medical spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"label":"Related Stories ","postid":"news_11975284,science_1991871,news_11983752"},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Consumers, particularly people of color, are burdened by record medical debt and are making daily choices between health care, housing, and food,” said Kiran Savage-Sangwan, executive director of the California Pan-Ethnic Health Network, at the meeting. “If we want a different outcome, we need to change the incentives in our system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anthony Wright, executive director of Health Access California, said the new spending target was “long-awaited, but welcome news for Californians.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California consumers, patients and payers have been screaming for years about the cost,” Wright said. “This will provide some downward pressure on what has been ever-increasing hikes in our health care costs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Supported by the California Health Care Foundation (CHCF), which works to ensure that\u003c/em> \u003cem>people have access to the care they need, when they need it, at a price they can afford. Visit \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"http://www.chcf.org/\">\u003cem>www.chcf.org\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> to learn more.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11984163/california-caps-rising-health-care-costs-heres-how-it-works","authors":["byline_news_11984163"],"categories":["news_457","news_8"],"tags":["news_25015","news_18543","news_683"],"affiliates":["news_18481"],"featImg":"news_11984165","label":"news_18481"},"news_11984169":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11984169","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11984169","found":true},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"state-court-upholds-alameda-county-tax-measure-yielding-hundreds-of-millions-for-child-care","title":"State Court Upholds Alameda County Tax Measure Yielding Hundreds of Millions for Child Care","publishDate":1714164766,"format":"standard","headTitle":"State Court Upholds Alameda County Tax Measure Yielding Hundreds of Millions for Child Care | KQED","labelTerm":{"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>After four years of legal debate, California’s highest court upheld an Alameda County sales tax measure to increase access to child care and pediatric health care for lower-income families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This ruling makes Alameda County the latest Bay Area local government to increase a tax to fund early childhood education and care. San Francisco began implementing Baby Proposition C about two years ago after a legal challenge to the commercial tax initiative was resolved in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, the state Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://appellatecases.courtinfo.ca.gov/search/case/dockets.cfm?dist=1&doc_id=2410200&doc_no=A166404&request_token=NiIwLSEnXkw7W1BZSyMtTE9IMEw6UVxfJSM%2BVzpSMCAgCg%3D%3D\">denied a petition\u003c/a> to review a lower court’s ruling that Measure C is legitimate, thus making that decision final. That will allow the county to spend hundreds of millions of dollars collected from the 0.5% sales tax since July 2021. The funds have been held in escrow pending a taxpayer group’s legal challenge to the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ruling “validates the will of Alameda County voters to fund early education and ensure child care is accessible to all families, and that the labor of child care providers is honored and respected,” Clarissa Doutherd, executive director of the advocacy group Parent Voices Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are thrilled for the initial funding that will lift up children and families throughout the county who have had to suffer through delays that would have helped address growing poverty, under-resourced child care facilities, and severe pediatric needs,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure was passed by 64% of voters in March 2020, but the Alameda County Taxpayers Association argued\u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/07/07/alameda-countys-measure-c-for-child-care-funding-scores-a-legal-win-but-money-cant-flow-yet/\"> that state law requires 66%, or two-thirds vote, to pass\u003c/a> for local governments to raise taxes for a specific purpose. The group contends that elected officials, including the late county supervisor Wilma Chan, initiated the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county countered that the measure was put on the ballot after enough signatures were gathered to support it. For that reason, only a simple majority is needed for a citizen initiative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Doutherd’s effort to put the measure before voters was the \u003ca href=\"https://www.clarissasbattle.com/\">subject of a documentary called “Clarissa’s Battle.”\u003c/a> Her struggle as a single mother trying to maintain work as a bookkeeper and pay for preschool for her son led to her advocacy for affordable early childhood education.[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='early-childhood']“What this means for me is that in my lifetime, I will see a huge transformation through this initiative that will make sure that parents at least will have an easier time and not know the panic and the fear and the pain of not being able to support themselves and go to work or go to school or even just know that their children are in a safe, nurturing environment,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://first5alameda.org/files/Appendix%20C-%20Local%20Child%20Care%20Ballot%20Measures.pdf\">When it was first proposed,\u003c/a> officials estimated the tax would raise about $150 million a year over 20 years to add more subsidized child care slots, increase early educators’ pay to at least $15 per hour (with annual adjustments for inflation) and offer free or low-cost pediatric health care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First 5 Alameda County, which will administer the child care fund, also plans to use the money to fund training and professional development classes for providers to raise the quality of early education programs. The effort mirrors an ongoing effort in San Francisco to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11948690/business-tax-provides-crucial-funding-for-early-childhood-education-and-care-in-san-francisco\">use revenue from a commercial rent tax \u003c/a>to better compensate early educators and lower child care costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The impact of this investment on Alameda County’s children, families and [early childhood education] workforce is not just transformative; it’s imperative for the health of our communities,” Kristin Spanos, CEO of First 5 Alameda County, said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said 21 licensed child care centers and 270 in-home family child care businesses in the county closed permanently between 2019 and 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The COVID-19 pandemic exposed and deepened the vulnerabilities of our already fragile, underfunded and fragmented system of licensed care,” Spanos said. “Funding from Measure C is a significant milestone in our journey toward creating an equity-centered early childhood system of care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A citizen oversight committee will oversee spending from the pediatric health care fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"After a long legal battle, the ruling makes Alameda County the latest Bay Area local government to increase a tax to fund early childhood education and care.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1714164766,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":16,"wordCount":699},"headData":{"title":"State Court Upholds Alameda County Tax Measure Yielding Hundreds of Millions for Child Care | KQED","description":"After a long legal battle, the ruling makes Alameda County the latest Bay Area local government to increase a tax to fund early childhood education and care.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"State Court Upholds Alameda County Tax Measure Yielding Hundreds of Millions for Child Care","datePublished":"2024-04-26T20:52:46.000Z","dateModified":"2024-04-26T20:52:46.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"sticky":false,"excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11984169/state-court-upholds-alameda-county-tax-measure-yielding-hundreds-of-millions-for-child-care","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After four years of legal debate, California’s highest court upheld an Alameda County sales tax measure to increase access to child care and pediatric health care for lower-income families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This ruling makes Alameda County the latest Bay Area local government to increase a tax to fund early childhood education and care. San Francisco began implementing Baby Proposition C about two years ago after a legal challenge to the commercial tax initiative was resolved in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, the state Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://appellatecases.courtinfo.ca.gov/search/case/dockets.cfm?dist=1&doc_id=2410200&doc_no=A166404&request_token=NiIwLSEnXkw7W1BZSyMtTE9IMEw6UVxfJSM%2BVzpSMCAgCg%3D%3D\">denied a petition\u003c/a> to review a lower court’s ruling that Measure C is legitimate, thus making that decision final. That will allow the county to spend hundreds of millions of dollars collected from the 0.5% sales tax since July 2021. The funds have been held in escrow pending a taxpayer group’s legal challenge to the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ruling “validates the will of Alameda County voters to fund early education and ensure child care is accessible to all families, and that the labor of child care providers is honored and respected,” Clarissa Doutherd, executive director of the advocacy group Parent Voices Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are thrilled for the initial funding that will lift up children and families throughout the county who have had to suffer through delays that would have helped address growing poverty, under-resourced child care facilities, and severe pediatric needs,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure was passed by 64% of voters in March 2020, but the Alameda County Taxpayers Association argued\u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/07/07/alameda-countys-measure-c-for-child-care-funding-scores-a-legal-win-but-money-cant-flow-yet/\"> that state law requires 66%, or two-thirds vote, to pass\u003c/a> for local governments to raise taxes for a specific purpose. The group contends that elected officials, including the late county supervisor Wilma Chan, initiated the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county countered that the measure was put on the ballot after enough signatures were gathered to support it. For that reason, only a simple majority is needed for a citizen initiative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Doutherd’s effort to put the measure before voters was the \u003ca href=\"https://www.clarissasbattle.com/\">subject of a documentary called “Clarissa’s Battle.”\u003c/a> Her struggle as a single mother trying to maintain work as a bookkeeper and pay for preschool for her son led to her advocacy for affordable early childhood education.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"label":"Related Coverage ","tag":"early-childhood"},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“What this means for me is that in my lifetime, I will see a huge transformation through this initiative that will make sure that parents at least will have an easier time and not know the panic and the fear and the pain of not being able to support themselves and go to work or go to school or even just know that their children are in a safe, nurturing environment,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://first5alameda.org/files/Appendix%20C-%20Local%20Child%20Care%20Ballot%20Measures.pdf\">When it was first proposed,\u003c/a> officials estimated the tax would raise about $150 million a year over 20 years to add more subsidized child care slots, increase early educators’ pay to at least $15 per hour (with annual adjustments for inflation) and offer free or low-cost pediatric health care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First 5 Alameda County, which will administer the child care fund, also plans to use the money to fund training and professional development classes for providers to raise the quality of early education programs. The effort mirrors an ongoing effort in San Francisco to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11948690/business-tax-provides-crucial-funding-for-early-childhood-education-and-care-in-san-francisco\">use revenue from a commercial rent tax \u003c/a>to better compensate early educators and lower child care costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The impact of this investment on Alameda County’s children, families and [early childhood education] workforce is not just transformative; it’s imperative for the health of our communities,” Kristin Spanos, CEO of First 5 Alameda County, said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said 21 licensed child care centers and 270 in-home family child care businesses in the county closed permanently between 2019 and 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The COVID-19 pandemic exposed and deepened the vulnerabilities of our already fragile, underfunded and fragmented system of licensed care,” Spanos said. “Funding from Measure C is a significant milestone in our journey toward creating an equity-centered early childhood system of care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A citizen oversight committee will oversee spending from the pediatric health care fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11984169/state-court-upholds-alameda-county-tax-measure-yielding-hundreds-of-millions-for-child-care","authors":["11829"],"categories":["news_8"],"tags":["news_260","news_20754","news_32698","news_32102","news_32928","news_27626"],"featImg":"news_11984193","label":"news"},"news_11983949":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11983949","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11983949","found":true},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"youth-takeover-parents-and-teachers-just-dont-understand","title":"Youth Takeover: Parents (and Teachers) Just Don't Understand","publishDate":1714156805,"format":"standard","headTitle":"Youth Takeover: Parents (and Teachers) Just Don’t Understand | KQED","labelTerm":{},"content":"\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/the-california-report-magazine/id1314750545?mt=2\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Listen to this and more in-depth storytelling by subscribing to The California Report Magazine podcast.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"routes-Site-routes-Post-Title-__Title__title\">\u003cstrong>Parents (and Teachers) Just Don’t Understand\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It’s Youth Takeover week here at KQED, a time when we hand the mics over to local high school students. This year, we hear from teens at Fremont High School in East Oakland. They share the challenges they face right now and tell us why they feel so misunderstood.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/education/sylmar-charter-high-school-floriculture-horticulture-program-prom-flowers\">\u003cstrong>\u003cspan dir=\"auto\">Sylmar Teens Grow Their Own Flowers For the Prom \u003c/span>\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In the San Fernando Valley, high school seniors have taken over one of the most anticipated rights of passage: prom. LAist’s Mariana Dale discovered a program at Sylmar Charter High School where students don’t just choose the theme and set up decorations: They actually \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">grow \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">and arrange the \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">flowers \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">for the big event.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11980715/why-dont-more-bay-area-kids-ride-school-buses\">\u003cstrong>\u003cspan dir=\"auto\">Why Doesn’t California Have More School Buses?\u003c/span>\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">How kids get to and from school is a big part of the school experience for many kids. But if you’ve been looking closely you may have noticed there aren’t as many school buses as there are in other states. Katrina Schwartz, who’s a producer with KQED’s Bay Curious podcast, set out to figure out why that is. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"It’s Youth Takeover week at KQED and we're handing the mic to students from East Oakland's Fremont High School. ","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1714157102,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":6,"wordCount":220},"headData":{"title":"Youth Takeover: Parents (and Teachers) Just Don't Understand | KQED","description":"It’s Youth Takeover week here at KQED, a time when we hand the mics over to local high school students. This year, we hear from teens at Fremont High School in East Oakland. They share the challenges they face right now and tell us why they feel so misunderstood.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","socialDescription":"It’s Youth Takeover week here at KQED, a time when we hand the mics over to local high school students. This year, we hear from teens at Fremont High School in East Oakland. They share the challenges they face right now and tell us why they feel so misunderstood.","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Youth Takeover: Parents (and Teachers) Just Don't Understand","datePublished":"2024-04-26T18:40:05.000Z","dateModified":"2024-04-26T18:45:02.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"source":"The California Report Magazine","sourceUrl":"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/tcrmag/ ","audioUrl":"https://www.podtrac.com/pts/redirect.mp3/chrt.fm/track/G6C7C3/traffic.megaphone.fm/KQINC1219835287.mp3?updated=1713992364864450","sticky":false,"excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11983949/youth-takeover-parents-and-teachers-just-dont-understand","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/the-california-report-magazine/id1314750545?mt=2\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Listen to this and more in-depth storytelling by subscribing to The California Report Magazine podcast.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"routes-Site-routes-Post-Title-__Title__title\">\u003cstrong>Parents (and Teachers) Just Don’t Understand\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It’s Youth Takeover week here at KQED, a time when we hand the mics over to local high school students. This year, we hear from teens at Fremont High School in East Oakland. They share the challenges they face right now and tell us why they feel so misunderstood.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/education/sylmar-charter-high-school-floriculture-horticulture-program-prom-flowers\">\u003cstrong>\u003cspan dir=\"auto\">Sylmar Teens Grow Their Own Flowers For the Prom \u003c/span>\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In the San Fernando Valley, high school seniors have taken over one of the most anticipated rights of passage: prom. LAist’s Mariana Dale discovered a program at Sylmar Charter High School where students don’t just choose the theme and set up decorations: They actually \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">grow \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">and arrange the \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">flowers \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">for the big event.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11980715/why-dont-more-bay-area-kids-ride-school-buses\">\u003cstrong>\u003cspan dir=\"auto\">Why Doesn’t California Have More School Buses?\u003c/span>\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">How kids get to and from school is a big part of the school experience for many kids. But if you’ve been looking closely you may have noticed there aren’t as many school buses as there are in other states. Katrina Schwartz, who’s a producer with KQED’s Bay Curious podcast, set out to figure out why that is. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11983949/youth-takeover-parents-and-teachers-just-dont-understand","authors":["236"],"programs":["news_72","news_26731"],"categories":["news_21291"],"tags":["news_5438","news_20004","news_126","news_23013","news_33987"],"featImg":"news_11983951","label":"source_news_11983949"},"news_11983813":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11983813","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11983813","found":true},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"san-jose-adding-hundreds-of-license-plate-readers-amid-privacy-and-efficacy-concerns","title":"San José Adding Hundreds of License Plate Readers Amid Privacy and Efficacy Concerns","publishDate":1714141802,"format":"standard","headTitle":"San José Adding Hundreds of License Plate Readers Amid Privacy and Efficacy Concerns | KQED","labelTerm":{"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>In an effort to address crime, San José is rapidly blanketing the city with hundreds of automated license plate readers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor Matt Mahan helped install the city’s 235th device this week and said San José aims to have 500 up and running by the summer. Leaders say the ALPRs from Atlanta-based Flock Safety are a critical support for investigators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It has already proven an incredible tool for our thinly staffed police department,” Mahan said Tuesday during a press conference in East San José where a new ALPR was being installed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the network of cameras in 2023 alone helped recover $2 million worth of stolen vehicles and led to the arrests of nearly 200 people suspected of crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Acting Police Chief Paul Joseph said the ALPRs have been invaluable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These cameras make a difference by helping to identify and apprehend suspects, curbing criminal activity and providing crime victims with a feeling of closure and justice,” Joseph said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, some privacy advocates and residents say the cameras aren’t actually effective at reducing crime and instead create massive logs about the movements of locals and visitors. They worry about the amount of data police are keeping, the length of time it’s retained, and how it is shared across law enforcement agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Complicated issues like safety deserve really well thought out and focused solutions,” said Nick Hidalgo, a staff attorney for the American Civil Liberties Union of Northern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Installing hundreds of expensive devices that effectively turn San José into a surveillance city is like using a bazooka instead of a fly swatter. It’s expensive, unnecessary, ineffective and does a lot more harm than good.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Flock devices capture not only license plates but also a car’s make and model and other characteristics like customizations or bumper stickers. Flock’s software pings police when a car matching a “hotlist” crosses the path of the cameras, and police can also search the data logs for specific cars and plates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials say the cameras do not have facial recognition features, nor do they photograph inside a car. City officials said they are proud of the data privacy protections San José follows and noted that the data, under state law requirements, is only shared with other California law enforcement agencies and is prohibited from being used for immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Danny Garza, a 65-year resident of East San José’s Plata Arroyo neighborhood, trusted the police to handle the information securely and said he and others have requested cameras be put up in the area for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re asking that these license plate readers help protect layer upon layer of community gains,” Garza said. “All we’re interested in is community safety. We’ve had shootings in the past, and they’ve gotten away. Nobody knows where they went.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though police leaders say the technology is effective and has helped capture people suspected of car theft, rape, and homicide, among other crimes, the department declined to use a specific metric to measure the success of the program over time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984099\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984099\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/San-Jose-License-Plate-Readers-08.jpg\" alt=\"A white middle aged man speaks into microphones wearing a blue suit and a white collared shirt with no tie.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/San-Jose-License-Plate-Readers-08.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/San-Jose-License-Plate-Readers-08-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/San-Jose-License-Plate-Readers-08-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/San-Jose-License-Plate-Readers-08-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/San-Jose-License-Plate-Readers-08-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/San-Jose-License-Plate-Readers-08-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San José Mayor Matt Mahan during a press conference in East San José where a new ALPR was being installed on Tuesday, April 23, 2024. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We like to measure our success in terms of usefulness in our pursuit of public safety by solving and reducing crime,” Sgt. Jorge Garibay, a department spokesperson, told KQED in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Crime trends fluctuate, as do crime types. What most of these have in common is a mode of transportation to and from the scene of crime. When that mode is a vehicle, ALPR success is achieved when a hit has been broadcasted and officers have a tangible lead to follow up on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cameras installed to date — 241 of them as of this writing — are already amassing huge troves of data about the cars driving in San José. The current camera network has detected nearly 3 million unique cars per month, according to the city’s Flock portal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In just an 18-day period in December 2022, the city’s cameras captured nearly 16 million total scans, which can include multiple scans of the same vehicle in different locations, according to police. The total scans will only increase as the city’s arsenal of cameras more than doubles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It casts a net over the entire community, tracking where drivers go and allowing law enforcement to, if they chose, create maps of where drivers work, live, worship, seek medical care, and travel,” said Hidalgo of ACLU Northern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His research into San José’s ALPR program from 2022 showed that more than 99.99% of the plates scanned do not match any hotlists for police. If the car or plate is not implicated in an investigation, the SJPD then keeps every plate scanned for a year before purging it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many law enforcement agencies using similar Flock systems purge license plate data every 30 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hidalgo said it’s not just invasive that police track that much data on people who aren’t suspected of any crimes, but by keeping it for a year, the city puts the data at further risk for misuse or to be inadvertently disclosed in a data breach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joseph, the police chief, said the department keeps the data for one year based on the recommendation of the city attorney’s office, indicating the law requires it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11983106,news_11983119,news_11966615\"]Albert Gehami, San José’s privacy officer, said the city is aware other agencies do not keep similar data for as long as San José does.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When it has nothing to do with an investigation, a year is excessive,” Gehami said of the data. “Police departments up and down, everyone that we speak to, [say] there is no need for that information. It is strictly what our attorney’s office has decided is the current interpretation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City Attorney Nora Frimann said the retention period has been in place for more than a decade, going back to when the police department trialed other license plate reader technology and before the state required cities to have formal ALPR policies in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It just made sense to keep it for a year,” Frimann said. However, she noted the retention time is a policy question that the city council can change if it sees fit. “As a city, we can revisit the time frame,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The extra time San José police choose to keep the data also costs the city more money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José police could not immediately provide total cost estimates for the program but noted that each camera costs the city about $2,500 per year to lease from Flock, along with a $350 one-time fee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Flock’s head of policy and communication, Josh Thomas, said San José pays an extra $300 per camera each year for the longer data retention periods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"The city’s cameras scan millions of license plates per month and helped recover $2 million in stolen vehicles last year. However, privacy advocates say they don’t help reduce crime.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1714093166,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":32,"wordCount":1220},"headData":{"title":"San José Adding Hundreds of License Plate Readers Amid Privacy and Efficacy Concerns | KQED","description":"The city’s cameras scan millions of license plates per month and helped recover $2 million in stolen vehicles last year. However, privacy advocates say they don’t help reduce crime.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"San José Adding Hundreds of License Plate Readers Amid Privacy and Efficacy Concerns","datePublished":"2024-04-26T14:30:02.000Z","dateModified":"2024-04-26T00:59:26.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"sticky":false,"excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11983813/san-jose-adding-hundreds-of-license-plate-readers-amid-privacy-and-efficacy-concerns","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In an effort to address crime, San José is rapidly blanketing the city with hundreds of automated license plate readers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor Matt Mahan helped install the city’s 235th device this week and said San José aims to have 500 up and running by the summer. Leaders say the ALPRs from Atlanta-based Flock Safety are a critical support for investigators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It has already proven an incredible tool for our thinly staffed police department,” Mahan said Tuesday during a press conference in East San José where a new ALPR was being installed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the network of cameras in 2023 alone helped recover $2 million worth of stolen vehicles and led to the arrests of nearly 200 people suspected of crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Acting Police Chief Paul Joseph said the ALPRs have been invaluable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These cameras make a difference by helping to identify and apprehend suspects, curbing criminal activity and providing crime victims with a feeling of closure and justice,” Joseph said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, some privacy advocates and residents say the cameras aren’t actually effective at reducing crime and instead create massive logs about the movements of locals and visitors. They worry about the amount of data police are keeping, the length of time it’s retained, and how it is shared across law enforcement agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Complicated issues like safety deserve really well thought out and focused solutions,” said Nick Hidalgo, a staff attorney for the American Civil Liberties Union of Northern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Installing hundreds of expensive devices that effectively turn San José into a surveillance city is like using a bazooka instead of a fly swatter. It’s expensive, unnecessary, ineffective and does a lot more harm than good.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Flock devices capture not only license plates but also a car’s make and model and other characteristics like customizations or bumper stickers. Flock’s software pings police when a car matching a “hotlist” crosses the path of the cameras, and police can also search the data logs for specific cars and plates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials say the cameras do not have facial recognition features, nor do they photograph inside a car. City officials said they are proud of the data privacy protections San José follows and noted that the data, under state law requirements, is only shared with other California law enforcement agencies and is prohibited from being used for immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Danny Garza, a 65-year resident of East San José’s Plata Arroyo neighborhood, trusted the police to handle the information securely and said he and others have requested cameras be put up in the area for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re asking that these license plate readers help protect layer upon layer of community gains,” Garza said. “All we’re interested in is community safety. We’ve had shootings in the past, and they’ve gotten away. Nobody knows where they went.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though police leaders say the technology is effective and has helped capture people suspected of car theft, rape, and homicide, among other crimes, the department declined to use a specific metric to measure the success of the program over time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984099\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984099\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/San-Jose-License-Plate-Readers-08.jpg\" alt=\"A white middle aged man speaks into microphones wearing a blue suit and a white collared shirt with no tie.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/San-Jose-License-Plate-Readers-08.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/San-Jose-License-Plate-Readers-08-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/San-Jose-License-Plate-Readers-08-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/San-Jose-License-Plate-Readers-08-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/San-Jose-License-Plate-Readers-08-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/San-Jose-License-Plate-Readers-08-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San José Mayor Matt Mahan during a press conference in East San José where a new ALPR was being installed on Tuesday, April 23, 2024. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We like to measure our success in terms of usefulness in our pursuit of public safety by solving and reducing crime,” Sgt. Jorge Garibay, a department spokesperson, told KQED in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Crime trends fluctuate, as do crime types. What most of these have in common is a mode of transportation to and from the scene of crime. When that mode is a vehicle, ALPR success is achieved when a hit has been broadcasted and officers have a tangible lead to follow up on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cameras installed to date — 241 of them as of this writing — are already amassing huge troves of data about the cars driving in San José. The current camera network has detected nearly 3 million unique cars per month, according to the city’s Flock portal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In just an 18-day period in December 2022, the city’s cameras captured nearly 16 million total scans, which can include multiple scans of the same vehicle in different locations, according to police. The total scans will only increase as the city’s arsenal of cameras more than doubles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It casts a net over the entire community, tracking where drivers go and allowing law enforcement to, if they chose, create maps of where drivers work, live, worship, seek medical care, and travel,” said Hidalgo of ACLU Northern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His research into San José’s ALPR program from 2022 showed that more than 99.99% of the plates scanned do not match any hotlists for police. If the car or plate is not implicated in an investigation, the SJPD then keeps every plate scanned for a year before purging it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many law enforcement agencies using similar Flock systems purge license plate data every 30 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hidalgo said it’s not just invasive that police track that much data on people who aren’t suspected of any crimes, but by keeping it for a year, the city puts the data at further risk for misuse or to be inadvertently disclosed in a data breach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joseph, the police chief, said the department keeps the data for one year based on the recommendation of the city attorney’s office, indicating the law requires it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"label":"Related Stories ","postid":"news_11983106,news_11983119,news_11966615"},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Albert Gehami, San José’s privacy officer, said the city is aware other agencies do not keep similar data for as long as San José does.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When it has nothing to do with an investigation, a year is excessive,” Gehami said of the data. “Police departments up and down, everyone that we speak to, [say] there is no need for that information. It is strictly what our attorney’s office has decided is the current interpretation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City Attorney Nora Frimann said the retention period has been in place for more than a decade, going back to when the police department trialed other license plate reader technology and before the state required cities to have formal ALPR policies in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It just made sense to keep it for a year,” Frimann said. However, she noted the retention time is a policy question that the city council can change if it sees fit. “As a city, we can revisit the time frame,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The extra time San José police choose to keep the data also costs the city more money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José police could not immediately provide total cost estimates for the program but noted that each camera costs the city about $2,500 per year to lease from Flock, along with a $350 one-time fee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Flock’s head of policy and communication, Josh Thomas, said San José pays an extra $300 per camera each year for the longer data retention periods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11983813/san-jose-adding-hundreds-of-license-plate-readers-amid-privacy-and-efficacy-concerns","authors":["11906"],"categories":["news_31795","news_8"],"tags":["news_18538","news_27626","news_16","news_4287","news_31197","news_18541","news_667"],"featImg":"news_11984097","label":"news"},"news_11984016":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11984016","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11984016","found":true},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"judge-rules-california-split-lot-housing-law-unconstitutional","title":"California Law Letting Property Owners Split Lots to Build New Homes Is 'Unconstitutional,' Judge Rules","publishDate":1714079477,"format":"standard","headTitle":"California Law Letting Property Owners Split Lots to Build New Homes Is ‘Unconstitutional,’ Judge Rules | KQED","labelTerm":{"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11860308/why-just-allowing-fourplexes-wont-solve-californias-housing-affordability-crisis\">controversial 2021 law\u003c/a> that allows property owners in California to split their lots and build up to two new homes is unconstitutional, a Los Angeles Superior Court judge ruled this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/20240422-Los-Angeles-Superior-Court-Judge-ruling-on-SB-9.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The ruling\u003c/a> striking down \u003ca href=\"https://focus.senate.ca.gov/sb9\">Senate Bill 9\u003c/a> only applies to the five Southern California charter cities that were parties to the case: Redondo Beach, Whittier, Carson, Del Mar and Torrance. However, if the case is appealed, the appellate court’s ruling will apply to \u003ca href=\"https://www.cacities.org/UploadedFiles/LeagueInternet/6b/6bbb4ee3-88f9-4d8f-93ad-0075a7b486c4.pdf\">charter cities\u003c/a> statewide, including San Francisco, Oakland and San José.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision, issued on Monday, is a blow to key state leaders, who \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2021/09/16/governor-newsom-signs-historic-legislation-to-boost-californias-housing-supply-and-fight-the-housing-crisis/\">hailed the law\u003c/a> as a way to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11840548/the-racist-history-of-single-family-home-zoning\">open single-family neighborhoods\u003c/a> to desperately needed housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it’s an endorsement of an opposing idea: that suburban neighborhoods should be reserved for single-family homes, said Chris Elmendorf, a law professor at UC Davis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s an indication of unease or discomfort with housing laws that are trying to transform single-family-home neighborhoods,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for state Attorney General Rob Bonta, the named defendant in the case, said his office is reviewing the case and would “consider all options in defense of SB 9.” The office of Gov. Gavin Newsom, a supporter of the law, did not respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pam Lee, an attorney with Aleshire & Wynder, who represented the plaintiffs in the case, said the ruling came as a surprise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We knew that the stakes were high, but we also knew that it was an uphill battle,” Lee said. “So many of the [housing] laws that have been challenged — in particular, cases against charter cities — have just not been met with a favorable fate.”[aside label=\"more housing coverage\" tag=\"affordable-housing\"]Charter cities have special privileges under the state Constitution, Lee said, including the right to enact their own laws. When the state Legislature wants its laws to apply to those charter cities, Lee said lawmakers have to demonstrate the law addresses a statewide concern.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his decision, Judge Curtis Kin said the Legislature didn’t do that in this case. Specifically, SB 9 says its purpose is to “ensure access to affordable housing.” Lee and her colleagues argued that “affordable housing” means something very specific: below-market-rate, deed-restricted housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the law doesn’t specifically require property owners to develop that kind of housing, the law is unconstitutional, Kin ruled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elmendorf called that interpretation “kind of silly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By allowing property owners to split their lots and build up to two homes on each new one, the law promotes the construction of homes that are smaller and therefore relatively more affordable, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Legislature is not a house full of idiots,” Elmendorf said, adding the law itself clearly states the Legislature’s intent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, state Sen. Toni Atkins (D-San Diego), who authored SB 9, called the judge’s ruling “sadly misguided” and vowed to “remedy any loopholes biased city governments might utilize” to block new housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The assertion by NIMBY city governments that SB 9 is only about subsidized housing is a stretch at best,” said Atkins, who recently stepped down as Senate President Pro Tempore. “The goal of SB 9 has always been to increase equity and accessibility in our neighborhoods while growing our housing supply and production across the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since it went into effect in 2022, however, the law has produced little in the way of new lots or housing. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11980785/these-california-companies-want-to-buy-your-backyard-and-build-a-house\">KQED survey\u003c/a> of 16 cities of varying sizes found that between 2022 and 2023, the cities collectively approved 75 lot-split applications and 112 applications for new units under the law. That’s compared to more than 8,800 accessory dwelling units, or in-law apartments, the cities permitted during the same time frame.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Developers have generally supported the bill but have criticized anti-speculation provisions in the law that require a property owner requesting a lot split to agree to live in the house for at least three years. They have also argued that fees and other barriers cities have imposed have prevented the law from working as intended.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Atkins authored a second bill, SB 450, to address some of those issues, but it is currently on hold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elmendorf said the Legislature’s unwillingness to address those issues demonstrates a certain unease with the law’s intent to open single-family neighborhoods to more housing — even among lawmakers who voted to approve it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That unease is reflected in SB 9 itself,” he said. “SB 9 is written with loopholes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state could easily fix those loopholes, Elmendorf said, just as it can easily remedy the error Kin identified in his ruling. How swiftly it does so will demonstrate how serious lawmakers are about dismantling barriers to housing in single-family neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s worth watching the legislative response to this case,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Doing so will better answer the question underlying SB 9, Elmendorf added. “Do we really want these traditional single-family home neighborhoods to be transformed into something that’s a little bit different?”\u003c/p>\n\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"A Los Angeles Superior Court judge this week struck down SB 9, a 2021 California law allowing property owners to split their lots and build up to two new homes.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1714153584,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":25,"wordCount":896},"headData":{"title":"California Law Letting Property Owners Split Lots to Build New Homes Is 'Unconstitutional,' Judge Rules | KQED","description":"A Los Angeles Superior Court judge this week struck down SB 9, a 2021 California law allowing property owners to split their lots and build up to two new homes.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"California Law Letting Property Owners Split Lots to Build New Homes Is 'Unconstitutional,' Judge Rules","datePublished":"2024-04-25T21:11:17.000Z","dateModified":"2024-04-26T17:46:24.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"sticky":false,"excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11984016/judge-rules-california-split-lot-housing-law-unconstitutional","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11860308/why-just-allowing-fourplexes-wont-solve-californias-housing-affordability-crisis\">controversial 2021 law\u003c/a> that allows property owners in California to split their lots and build up to two new homes is unconstitutional, a Los Angeles Superior Court judge ruled this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/20240422-Los-Angeles-Superior-Court-Judge-ruling-on-SB-9.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The ruling\u003c/a> striking down \u003ca href=\"https://focus.senate.ca.gov/sb9\">Senate Bill 9\u003c/a> only applies to the five Southern California charter cities that were parties to the case: Redondo Beach, Whittier, Carson, Del Mar and Torrance. However, if the case is appealed, the appellate court’s ruling will apply to \u003ca href=\"https://www.cacities.org/UploadedFiles/LeagueInternet/6b/6bbb4ee3-88f9-4d8f-93ad-0075a7b486c4.pdf\">charter cities\u003c/a> statewide, including San Francisco, Oakland and San José.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision, issued on Monday, is a blow to key state leaders, who \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2021/09/16/governor-newsom-signs-historic-legislation-to-boost-californias-housing-supply-and-fight-the-housing-crisis/\">hailed the law\u003c/a> as a way to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11840548/the-racist-history-of-single-family-home-zoning\">open single-family neighborhoods\u003c/a> to desperately needed housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it’s an endorsement of an opposing idea: that suburban neighborhoods should be reserved for single-family homes, said Chris Elmendorf, a law professor at UC Davis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s an indication of unease or discomfort with housing laws that are trying to transform single-family-home neighborhoods,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for state Attorney General Rob Bonta, the named defendant in the case, said his office is reviewing the case and would “consider all options in defense of SB 9.” The office of Gov. Gavin Newsom, a supporter of the law, did not respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pam Lee, an attorney with Aleshire & Wynder, who represented the plaintiffs in the case, said the ruling came as a surprise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We knew that the stakes were high, but we also knew that it was an uphill battle,” Lee said. “So many of the [housing] laws that have been challenged — in particular, cases against charter cities — have just not been met with a favorable fate.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"label":"more housing coverage ","tag":"affordable-housing"},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Charter cities have special privileges under the state Constitution, Lee said, including the right to enact their own laws. When the state Legislature wants its laws to apply to those charter cities, Lee said lawmakers have to demonstrate the law addresses a statewide concern.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his decision, Judge Curtis Kin said the Legislature didn’t do that in this case. Specifically, SB 9 says its purpose is to “ensure access to affordable housing.” Lee and her colleagues argued that “affordable housing” means something very specific: below-market-rate, deed-restricted housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the law doesn’t specifically require property owners to develop that kind of housing, the law is unconstitutional, Kin ruled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elmendorf called that interpretation “kind of silly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By allowing property owners to split their lots and build up to two homes on each new one, the law promotes the construction of homes that are smaller and therefore relatively more affordable, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Legislature is not a house full of idiots,” Elmendorf said, adding the law itself clearly states the Legislature’s intent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, state Sen. Toni Atkins (D-San Diego), who authored SB 9, called the judge’s ruling “sadly misguided” and vowed to “remedy any loopholes biased city governments might utilize” to block new housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The assertion by NIMBY city governments that SB 9 is only about subsidized housing is a stretch at best,” said Atkins, who recently stepped down as Senate President Pro Tempore. “The goal of SB 9 has always been to increase equity and accessibility in our neighborhoods while growing our housing supply and production across the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since it went into effect in 2022, however, the law has produced little in the way of new lots or housing. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11980785/these-california-companies-want-to-buy-your-backyard-and-build-a-house\">KQED survey\u003c/a> of 16 cities of varying sizes found that between 2022 and 2023, the cities collectively approved 75 lot-split applications and 112 applications for new units under the law. That’s compared to more than 8,800 accessory dwelling units, or in-law apartments, the cities permitted during the same time frame.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Developers have generally supported the bill but have criticized anti-speculation provisions in the law that require a property owner requesting a lot split to agree to live in the house for at least three years. They have also argued that fees and other barriers cities have imposed have prevented the law from working as intended.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Atkins authored a second bill, SB 450, to address some of those issues, but it is currently on hold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elmendorf said the Legislature’s unwillingness to address those issues demonstrates a certain unease with the law’s intent to open single-family neighborhoods to more housing — even among lawmakers who voted to approve it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That unease is reflected in SB 9 itself,” he said. “SB 9 is written with loopholes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state could easily fix those loopholes, Elmendorf said, just as it can easily remedy the error Kin identified in his ruling. How swiftly it does so will demonstrate how serious lawmakers are about dismantling barriers to housing in single-family neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s worth watching the legislative response to this case,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Doing so will better answer the question underlying SB 9, Elmendorf added. “Do we really want these traditional single-family home neighborhoods to be transformed into something that’s a little bit different?”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11984016/judge-rules-california-split-lot-housing-law-unconstitutional","authors":["11652"],"categories":["news_8"],"tags":["news_3921","news_24805","news_1775","news_22804"],"featImg":"news_11984069","label":"news"},"forum_2010101905535":{"type":"posts","id":"forum_2010101905535","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"forum","id":"2010101905535","found":true},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"violence-escalates-in-sudan-as-civil-war-enters-second-year","title":"Violence Escalates in Sudan as Civil War Enters Second Year","publishDate":1714170385,"format":"audio","headTitle":"Violence Escalates in Sudan as Civil War Enters Second Year | KQED","labelTerm":{"site":"forum"},"content":"\u003cp>The United Nations on Friday warned of a “dramatic escalation of tensions” among warring parties near El Fasher, North Darfur. The area is already on the brink of famine, according to the UN, and an attack on the city could have devastating consequences for civilians. The crisis in El Fasher comes as Sudan’s calamitous war between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the paramilitary group Rapid Support Forces enters its second year. The war has left more than 15,000 people dead and more than 8 million displaced, according to relief agencies. We look at conditions on the ground, the forces that are driving the conflict and how the global community is responding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"We look at conditions on the ground, the forces that are driving the conflict and how the global community is responding.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1714170385,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":3,"wordCount":118},"headData":{"title":"Violence Escalates in Sudan as Civil War Enters Second Year | KQED","description":"We look at conditions on the ground, the forces that are driving the conflict and how the global community is responding.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"Article","headline":"Violence Escalates in Sudan as Civil War Enters Second Year","datePublished":"2024-04-26T22:26:25.000Z","dateModified":"2024-04-26T22:26:25.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}},"airdate":1714410000,"forumGuests":[{"name":"Beverly Ochieng","bio":"senior journalist and Africa analyst, BBC Monitoring"},{"name":"Ali Ali-Dinar","bio":"Sudanese scholar and senior lecturer in the department of Africana Studies, University of Pennsylvania"},{"name":"Amb. Susan Page","bio":"professor of practice in international diplomacy, University of Michigan; former US ambassador to the Republic of South Sudan (2011-2014)"}],"sticky":false,"excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/forum/2010101905535/violence-escalates-in-sudan-as-civil-war-enters-second-year","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The United Nations on Friday warned of a “dramatic escalation of tensions” among warring parties near El Fasher, North Darfur. The area is already on the brink of famine, according to the UN, and an attack on the city could have devastating consequences for civilians. The crisis in El Fasher comes as Sudan’s calamitous war between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the paramilitary group Rapid Support Forces enters its second year. The war has left more than 15,000 people dead and more than 8 million displaced, according to relief agencies. We look at conditions on the ground, the forces that are driving the conflict and how the global community is responding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/forum/2010101905535/violence-escalates-in-sudan-as-civil-war-enters-second-year","authors":["243"],"categories":["forum_165"],"featImg":"forum_2010101905540","label":"forum"},"news_11984189":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11984189","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11984189","found":true},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"sf-emergency-dispatchers-struggle-to-respond-amid-outdated-systems-severe-understaffing","title":"SF Emergency Dispatchers Struggle to Respond Amid Outdated Systems, Severe Understaffing","publishDate":1714168839,"format":"standard","headTitle":"SF Emergency Dispatchers Struggle to Respond Amid Outdated Systems, Severe Understaffing | KQED","labelTerm":{"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>San Francisco emergency dispatchers — already dangerously understaffed and overworked — say that sporadic outages in their aging computer system are making their jobs even harder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under normal circumstances, dispatchers answering 911 calls type the information they get into the Computer Aided Dispatch System. That information goes to the dispatch center’s radio operators and emergency responders via the computers inside city police cars, fire trucks and ambulances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But sometimes, like in the early hours of Thursday morning, the CAD system goes down, usually for hours at a time. When that happens, call-takers switch to handwritten notes, which other workers then run over to dispatchers on the radios, relaying the call information to first responders. All communications are then done over radio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A three- to five-minute call might end up being a five- to eight-minute call,” said Burt Wilson, president of the dispatchers union chapter. “So if you’re the next person, waiting for a dispatcher, calling 911, it could delay response to the calls.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some workers also have to be removed from their current assignments to run those notes back and forth. This could fall on supervisors or trainees, but in some cases, a dispatcher has to be removed from phone duty to run the notes, meaning calls get answered even slower.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So it could work,” Wilson said. “But like I said, it’s just a little bit more tedious for us and a lot more work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilson said he believes there have been three outages in the past week, all lasting more than three hours, though he didn’t personally witness all of them. And this isn’t a new problem. \u003ca href=\"https://abc7news.com/san-francisco-emergency-dispatch-system-office-of-management-outage/1134441/\">News stories\u003c/a> about CAD problems go back to \u003ca href=\"https://abc7news.com/archive/8129222/\">at least 2011.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A system that is ‘end of life’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Department of Emergency Management said the current system is functional but acknowledged it is “end of life” and said a replacement is coming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know outdated infrastructure has limitations, and interruptions are unpredictable, which is why investing in new technology and infrastructure is critical and important,” DEM said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department aims to get the new system fully up and running by late 2026, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://sfgov.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=F&ID=12667002&GUID=59D1ABDD-93AA-4EA8-BA22-891D5F7290D8\">February memo (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, a DEM official told city supervisors the projected completion date was late 2023. It was unclear why the project was delayed three years, though the pandemic likely played a part.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984230\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984230\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/IMG_3701-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/IMG_3701-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/IMG_3701-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/IMG_3701-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/IMG_3701-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/IMG_3701-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/IMG_3701-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/IMG_3701-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">DEM Executive Director Mary Ellen Carroll speaks at a press conference for the reopening of the newly renovated dispatch center with San Francisco Mayor London Breed to her left on Wednesday, April 24, 2024. \u003ccite>(Juan Carlos Lara/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The department has not answered questions about the frequency of outages or the process and timeline for replacing the existing system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Motorola’s new system will cost $22.2 million, with another $22.6 million over 11 years to cover annual maintenance, according to a report from the \u003ca href=\"https://sfgov.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=F&ID=12743296&GUID=3545170E-B577-45EC-BAF6-A70F12FFAC8C\">Budget and Legislative Analyst’s Office (PDF). \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco first bought its current CAD system from Tiburon Inc. in 1999. Starting in 2012, the city contracted with the same company for upgrades and maintenance, with that contract being extended twice. It’s now set to expire in late 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a 2019 report from the \u003ca href=\"https://sfgov.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=F&ID=7813829&GUID=131A840B-1748-4DA5-91D6-529E1E9F2668\">Budget and Legislative Analyst’s Office (PDF)\u003c/a>, DEM chose to contract Tiburon Inc. because upgrading the system would be cheaper than replacing it.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Not meeting standards\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Even without unpredictable outages, city response times are not what they should be. San Francisco strives to answer 95% of incoming 911 calls within 15 seconds, but in \u003ca href=\"https://sfgov.org/scorecards/public-safety/911-call-volume-and-response\">February, dispatchers only managed that in 73% of calls. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve been very open about not meeting those standards for the last probably year or so, but that is all about our staffing,” said Mary Ellen Carroll, executive director of DEM. The city has not met that standard since June of 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carroll spoke in front of the city’s dispatch center on Wednesday to celebrate its newly completed renovation, just one day before the most recent CAD outage. She said the city is working to increase staffing. A soon-to-start academy class, with 14 trainees, is the biggest the department has seen since the start of the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984231\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984231\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/133A1608-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/133A1608-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/133A1608-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/133A1608-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/133A1608-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/133A1608-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/133A1608-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/133A1608-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view of the emergency dispatch center in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Department of Emergency Management)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The city said its goal is 160 to 165 fully trained dispatchers; currently, there are about 124. However, new trainees will need about two years to be fully ready for the job, and some of the current workers may retire or switch jobs in that time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while the department works to get fully staffed, dispatchers are working long days, in many cases involving mandatory overtime, to fill the gaps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Valerie Tucker, who has been a dispatcher for eight years, said she works an average of 14- to 16-hour days, four days a week, and often comes in on days off to help cover for coworkers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s difficult. It’s not sustainable on any kind of long-term basis. And quite honestly, I think we are getting to the end of our rope on it,” Tucker said. “I basically wake up, come to work. I eat three meals a day here, brush my teeth and hygiene myself here occasionally, go home, get in bed, turn around and come back and do it all over again. That’s what my day looks like. That’s what I’ve been doing for pretty much the last two years here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Adjusting to outages\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Dispatchers also aren’t the only city workers who feel hampered by CAD outages. Police access the CAD system from their cruisers and rely on that information as they respond to calls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tracy McCray, president of the San Francisco Police Officers Association, said an outage could present a safety issue for officers who can’t receive information in a timely manner. In some cases, police have even called off pursuits if the system is down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not only tracking the calls for service … but our ability to access other databases like the DOJ database when we run people,” McCray said. “Well, if CAD goes down, we can’t do that. We can’t run people because there’s no access. So we don’t know who we may be dealing with on the street.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11977185,news_11473803,news_10780569\"]An outage would also prevent officers from running a license plate to determine whether a car is stolen, McCray said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McCray said that she thinks the outages have become more frequent since last year but did not provide concrete figures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department said in a statement, “Our dispatchers are trained and equipped to respond to 911 calls in the event of outages and service interruptions, which have not impacted the public’s ability to call 911 or our ability to dispatch emergency services.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilson, the dispatch union leader, agreed that they are very used to adjusting to outages due to their frequency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fire department also has to adjust when outages happen, including having one person monitoring the radio at all times. But SFFD Rescue Capt. Justin Schorr said he doesn’t feel they impact their response times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s going back to how we used to do things before the computers came along and reminding ourselves that we can pass this information from A to B,” Schorr said. “It is so much more accurate to be able to do it on the computers now, but we still need to be able to know how to do it when the computers aren’t there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"The Department of Emergency Management acknowledged that the current dispatch system is 'end of life.' A new system was expected to be in place by 2023, but it has been delayed for three years to late 2026.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1714171697,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":33,"wordCount":1334},"headData":{"title":"SF Emergency Dispatchers Struggle to Respond Amid Outdated Systems, Severe Understaffing | KQED","description":"The Department of Emergency Management acknowledged that the current dispatch system is 'end of life.' A new system was expected to be in place by 2023, but it has been delayed for three years to late 2026.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"SF Emergency Dispatchers Struggle to Respond Amid Outdated Systems, Severe Understaffing","datePublished":"2024-04-26T22:00:39.000Z","dateModified":"2024-04-26T22:48:17.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"sticky":false,"excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11984189/sf-emergency-dispatchers-struggle-to-respond-amid-outdated-systems-severe-understaffing","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco emergency dispatchers — already dangerously understaffed and overworked — say that sporadic outages in their aging computer system are making their jobs even harder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under normal circumstances, dispatchers answering 911 calls type the information they get into the Computer Aided Dispatch System. That information goes to the dispatch center’s radio operators and emergency responders via the computers inside city police cars, fire trucks and ambulances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But sometimes, like in the early hours of Thursday morning, the CAD system goes down, usually for hours at a time. When that happens, call-takers switch to handwritten notes, which other workers then run over to dispatchers on the radios, relaying the call information to first responders. All communications are then done over radio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A three- to five-minute call might end up being a five- to eight-minute call,” said Burt Wilson, president of the dispatchers union chapter. “So if you’re the next person, waiting for a dispatcher, calling 911, it could delay response to the calls.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some workers also have to be removed from their current assignments to run those notes back and forth. This could fall on supervisors or trainees, but in some cases, a dispatcher has to be removed from phone duty to run the notes, meaning calls get answered even slower.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So it could work,” Wilson said. “But like I said, it’s just a little bit more tedious for us and a lot more work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilson said he believes there have been three outages in the past week, all lasting more than three hours, though he didn’t personally witness all of them. And this isn’t a new problem. \u003ca href=\"https://abc7news.com/san-francisco-emergency-dispatch-system-office-of-management-outage/1134441/\">News stories\u003c/a> about CAD problems go back to \u003ca href=\"https://abc7news.com/archive/8129222/\">at least 2011.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A system that is ‘end of life’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Department of Emergency Management said the current system is functional but acknowledged it is “end of life” and said a replacement is coming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know outdated infrastructure has limitations, and interruptions are unpredictable, which is why investing in new technology and infrastructure is critical and important,” DEM said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department aims to get the new system fully up and running by late 2026, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://sfgov.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=F&ID=12667002&GUID=59D1ABDD-93AA-4EA8-BA22-891D5F7290D8\">February memo (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, a DEM official told city supervisors the projected completion date was late 2023. It was unclear why the project was delayed three years, though the pandemic likely played a part.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984230\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984230\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/IMG_3701-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/IMG_3701-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/IMG_3701-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/IMG_3701-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/IMG_3701-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/IMG_3701-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/IMG_3701-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/IMG_3701-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">DEM Executive Director Mary Ellen Carroll speaks at a press conference for the reopening of the newly renovated dispatch center with San Francisco Mayor London Breed to her left on Wednesday, April 24, 2024. \u003ccite>(Juan Carlos Lara/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The department has not answered questions about the frequency of outages or the process and timeline for replacing the existing system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Motorola’s new system will cost $22.2 million, with another $22.6 million over 11 years to cover annual maintenance, according to a report from the \u003ca href=\"https://sfgov.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=F&ID=12743296&GUID=3545170E-B577-45EC-BAF6-A70F12FFAC8C\">Budget and Legislative Analyst’s Office (PDF). \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco first bought its current CAD system from Tiburon Inc. in 1999. Starting in 2012, the city contracted with the same company for upgrades and maintenance, with that contract being extended twice. It’s now set to expire in late 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a 2019 report from the \u003ca href=\"https://sfgov.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=F&ID=7813829&GUID=131A840B-1748-4DA5-91D6-529E1E9F2668\">Budget and Legislative Analyst’s Office (PDF)\u003c/a>, DEM chose to contract Tiburon Inc. because upgrading the system would be cheaper than replacing it.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Not meeting standards\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Even without unpredictable outages, city response times are not what they should be. San Francisco strives to answer 95% of incoming 911 calls within 15 seconds, but in \u003ca href=\"https://sfgov.org/scorecards/public-safety/911-call-volume-and-response\">February, dispatchers only managed that in 73% of calls. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve been very open about not meeting those standards for the last probably year or so, but that is all about our staffing,” said Mary Ellen Carroll, executive director of DEM. The city has not met that standard since June of 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carroll spoke in front of the city’s dispatch center on Wednesday to celebrate its newly completed renovation, just one day before the most recent CAD outage. She said the city is working to increase staffing. A soon-to-start academy class, with 14 trainees, is the biggest the department has seen since the start of the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984231\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984231\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/133A1608-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/133A1608-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/133A1608-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/133A1608-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/133A1608-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/133A1608-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/133A1608-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/133A1608-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view of the emergency dispatch center in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Department of Emergency Management)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The city said its goal is 160 to 165 fully trained dispatchers; currently, there are about 124. However, new trainees will need about two years to be fully ready for the job, and some of the current workers may retire or switch jobs in that time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while the department works to get fully staffed, dispatchers are working long days, in many cases involving mandatory overtime, to fill the gaps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Valerie Tucker, who has been a dispatcher for eight years, said she works an average of 14- to 16-hour days, four days a week, and often comes in on days off to help cover for coworkers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s difficult. It’s not sustainable on any kind of long-term basis. And quite honestly, I think we are getting to the end of our rope on it,” Tucker said. “I basically wake up, come to work. I eat three meals a day here, brush my teeth and hygiene myself here occasionally, go home, get in bed, turn around and come back and do it all over again. That’s what my day looks like. That’s what I’ve been doing for pretty much the last two years here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Adjusting to outages\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Dispatchers also aren’t the only city workers who feel hampered by CAD outages. Police access the CAD system from their cruisers and rely on that information as they respond to calls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tracy McCray, president of the San Francisco Police Officers Association, said an outage could present a safety issue for officers who can’t receive information in a timely manner. In some cases, police have even called off pursuits if the system is down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not only tracking the calls for service … but our ability to access other databases like the DOJ database when we run people,” McCray said. “Well, if CAD goes down, we can’t do that. We can’t run people because there’s no access. So we don’t know who we may be dealing with on the street.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"label":"Related Stories ","postid":"news_11977185,news_11473803,news_10780569"},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>An outage would also prevent officers from running a license plate to determine whether a car is stolen, McCray said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McCray said that she thinks the outages have become more frequent since last year but did not provide concrete figures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department said in a statement, “Our dispatchers are trained and equipped to respond to 911 calls in the event of outages and service interruptions, which have not impacted the public’s ability to call 911 or our ability to dispatch emergency services.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilson, the dispatch union leader, agreed that they are very used to adjusting to outages due to their frequency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fire department also has to adjust when outages happen, including having one person monitoring the radio at all times. But SFFD Rescue Capt. Justin Schorr said he doesn’t feel they impact their response times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s going back to how we used to do things before the computers came along and reminding ourselves that we can pass this information from A to B,” Schorr said. “It is so much more accurate to be able to do it on the computers now, but we still need to be able to know how to do it when the computers aren’t there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11984189/sf-emergency-dispatchers-struggle-to-respond-amid-outdated-systems-severe-understaffing","authors":["11761"],"categories":["news_8"],"tags":["news_33988","news_29376","news_27626","news_4229","news_116","news_38"],"featImg":"news_11984228","label":"news"},"news_11984246":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11984246","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11984246","found":true},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"less-than-1-of-santa-clara-county-contracts-go-to-black-and-latino-businesses-study-shows","title":"Less Than 1% of Santa Clara County Contracts Go to Black and Latino Businesses, Study Shows","publishDate":1714219233,"format":"standard","headTitle":"Less Than 1% of Santa Clara County Contracts Go to Black and Latino Businesses, Study Shows | KQED","labelTerm":{"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>If you had asked Walter Wilson to tell you whether Santa Clara County does a good job of spreading its many lucrative contracts out to a diverse set of businesses, he’d have given you a short and simple answer: No.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a huge crisis,” Wilson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilson, a co-founder of the Minority Business Consortium and longtime civil rights advocate, said he’s been pushing the county to diversify its contracting base for more than a decade, even taking on an analysis of their procurement strategies in the past to help highlight the problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, \u003ca href=\"https://countyofsantaclaradisparitystudy.com/\">a recently completed study,\u003c/a> more than two years in the making, shows what Wilson said he and many others already knew: Santa Clara County only awards a small sliver of its contracts to businesses owned by people of diverse backgrounds and women.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $500,000 study, by consultant MGT, examined $2.4 billion worth of contracts the county awarded from July 2016 through June 2021 in various industries, such as construction, information technology, laundry, landscaping and equipment purchases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just over 15% of those contracts went to what the county calls diverse business enterprises, which are firms owned and controlled by Black people/African Americans, Asian Americans, Hispanic Americans, Native Americans or nonminority women, the study showed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The overwhelming majority of contracts — roughly 85% and worth about $2 billion — went to firms owned by nonminority men or to firms MGT could not confirm as being a diverse business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This racism is so obvious, it’s just sickening, really,” said Wilson, who identifies as African/African Ancestry. “At the end of the day, this is systemic racism.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the study period, the county spent about $365 million with diverse businesses, though the largest chunk, about $172 million, accounting for about 7% of the contracts, went to Asian American-owned businesses. Nonminority women-owned businesses took in about $168 million, just under 7% of contracts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hispanic American-owned firms, meanwhile, took in nearly $16 million, and African American-owned firms collected nearly $7 million, together accounting for only 0.93% of the contracts. Native American-owned firms received just over $3 million, or just 0.13% of contracts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study report indicated the county could have nearly doubled its spending with those various categories of businesses, noting there was 28% availability overall of diverse businesses willing and able to do the work the county contracted for in that period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>James Williams, the county’s CEO, said at a recent board meeting where the study results were being presented that the study was long overdue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s to no one’s surprise that there’s very, very significant disparities in our contracting relative to the availability of minority and disadvantaged businesses in our community,” Williams said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williams and other leaders said this is the first time the county has studied its contracting for disparities, and though there are some severe limitations on the data — including the exclusion of any COVID-19-related expenditures — the county needed a baseline of information to begin addressing the issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Susan Ellenberg, president of the county Board of Supervisors, said she doesn’t feel the county ever intended to be exclusionary in its contracting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But I think that’s a very common justification, for many examples beyond the county, of unintended consequences being so ingrained into the system that at some point you have to say, ‘Is it really unintended, or was it actively not prevented?’,” Ellenberg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have not sufficiently actively prevented that kind of disparity, and I think it’s our obligation to do significantly better,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Otto Lee said the report was upsetting to read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This underutilization of diverse business entities is disappointing, especially in light of the fact that our county has this constant refrain of how progressive we are, how we support our diverse communities,” Lee said. “This report shows that we are clearly not putting the money where our mouth is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study’s authors also said the current county systems and software could “preclude both staff and vendors from participating in a transformative procurement culture” and noted that the county does not collect demographic data on its vendors or subcontractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And though the study said the county does well in outreach and has well-attended informational events, it hasn’t translated into more equity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While we can document many, many outreach efforts over decades to more deeply engage our minority business community, if the impact has not been more contracts, then to some extent, our outreach efforts are, I don’t want to call them meaningless, but are not significant,” Ellenberg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county plans to take several steps to address the inequities, including updating its procurement systems to collect vendor demographic data and creating a one-stop online dashboard for contracts and procurements, which would show a forecast of upcoming bid opportunities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county wants to strengthen its outreach strategy “to municipal and ethnic chambers of commerce and local business advocacy organizations” and develop a small and local business enterprise program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11983323,news_11958124,news_11983231\"]Officials said programs encouraging more small business participation in contracting would help support greater diversity without running afoul of Proposition 209, California’s ban on affirmative action, which prohibits quotas or preference in contracts based on race, gender or ethnicity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The United States Small Business Administration Office of Advocacy estimated that in 2022, racial minorities owned 27.3% of all small businesses in California, the report said, and that women owned 43.1% of small businesses in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county administration plans to bring specific policy recommendations to the Board of Supervisors’ Finance and Government Operations Committee for discussion in August, officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Sylvia Arenas said she hopes to see quick action to address the disparities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This has been going on for a really long time. So either we do something about it now, or we’re going to study this away, and our small businesses are going to continue to disappear,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilson said he hopes to see aggressive action from the board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There has got to be an earnest, honest effort to really address this, and it’s got to happen immediately,” Wilson said. “Now that the facts are known, there are no more excuses, none.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"A new study shows Santa Clara County awards only a small percentage of its contracts to businesses owned by people from diverse backgrounds.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1714238338,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":33,"wordCount":1104},"headData":{"title":"Less Than 1% of Santa Clara County Contracts Go to Black and Latino Businesses, Study Shows | KQED","description":"A new study shows Santa Clara County awards only a small percentage of its contracts to businesses owned by people from diverse backgrounds.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Less Than 1% of Santa Clara County Contracts Go to Black and Latino Businesses, Study Shows","datePublished":"2024-04-27T12:00:33.000Z","dateModified":"2024-04-27T17:18:58.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"sticky":false,"excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11984246/less-than-1-of-santa-clara-county-contracts-go-to-black-and-latino-businesses-study-shows","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>If you had asked Walter Wilson to tell you whether Santa Clara County does a good job of spreading its many lucrative contracts out to a diverse set of businesses, he’d have given you a short and simple answer: No.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a huge crisis,” Wilson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilson, a co-founder of the Minority Business Consortium and longtime civil rights advocate, said he’s been pushing the county to diversify its contracting base for more than a decade, even taking on an analysis of their procurement strategies in the past to help highlight the problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, \u003ca href=\"https://countyofsantaclaradisparitystudy.com/\">a recently completed study,\u003c/a> more than two years in the making, shows what Wilson said he and many others already knew: Santa Clara County only awards a small sliver of its contracts to businesses owned by people of diverse backgrounds and women.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $500,000 study, by consultant MGT, examined $2.4 billion worth of contracts the county awarded from July 2016 through June 2021 in various industries, such as construction, information technology, laundry, landscaping and equipment purchases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just over 15% of those contracts went to what the county calls diverse business enterprises, which are firms owned and controlled by Black people/African Americans, Asian Americans, Hispanic Americans, Native Americans or nonminority women, the study showed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The overwhelming majority of contracts — roughly 85% and worth about $2 billion — went to firms owned by nonminority men or to firms MGT could not confirm as being a diverse business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This racism is so obvious, it’s just sickening, really,” said Wilson, who identifies as African/African Ancestry. “At the end of the day, this is systemic racism.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the study period, the county spent about $365 million with diverse businesses, though the largest chunk, about $172 million, accounting for about 7% of the contracts, went to Asian American-owned businesses. Nonminority women-owned businesses took in about $168 million, just under 7% of contracts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hispanic American-owned firms, meanwhile, took in nearly $16 million, and African American-owned firms collected nearly $7 million, together accounting for only 0.93% of the contracts. Native American-owned firms received just over $3 million, or just 0.13% of contracts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study report indicated the county could have nearly doubled its spending with those various categories of businesses, noting there was 28% availability overall of diverse businesses willing and able to do the work the county contracted for in that period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>James Williams, the county’s CEO, said at a recent board meeting where the study results were being presented that the study was long overdue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s to no one’s surprise that there’s very, very significant disparities in our contracting relative to the availability of minority and disadvantaged businesses in our community,” Williams said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williams and other leaders said this is the first time the county has studied its contracting for disparities, and though there are some severe limitations on the data — including the exclusion of any COVID-19-related expenditures — the county needed a baseline of information to begin addressing the issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Susan Ellenberg, president of the county Board of Supervisors, said she doesn’t feel the county ever intended to be exclusionary in its contracting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But I think that’s a very common justification, for many examples beyond the county, of unintended consequences being so ingrained into the system that at some point you have to say, ‘Is it really unintended, or was it actively not prevented?’,” Ellenberg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have not sufficiently actively prevented that kind of disparity, and I think it’s our obligation to do significantly better,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Otto Lee said the report was upsetting to read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This underutilization of diverse business entities is disappointing, especially in light of the fact that our county has this constant refrain of how progressive we are, how we support our diverse communities,” Lee said. “This report shows that we are clearly not putting the money where our mouth is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study’s authors also said the current county systems and software could “preclude both staff and vendors from participating in a transformative procurement culture” and noted that the county does not collect demographic data on its vendors or subcontractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And though the study said the county does well in outreach and has well-attended informational events, it hasn’t translated into more equity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While we can document many, many outreach efforts over decades to more deeply engage our minority business community, if the impact has not been more contracts, then to some extent, our outreach efforts are, I don’t want to call them meaningless, but are not significant,” Ellenberg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county plans to take several steps to address the inequities, including updating its procurement systems to collect vendor demographic data and creating a one-stop online dashboard for contracts and procurements, which would show a forecast of upcoming bid opportunities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county wants to strengthen its outreach strategy “to municipal and ethnic chambers of commerce and local business advocacy organizations” and develop a small and local business enterprise program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"label":"Related Stories ","postid":"news_11983323,news_11958124,news_11983231"},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Officials said programs encouraging more small business participation in contracting would help support greater diversity without running afoul of Proposition 209, California’s ban on affirmative action, which prohibits quotas or preference in contracts based on race, gender or ethnicity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The United States Small Business Administration Office of Advocacy estimated that in 2022, racial minorities owned 27.3% of all small businesses in California, the report said, and that women owned 43.1% of small businesses in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county administration plans to bring specific policy recommendations to the Board of Supervisors’ Finance and Government Operations Committee for discussion in August, officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Sylvia Arenas said she hopes to see quick action to address the disparities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This has been going on for a really long time. So either we do something about it now, or we’re going to study this away, and our small businesses are going to continue to disappear,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilson said he hopes to see aggressive action from the board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There has got to be an earnest, honest effort to really address this, and it’s got to happen immediately,” Wilson said. “Now that the facts are known, there are no more excuses, none.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11984246/less-than-1-of-santa-clara-county-contracts-go-to-black-and-latino-businesses-study-shows","authors":["11906"],"categories":["news_8"],"tags":["news_32395","news_17687","news_18545","news_27626","news_18188","news_27734"],"featImg":"news_11984250","label":"news"},"news_11907727":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11907727","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11907727","found":true},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"reknitting-the-safety-net-help-pay-the-rent","title":"Reknitting the Safety Net: Help Pay the Rent","publishDate":1647273249,"format":"audio","headTitle":"Reknitting the Safety Net: Help Pay the Rent | KQED","labelTerm":{},"content":"\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Falling behind on rent is the primary reason that people are evicted. So how do you keep people from falling behind in the first place? Help them pay their rent. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In this final episode of the season, we’ll look at the promise, the problems and the history of Section 8, as well as the push for guaranteed income.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch5 id=\"embed-code\" class=\"inconsolata\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC1525875908&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/h5>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>THE RENT EATS FIRST [TRANSCRIPT]\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN BALDASSARI, HOST\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Kemanie and his wife were like a lot of young couples just starting out. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It was the early 2000s. He had recently started his career as a carpenter. She was a teacher. They were both in their mid-20s.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But even with two incomes, they could barely make ends meet. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We were living in a, like, a small, tiny little one-bedroom apartment with roaches, like basically a little small ghetto.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Then their son was born. His wife stopped working to take care of him. And their budget got even tighter. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And things was hard, but we started falling behind on rent.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">How far behind were you on rent at that time?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> I was $4,000 behind on rent at the time.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY SOLOMON, HOST\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> They were living where they both grew up in Marin County, just across the Golden Gate Bridge from San Francisco.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">At that point in time there was no way for us to survive in Marin County.\u003c/span>\u003cb> \u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It didn’t help that it’s one of the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.california.com/the-most-expensive-counties-in-the-us/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">wealthiest counties in the country\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. Or that their landlord was planning on selling the apartment they were renting.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They couldn’t figure out how they were going to pay the back rent and still have money for a deposit to move somewhere new.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We would have been homeless\u003c/span>. You know, it would have been really bad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> They thought about moving in with one of their parents or leaving Marin County altogether. Then, they got some good news. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So we got it, we were out doing something — running an errand — and on the way back, my wife got the email.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music in)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> They got what some have called a “golden ticket” — a Section 8 housing voucher.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Section 8 is a federal program that helps low-income people afford rent on the private market.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Kemanie and his wife had put in their application nearly \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">a decade\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> ago. And they’d been stuck on a waiting list that never seemed to budge. When they finally got the news, it was like winning the lottery. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We both looked at each other. And was, like, yes. I mean, it was like perfect timing.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> It was a huge opportunity for them. With Section 8, they would only have to pay 30% of their income towards rent. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>KEMANIE\u003c/strong>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It was an epiphany for us because it was like, life can go on now, like we — there’s a path forward. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> They wouldn’t fall behind on bills. And they’d have a chance to catch up. They’d have some room to breathe. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">: So, they started looking for a new place to live. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music out)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And we searched and searched and searched, and went and visited and talked to people, and knowing that we had the housing voucher, we thought it was going to be easier because it was a guarantee. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">: A guarantee because most of the rent money comes from the federal government. It’s usually deposited straight into the landlord’s bank account.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And we found out that it was more of a hindrance than anything. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">(Sold Out theme song begins.)\u003c/span>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>: It’s what most Section 8 tenants discover — the voucher is not only hard to get, it’s hard to use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> These problems aren’t new. And neither is Section 8. But over the past half century, it’s become the No. 1 way we subsidize rent in this country.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As rents climb higher, advocates say we need to fix the problems with Section 8 and expand it. To make it work for more people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I’m Molly Solomon.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> And I’m Erin Baldassari. From KQED, this is Sold Out: Rethinking Housing in America. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, the final chapter in our series on evictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How to keep people from getting evicted? Help pay the rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">(Sold Out theme song ends.)\u003c/span>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11908148\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11908148\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54286_009_KQED_Kemanie_03112022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54286_009_KQED_Kemanie_03112022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54286_009_KQED_Kemanie_03112022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54286_009_KQED_Kemanie_03112022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54286_009_KQED_Kemanie_03112022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54286_009_KQED_Kemanie_03112022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Kemanie holds the keys to his Novato home. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cdiv class=\"mceTemp\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Kemanie and his wife have had a housing voucher for nearly two decades now. And anytime they’ve had to move, it’s always the same thing. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">They apply to dozens of places, visit a ton of apartments and get the same answers.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And every single time it was like, no, nope, no, no.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> It didn’t seem to matter that they had good references from past landlords, even letters from neighbors. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As soon as Section 8 comes up, you see like a glaze go over their eyes like, OK, I got to deal with this conversation and move on to the next person.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music in)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Some landlords told them point-blank they wouldn’t accept Section 8, even though that’s illegal in California and a handful of other states. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Those laws are hard to enforce, though. And landlords find all sorts of ways of getting around them — like requiring a credit score of 700 or above.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You know, it was kind of, smile in our face, “Oh, yeah, but your credit score is low.” But the bottom line is most people are on Section 8 because they’re having issues financially and their credit is not very good.\u003c/span>\u003cb> \u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Or, landlords would ask them to have an income that’s at least three times the rent.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It’s like, if I make three times the monthly amount, I’m buying my own place. P\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">eriod, that’s it.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Other times there was an online application, but no box to check to say they had Section 8. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Right? And you don’t even get to talk to anybody or even see anybody or state your case. And it doesn’t say you have Section 8 on the app, so you can’t fill that out. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Usually, though, they just never heard back. There was no explanation at all.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music out)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> So, Kemanie and his wife tried harder. They wrote cover letters. And organized all their references and documentation into nice, neat little folders.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We would put a little picture, a nice little cute picture of our Black family for people to accept and like and maybe, you know, feel sorry for us.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> It was frustrating and stressful. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">To Kemanie, it felt racist.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And it really felt like redlining. Is, that’s how I felt about it, because they’re just like, no, you know.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Racial discrimination can be hard to prove, but a recent audit found it’s a pervasive problem.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The Fair Housing Advocates of Northern California conducted paired tests of white and Black renters. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And found that \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.scribd.com/document/398920895/raceaudit2016-17?secret_password=A5Sg4qdij47q2erNlj3X#fullscreen&from_embed\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">nearly 70% of the time\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, landlords in the county where Kemanie lives refused to rent to Black tenants, or used more subtle behaviors, like leaving someone on hold for hours, never calling back or steering Black applicants away from certain neighborhoods. \u003ca href=\"https://www.scribd.com/document/504967414/no-and-soi-audit-2019-20-report?secret_password=wY0jrrhNpcBCBhEVm0zi#download&from_embed\">More than half the time\u003c/a>, landlords did the same for voucher holders.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> To Kemanie, this was not news. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">He and his wife had lived their whole lives in Marin County — a community where more than 70% of the residents are white, and where the average household makes over $115,000 a year. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music in)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> It’s hard to explain it to other people. We’re Black in America. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Every day, especially also for me, being a Black man and being very intimidating to a lot of people. Every single day, when I meet somebody, I got to put a smile on my face to like, look, I’m not threatening.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Holding a Section 8 voucher in his hands worsens the daily strain of trying to find acceptance. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> And it felt like that times 10, because this time we’re looking for everyone’s approval and it’s — we’re trying to dress us up as the best we can to get accepted by people that we know maybe aren’t racist, but just aren’t as inclined to want us to be there. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That was very, very, very hard. And that was, I think, probably the most defeating part of the whole thing for us.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music out)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>MOLLY\u003c/strong>: This discrimination is why we aren’t using Kemanie’s full name. Or his wife’s name.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The experience of looking for a place to live has been so traumatic, they’re afraid to do anything that might hurt their chances of finding a home the next time they have to start looking. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Their struggles with Section 8 highlight two of the program’s biggest failures.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Only \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/publication/94146/trends-in-housing-problems-and-federal-housing-assistance.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">1 in 5\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> who qualify for rental assistance actually receives it. Meaning most people are stuck on waitlists for years — \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cbpp.org/research/housing/long-waitlists-for-housing-vouchers-show-pressing-unmet-need-for-assistance\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">even decades\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And when people do get off those waitlists, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/publications/pdf/sec8success_1.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">roughly a third\u003c/span>\u003c/a> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">lose \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">their vouchers because they can’t find any landlord willing to take them. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> That’s partly because there’s an unfair stigma around Section 8, even if it isn’t backed up by evidence. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/eva_rosen?lang=en\">Eva Rosen\u003c/a> is an assistant professor at Georgetown University, and she \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://press.princeton.edu/books/hardcover/9780691172569/the-voucher-promise\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">wrote a book on Section 8\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EVA ROSEN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Landlords sometimes don’t want to rent to big families. They often worry that voucher-holders might be more likely to do damage to the home \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">or that they might be noisier tenants. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And again, none of this is really backed up by any kind of data, but the stigma itself is very real.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This unfair stigma is made worse when you add in racism — the kind that Kemanie and his family felt. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Nationally, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/datasets/assthsg.html#2009-2021_query\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">about two-thirds of voucher holders\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> are people of color.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EVA\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> In my research with landlords, they say things like, well, I couldn’t rent to a Black person in this neighborhood because all of my other tenants are white and they would not like that.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I think racism is a big part of the reticence that we see from landlords.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Despite all these barriers, Kemanie and his family \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">were \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">able to find a place to live. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">They’ve been at their current home for three and a half years now. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And in the world of Section 8, it’s kind of a unicorn. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It’s a single-family home on a quiet cul-de-sac in Novato, a wealthy suburb north of San Francisco. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This is literally everything we could ask for. This is — we’re so incredibly happy here right now in the place that we have. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">: It’s got three bedrooms, a two-car garage, and a big, tree-lined backyard.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">There are parks nearby and great schools for their kids. And, they feel safe here. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Safety at school, safety coming home from school, you know, safety on the weekends, playing with their friends, you know, all of that.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Only \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cbpp.org/research/housing/where-families-with-children-use-housing-vouchers\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">14% of voucher holders\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> live in affluent neighborhoods like this. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Kemanie and his wife know just how rare it is. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> It’s like we’re living in a dream that we know are about to wake up from. We know at some point someone’s going to shake us and be like, “Hey, wake up.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> That wake-up call could come in just a few months.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Their landlord told them they’re thinking about selling. And their current lease lasts only until September. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">After that, there are no guarantees.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It’s all up in the air. Everything’s very unsettled for us. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music in)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> When that time comes, they’ll have to find another landlord willing to take them. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">They know from experience it won’t be easy. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">To make the system better for tenants, we need to get more landlords on board. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We’ll tell you how, coming up.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11908149\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11908149\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54283_006_KQED_Kemanie_03112022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54283_006_KQED_Kemanie_03112022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54283_006_KQED_Kemanie_03112022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54283_006_KQED_Kemanie_03112022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54283_006_KQED_Kemanie_03112022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54283_006_KQED_Kemanie_03112022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A ‘Welcome’ sign hangs by the door to the home Kemanie shares with his family in Novato. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music out)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>ERIN\u003c/strong>: When the Pruitt-Igoe public housing development in St. Louis, Missouri, opened in 1954, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1_zFIg8N9Rw\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">it was celebrated\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> as a marvel of modern architecture: 33 towers, each 11 stories tall. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1_zFIg8N9Rw\">\u003cb>\u003cem>COMMERCIAL FOR PRUITT-IGOE HOUSING DEVELOPMENT\u003c/em>\u003c/b>\u003c/a>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> With indoor plumbing, electric lights, fresh-plastered walls and the rest of the conveniences that are expected in the 20th century. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">(Music in)\u003c/span>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> But just a decade later, it was falling apart and had become a symbol of government mismanagement and neglect, drawing national attention for its horrible living conditions. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Take \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=t-cfjqh1sSY&t=23s\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">this newscast\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, from 1968: \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=t-cfjqh1sSY&t=23s\">\u003cb>\u003cem>KMOX NEWS REPORT\u003c/em>\u003c/b>\u003c/a>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">When the temperatures dropped below freezing this week, water lines in several of the Pruitt-Igoe apartment buildings broke and the subsequent flow of water turned into ice. At 2311 Dixon, a sewer line is broken, and now raw sewage bubbles out of the ground like a malevolent spring. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>ERIN\u003c/strong>: On \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.greyscape.com/modernism-was-framed-the-truth-about-pruitt-igoe/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">March 16, 1972\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, the first of its 33 towers was demolished. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Sounds: A building is being demolished; Pruitt-Igoe implodes.)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=738WpY2_JV8\">\u003cb>PRUITT-IGOE IMPLOSION\u003c/b>\u003c/a>\u003c/em>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Not only St. Louis, but the rest of the nation is viewing with great interest the results of this experiment.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">(Music out)\u003c/span>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> President Richard Nixon saw the growing frustration with public housing failures like Pruitt-Igoe. And so he took a turn towards the private market instead. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Two years after that demolition, Nixon introduced Section 8. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Again, here’s Georgetown University professor Eva Rosen.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EVA\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You’re not having to build public housing, you’re not having to maintain or renovate a public housing stock. And so it is this sort of very, in theory, economically efficient tool.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Under Nixon, Section 8 was just a pilot program.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But by the 1990s, the stage was set for it to grow. Public housing had gotten a real bad rap, and that’s when President Bill Clinton really ramped up Section 8.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>PRESIDENT BILL CLINTON\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Today I had the honor of signing the budget for programs to help the homeless to give housing vouchers to empower the poor.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music in)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> His administration changed the name from Section 8 to \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.hud.gov/program_offices/public_indian_housing/phr/about\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Housing Choice Vouchers\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EVA\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And actually in the title, you can very much notice this emphasis on choice.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: Eva says that reflects one of the goals for the program. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hope was that people could use their vouchers to move to more affluent neighborhoods. Neighborhoods with more resources, better schools and more jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>ERIN\u003c/strong>: Public housing had become extremely segregated. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">By 1989, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal//Publications/pdf/HUD-5961.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">nearly 70% of the households \u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">of the residents were people of color. Mostly women-led, Black and Latinx households.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And most of the housing developments were also in segregated and impoverished neighborhoods. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EVA\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And that was causing all kinds of problems. And it was leaving public housing residents with very little choice about where they ended up.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">: \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But Eva says the program hasn’t lived up to its promise of giving voucher holders a real choice of where to live. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And a lot of that comes down to landlords: when \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">they \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">choose to participate, and why.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music out)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EVA\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">When we introduced these private landlords into this system, we sort of just assumed that they would play along, that they would want to participate. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And that tends not always to be the case.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">For \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">some \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">landlords, Section 8 works really well.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Eugene Zinchik and his brother own a real estate and property management company in San Francisco. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And he’s been renting to voucher holders for about six or seven years now.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EUGENE\u003c/b> \u003cstrong>ZINCHIK\u003c/strong>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">There’s more stability in knowing that your rent checks are going to be coming, you know, whatever it is that happens. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">During the pandemic, most of Eugene’s Section 8 tenants stayed put, and their rent checks kept flowing in. But a lot of his tenants who didn’t have vouchers — they left.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Even without the coronavirus, Eugene says voucher holders just stick around longer. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EUGENE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">There’s less turnover for a landlord. If there’s less turnover, there’s no rent that they’re losing.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">: But Eugene says the\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> real \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">benefit\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> to landlords \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/sites/default/files/pdf/Urban-Landlords-HCV-Program.pdf\">depends a lot on where the property is\u003c/a>.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music in)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">He points to a new building he’s managing in San Francisco’s Bayview neighborhood. Even though he hasn’t found a tenant yet, Eugene already knows it’ll be someone on Section 8. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EUGENE\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Part of San Francisco is extremely, extremely expensive. Bayview is still semi-affordable for maybe, still, for a blue-collar family. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>: He says r\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">ents here are about $1,000 lower than in other parts of the city. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But landlords can actually \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://scholar.harvard.edu/files/mdesmond/files/desmondperkins.cc_.2016.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">charge a Section 8 \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">more\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> than they would with someone without a voucher.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That’s because when the government decides how much it’s willing to pay for each voucher, it doesn’t vary the amounts by neighborhood. It sets one standard for the whole city.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So it’s a pretty good deal for landlords in places like Bayview.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EUGENE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So in Bayview, in my experience, the amounts that Section 8 pays are pretty much competitive.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music out)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But landlords in high-rent places could actually \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">lose \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">money. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EUGENE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In at least half the neighborhoods in San Francisco, Section 8 what they pay per unit is just not compatible with the market rent.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>ERIN\u003c/strong>: Eva says those incentives have created an unintended consequence: Most Section 8 tenants are trapped in low-income neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EVA\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And this is where you start to understand how the program, which was designed and very much hoped to provide tenants choice, actually creates sort of an opposite scenario where they’re being pushed away from the kind of neighborhoods that they might want to end up in and forced into neighborhoods that they don’t necessarily want to be in.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Eugene says even when landlords \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">want \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">to rent to a voucher holder, it’s not that easy. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You have to jump through a lot of hoops. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">What kind of hoops? Well, let’s take a look.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music in)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">First, there are the forms. For both tenants and landlords. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EUGENE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You know, forms could be scary if you’ve never seen this form before.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">: Let’s say you do fill them out correctly. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EUGENE\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> For about two weeks, you probably hear nothing.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Then, hopefully, you get a call for an inspection. The housing authority needs to make sure these buildings are up to code. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">For that, you’ll need to take the day off work. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EUGENE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A lot of times you get a four-hour window for the inspector to come in.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> And if you have any questions, don’t try to get anyone on the phone. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EUGENE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Just talking to somebody, you’d be waiting on hold for an hour.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Eugene says it’s like dealing with the DMV.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music out)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EUGENE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You know, we’ve all been there, but you know, we don’t really want to do that unless we have to.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The federal Department of Housing and Urban Development held \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.hud.gov/sites/dfiles/PIH/documents/ListeningForumsPublicSummary012320.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">listening sessions\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> with property owners across the country back in 2018. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Most of the sessions were taken up by complaints. Eighty-two\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> percent said they had bad experiences dealing with their local housing authority. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">One of their biggest issues: how long it takes to sign up a new tenant. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The whole process can take a month or two — time spent without collecting rent. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EUGENE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">For a landlord to just sit and wait for that tenant is not, is not reasonable, especially if it’s an individual like a mom-and-pop type of shop.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So how do we improve Section 8? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">For tenants to have more choice — you know, the original goal of the program — you need more landlords with properties in more neighborhoods. Here’s Eva Rosen: \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EVA\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">When we think about landlord participation, I think we need to think about carrots and sticks.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That means tougher laws to prevent landlords from discriminating against Section 8 tenants. And better enforcement. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EVA\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That’s sort of like a stick, right? It’s a slap on the wrist. It’s a no, you’re not allowed to do this.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> And, then there’s the carrot: more voucher money for properties in wealthier neighborhoods. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It’s something the federal government is already trying. They’re basing the rent on the ZIP code, instead of one standard for the whole city.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EVA\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Because there’s no way a landlord is going to participate in the program if they’re getting less rent than they would get from a market tenant, right?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">An early test of the program \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/sites/default/files/pdf/SAFMR-Interim-Report.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">showed it worked\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. More landlords in affluent areas opened their doors to Section 8.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But in a few cities, there was a downside, too. Some landlords in low-income neighborhoods stopped renting to voucher holders. That led to a drop in the number of homes available there. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Still, the results were still promising enough that they’ve expanded it to \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cbpp.org/research/housing/a-guide-to-small-area-fair-market-rents-safmrs\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">two dozen cities\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> across the country.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11908157\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11908157\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_9801-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_9801-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_9801-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_9801-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_9801-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_9801-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_9801-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Eugene Zinchik poses inside a property he manages in San Francisco’s Bayview neighborhood. \u003ccite>(Erin Baldassari/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music in)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Another way to recruit more landlords? Cut the red tape. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EUGENE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Give those individuals that have the voucher more say of what they’re able to do. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Give the power to that individual to sign on their own behalf to take the place or not take the place.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">After all, Section 8 was supposed to be about choice. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So, Eugene says, let people make their own. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Coming up: A different solution that \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">is \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">all about choice. And cold, hard cash. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music out)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> When the coronavirus hit — and the economy shut down — one thing was clear: People needed cash. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And the federal government stepped in. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NzMNV2qH2IA\">\u003cb>WCNC\u003c/b>\u003c/a>\u003c/em>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Stimulus checks are rolling in for millions of Americans today. About 80 million people are expected to receive their payments today.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NhyfKmBfRi8\">\u003cem>\u003cb>NBC\u003c/b>\u003c/em>\u003c/a>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Well, these direct payments are what everyone is talking about because 90% of American households should be getting some money. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Before the pandemic, the idea of giving out free money in this country was kind of a hard sell. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/nataliefoster?ref_src=twsrc%5Egoogle%7Ctwcamp%5Eserp%7Ctwgr%5Eauthor\">Natalie Foster\u003c/a> is the president and co-founder of the Economic Security Project. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>NATALIE FOSTER\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Then the pandemic hit and it became clear that cash was the currency of urgency.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And it wasn’t just stimulus checks. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>NATALIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Pandemic unemployment insurance was important for supporting people in the midst of job loss, expanding tax credits like the earned income tax credit and the child tax credit. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">These were all things that the government did.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">For a lot of families, that extra money was a lifeline. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Despite a recession and a global pandemic, poverty in this country actually \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">decreased\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>NATALIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We saw a decrease in poverty, and that is because the government realized that poverty is a policy choice and we could make different choices. And so the politics of the moment allowed for us to make a different choice.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We also made a choice to keep more people housed, with eviction moratoriums and rent relief. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">For progressives and others, those pandemic-era programs were a golden opportunity t\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">o tackle poverty and housing insecurity on a grand scale. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And test an idea that’s been gaining steam over the past couple years. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cb>NEWS CLIPS\u003c/b>\u003c/em>: It’s an idea known as guaranteed basic income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A monthly, no-strings-attached cash payment given directly to individuals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A guaranteed income. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music in)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">: Basically, if you want to solve poverty, give people money. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Here’s how it would work: The money would come from the federal government, ideally in the form of a regular, monthly payment.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The amount wouldn’t make you rich, but it could help pay for your housing, your food or whatever else you need. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>: F\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">or all the excitement around guaranteed income today, it’s not actually a new idea. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Thomas Paine argued for it way back in the 18th century. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And over the years, its supporters have come from all over the political spectrum.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">From the Black Panthers, to President Richard Nixon. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cb>RECORDING OF PRESIDENT RICHARD NIXON DISCUSSING GUARANTEED INCOME\u003c/b>\u003c/em>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">What I am proposing is that the federal government build a foundation under the income of every American family with dependent children that cannot care for itself.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">From libertarian economist Milton Friedman to civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It seems to me that the civil rights movement must now begin to organize for the guaranteed annual income, begin to organize people all over our country and mobilize forces, so that we can bring to the attention of our nation, this need and this something which I believe will go a long, long way toward dealing with the Negros’ economic problem and the economic problem with many other poor people confronting our nation.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music out)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Alaska’s been doing this \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://pfd.alaska.gov/Division-Info/historical-timeline\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">since the 1980s\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, paying out oil dividends to all its residents — on average, about $1,600 a year. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But more recently, about 90 guaranteed-income experiments have popped up across the country. Most were inspired by one city: Stockton, California.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MICHAEL TUBBS\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Hello, my name is \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MichaelDTubbs?ref_src=twsrc%5Egoogle%7Ctwcamp%5Eserp%7Ctwgr%5Eauthor\">Michael Tubbs\u003c/a>. I am the former mayor of the city of Stockton, California. I’m the founder of \u003ca href=\"https://www.mayorsforagi.org/\">Mayors for a Guaranteed Income\u003c/a> and of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2022/02/former-stockton-mayor-launches-nonprofit-to-end-poverty-in-california/\">End Poverty in California.\u003c/a>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Michael led Stockton’s guaranteed-income program back in 2019. He says a lot of the issues that came across his desk all came back to the same thing.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MICHAEL\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Issues of poverty and lack and pervasive poverty and generational poverty.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Stockton was the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/business/2008/jul/28/subprimecrisis.useconomy\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">foreclosure capital\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> of the country during the Great Recession. It \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/article/us-stockton-bankruptcy/stockton-california-files-for-bankruptcy-idUSBRE85S05120120629\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">declared bankruptcy\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> in 2012. And today, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.stocktondemonstration.org/about-seed\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">about a quarter\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> of its population lives below the poverty line. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Michael wanted to bring a guaranteed income to Stockton because the old way of addressing poverty wasn’t working. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The programs we have now — like welfare or food stamps or housing vouchers — they have a lot of rules and regulations. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11882364\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11882364\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/07/RS46086_GettyImages-1208192668-qut-800x533.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/07/RS46086_GettyImages-1208192668-qut-800x533.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/07/RS46086_GettyImages-1208192668-qut-1020x680.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/07/RS46086_GettyImages-1208192668-qut-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/07/RS46086_GettyImages-1208192668-qut-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/07/RS46086_GettyImages-1208192668-qut.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Michael Tubbs, former mayor of Stockton, is seen at his office in Stockton on Feb. 7, 2020. As mayor, with the help of the Stockton Economic Empowerment Demonstration, he implemented an 18-month trial of universal basic income for 125 residents of his city. The concept has recently been gaining ground. \u003ccite>(Nick Otto/AFP via Getty Images))\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MICHAEL\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">When you’re on welfare, you have to spend so much time being with case managers, filling out forms, doing this, doing that, which robs you of the ability to do all the other things you need to do. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Guaranteed-income programs don’t require all that micromanagement, which frees up people’s time. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And, they have another benefit: You can spend the money however you need. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music in)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MICHAEL\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Whether it’s on new tires, a transmission, a new washer and dryer, school clothes, a wedding, going to visit your parents you haven’t seen in a while.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> When people in Stockton were given the choice of how to use the $500 they got each month, they tended to spend it on food and other essentials.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Some also used it to help pay for housing. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MICHAEL\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">They were able to sort of save up for a down payment to move to safer living conditions. Or some people use it to cope with sort of small rises in rent that occur: $50 here or $100 here, $125 here. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Researchers in Stockton didn’t look specifically at the impact of a guaranteed income on evictions. But the small stipend could help. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/12/12/upshot/eviction-prevention-solutions-government.html\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Most people get evicted for $600 or less\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, according to a New York Times analysis. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Just knowing you have enough money to get to the end of the month also goes a long way for your mental health.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MICHAEL\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Folks who received the guaranteed income went from elevated levels of stress to regular levels of stress. And that just was like, wow, like money really sort of affects health and mental health and well-being and how we show up in the world. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music out)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> But probably one of the biggest findings from Stockton: \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It challenged a widely held criticism of guaranteed income, that it would cause people to stop working. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The money actually had the opposite effect. \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.stocktondemonstration.org/employment\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">People worked \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">more.\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">About \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.stocktondemonstration.org/employment\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">12% went from part-time to full-time work\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. That’s more than double the control group. And participants were less likely to be unemployed. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MICHAEL\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And I wasn’t surprised, but I’m glad the data validated this belief that that $500 was not going to make anyone stop working, that people still worked.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Michael says that’s because it wasn’t enough to live on. But it gave people some breathing room. It allowed them to quit one of their part-time jobs and look for full-time work.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Or go back to school to change careers. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MICHAEL\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It allowed people the chance to live. And live a life, and live a life beyond just going through the motions and working and going to sleep and working, going to sleep. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Still, critics say you shouldn’t draw too many conclusions from one small pilot program — with only 125 participants. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Rolling out a guaranteed income nationally could have a much bigger impact on the economy. And many worry that all that extra cash would only cause prices to rise, setting off higher inflation. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guaranteed income also does nothing to solve a larger problem. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The thing we \u003ca href=\"https://www.bls.gov/news.release/cesan.nr0.htm#:~:text=%2D%2DHousing%20expenditures%20increased%203.5,dwellings%20were%20down%200.5%20percent.\">spend the most money on is housing\u003c/a>. And that just keeps going up. Taking a \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cnbc.com/2021/11/10/home-prices-are-now-rising-much-faster-than-incomes-studies-show.html\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">bigger and bigger piece\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> out of our paychecks.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MICHAEL\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guaranteed income is great, but we don’t want all that money to be spent on housing because people have other needs, right? So I think a guaranteed income is a powerful tool. But like any toolbox, you need more than one tool to really get the job done. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music in)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Guaranteed income can’t solve poverty on its own. But Michael says it’s a good place to start if we want to solve other big problems, like evictions. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Evictions perpetuate inequality, a\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">nd they push more people into poverty. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> When you’re evicted, you lose your neighborhood, your school, your support network. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You can be trapped in a cycle of debt, even become homeless. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But the solutions are within our reach, and people are already pushing for them. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Activists in Fresno are fighting for a fair shot in court. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Tenants in Antioch are demanding more protection against rising rents. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And women like \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11905386/why-black-women-are-more-likely-to-face-eviction\">Jean [Kendrick, from Episode 2]\u003c/a> are sharing their stories and calling attention to inequities we can’t unsee. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Evictions reflect our housing system: who reaps the profit and who suffers the pain.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But we have an opportunity to make the system more fair, to invest in people’s success, not just for a few, but for all. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The question is, will we take it? \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I’m Erin Baldassari.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And I’m Molly Solomon. Thank you so much for listening to Sold Out: Rethinking Housing in America. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">If you like what you hear, please leave us a review on Apple Podcasts — and share it with a friend!\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> We’ve got one more thing that we’re working on. It’s a bonus episode full of stories from you. That’ll drop in a few weeks, so stay tuned. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Sold Out is a production of KQED. This episode was written and reported by us: Molly Solomon and Erin Baldassari.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Adhiti Bandlamudi produced this episode. Kyana Moghadam is our senior producer. Brendan Willard is our sound engineer. And Rob Speight wrote our theme song.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Natalia Aldana is our senior engagement producer and Gerald Fermin is our engagement intern.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Thank you to our editor, Erika Kelly. Additional editing from Jessica Placzek and Otis Taylor Jr.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We couldn’t have made this season without Ethan Toven-Lindsey, Holly Kernan, Erika Aguilar and Vinnee Tong. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Thank you for listening! \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music out)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Let us know what you think of the show by \u003ca href=\"https://survey.alchemer.com/s3/6755022/f959eb5782fc\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">taking a quick survey\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>.\u003c/p>\n\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"To many renters, a Section 8 housing voucher is seen as a \"golden ticket,\" a federal subsidy that ensures only 30% of their income goes to rent. But actually using it is a struggle. We talk to renters and landlords about why.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1700529713,"stats":{"hasAudio":true,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":266,"wordCount":5725},"headData":{"title":"Reknitting the Safety Net: Help Pay the Rent | KQED","description":"To many renters, a Section 8 housing voucher is seen as a "golden ticket," a federal subsidy that ensures only 30% of their income goes to rent. But actually using it is a struggle. We talk to renters and landlords about why.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Reknitting the Safety Net: Help Pay the Rent","datePublished":"2022-03-14T15:54:09.000Z","dateModified":"2023-11-21T01:21:53.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}},"authorsData":[{"type":"authors","id":"11652","meta":{"index":"authors_1591205172","id":"11652","found":true},"name":"Erin Baldassari","firstName":"Erin","lastName":"Baldassari","slug":"ebaldassari","email":"ebaldassari@KQED.org","display_author_email":true,"staff_mastheads":["news"],"title":"Staff Writer","bio":"Erin Baldassari covers housing for KQED. She's a former print journalist and most recently worked as the transportation reporter for the \u003cem>Mercury News\u003c/em> and \u003cem>East Bay Times. \u003c/em>There, she focused on how the Bay Area’s housing shortage has changed the way people move around the region. She also served on the \u003cem>East Bay Times\u003c/em>’ 2017 Pulitzer Prize-winning team for coverage of the Ghost Ship Fire in Oakland. Prior to that, Erin worked as a breaking news and general assignment reporter for a variety of outlets in the Bay Area and the greater Boston area. A Tufts University alumna, Erin grew up in the foothills of the Sierra Nevada mountains and in Sonoma County. She is a life-long KQED listener.","avatar":"https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/660ce35d088ca54ad606d7e941abc652?s=600&d=blank&r=g","twitter":"e_baldi","facebook":null,"instagram":null,"linkedin":null,"sites":[{"site":"news","roles":["author","edit_others_posts"]},{"site":"science","roles":["editor"]}],"headData":{"title":"Erin Baldassari | KQED","description":"Staff Writer","ogImgSrc":"https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/660ce35d088ca54ad606d7e941abc652?s=600&d=blank&r=g","twImgSrc":"https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/660ce35d088ca54ad606d7e941abc652?s=600&d=blank&r=g"},"isLoading":false,"link":"/author/ebaldassari"},{"type":"authors","id":"11651","meta":{"index":"authors_1591205172","id":"11651","found":true},"name":"Molly Solomon","firstName":"Molly","lastName":"Solomon","slug":"msolomon","email":"msolomon@KQED.org","display_author_email":false,"staff_mastheads":["news"],"title":"Senior Editor","bio":"Molly Solomon is the senior editor of KQED's California Politics and Government Desk. Previously, she was the station's editor-at-large, with a focus on editing early childhood education, politics, and criminal justice. Before that, she managed and edited statewide election coverage for The California Newsroom, a collaboration of local public radio stations, CalMatters and NPR. Molly joined KQED in 2019 to launch the station’s housing affordability desk, where she reported on homelessness, evictions and is the co-host of KQED’s housing podcast, SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America. Before that, she was the Southwest Washington Bureau Chief for Oregon Public Broadcasting and a reporter at Hawaii Public Radio. Her stories have aired on NPR’s \u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em>, \u003cem>All Things Considered\u003c/em>, \u003cem>Here & Now\u003c/em>, \u003cem>Science Friday\u003c/em> and \u003cem>Marketplace\u003c/em>. Molly's award-winning reporting has been honored by the Best of the West, Edward R. Murrow awards, Society of Professional Journalists, National Headliner Awards, and the Asian American Journalists Association. Born and raised in Berkeley, Molly is a big fan of burritos and her scruffy terrier, Ollie.","avatar":"https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/9ad9794616923d81c9a79897161545bd?s=600&d=blank&r=g","twitter":"solomonout","facebook":null,"instagram":null,"linkedin":null,"sites":[{"site":"news","roles":["editor"]},{"site":"science","roles":["editor"]}],"headData":{"title":"Molly Solomon | KQED","description":"Senior Editor","ogImgSrc":"https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/9ad9794616923d81c9a79897161545bd?s=600&d=blank&r=g","twImgSrc":"https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/9ad9794616923d81c9a79897161545bd?s=600&d=blank&r=g"},"isLoading":false,"link":"/author/msolomon"}],"imageData":{"ogImageSize":{"file":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54278_001_KQED_Kemanie_03112022-qut-1020x680.jpg","width":1020,"height":680,"mimeType":"image/jpeg"},"twImageSize":{"file":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54278_001_KQED_Kemanie_03112022-qut-1020x680.jpg","width":1020,"height":680,"mimeType":"image/jpeg"},"twitterCard":"summary_large_image"},"tagData":{"tags":["affordable housing","Antioch","Bay Area","California","housing","housing crisis","housing rights","KQED","Michael Tubbs","novato","podcast","poverty","Rent","Section 8","sold out","soldout","Stockton","universal basic income","vouchers"]}},"source":"SOLD OUT","sourceUrl":"https://www.kqed.org/podcasts/soldout","audioUrl":"https://www.podtrac.com/pts/redirect.mp3/traffic.megaphone.fm/KQINC1525875908.mp3","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","path":"/news/11907727/reknitting-the-safety-net-help-pay-the-rent","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Falling behind on rent is the primary reason that people are evicted. So how do you keep people from falling behind in the first place? Help them pay their rent. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In this final episode of the season, we’ll look at the promise, the problems and the history of Section 8, as well as the push for guaranteed income.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch5 id=\"embed-code\" class=\"inconsolata\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC1525875908&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/h5>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>THE RENT EATS FIRST [TRANSCRIPT]\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN BALDASSARI, HOST\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Kemanie and his wife were like a lot of young couples just starting out. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It was the early 2000s. He had recently started his career as a carpenter. She was a teacher. They were both in their mid-20s.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But even with two incomes, they could barely make ends meet. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We were living in a, like, a small, tiny little one-bedroom apartment with roaches, like basically a little small ghetto.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Then their son was born. His wife stopped working to take care of him. And their budget got even tighter. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And things was hard, but we started falling behind on rent.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">How far behind were you on rent at that time?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> I was $4,000 behind on rent at the time.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY SOLOMON, HOST\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> They were living where they both grew up in Marin County, just across the Golden Gate Bridge from San Francisco.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">At that point in time there was no way for us to survive in Marin County.\u003c/span>\u003cb> \u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It didn’t help that it’s one of the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.california.com/the-most-expensive-counties-in-the-us/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">wealthiest counties in the country\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. Or that their landlord was planning on selling the apartment they were renting.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They couldn’t figure out how they were going to pay the back rent and still have money for a deposit to move somewhere new.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We would have been homeless\u003c/span>. You know, it would have been really bad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> They thought about moving in with one of their parents or leaving Marin County altogether. Then, they got some good news. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So we got it, we were out doing something — running an errand — and on the way back, my wife got the email.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music in)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> They got what some have called a “golden ticket” — a Section 8 housing voucher.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Section 8 is a federal program that helps low-income people afford rent on the private market.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Kemanie and his wife had put in their application nearly \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">a decade\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> ago. And they’d been stuck on a waiting list that never seemed to budge. When they finally got the news, it was like winning the lottery. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We both looked at each other. And was, like, yes. I mean, it was like perfect timing.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> It was a huge opportunity for them. With Section 8, they would only have to pay 30% of their income towards rent. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>KEMANIE\u003c/strong>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It was an epiphany for us because it was like, life can go on now, like we — there’s a path forward. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> They wouldn’t fall behind on bills. And they’d have a chance to catch up. They’d have some room to breathe. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">: So, they started looking for a new place to live. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music out)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And we searched and searched and searched, and went and visited and talked to people, and knowing that we had the housing voucher, we thought it was going to be easier because it was a guarantee. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">: A guarantee because most of the rent money comes from the federal government. It’s usually deposited straight into the landlord’s bank account.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And we found out that it was more of a hindrance than anything. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">(Sold Out theme song begins.)\u003c/span>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>: It’s what most Section 8 tenants discover — the voucher is not only hard to get, it’s hard to use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> These problems aren’t new. And neither is Section 8. But over the past half century, it’s become the No. 1 way we subsidize rent in this country.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As rents climb higher, advocates say we need to fix the problems with Section 8 and expand it. To make it work for more people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I’m Molly Solomon.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> And I’m Erin Baldassari. From KQED, this is Sold Out: Rethinking Housing in America. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, the final chapter in our series on evictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How to keep people from getting evicted? Help pay the rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">(Sold Out theme song ends.)\u003c/span>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11908148\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11908148\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54286_009_KQED_Kemanie_03112022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54286_009_KQED_Kemanie_03112022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54286_009_KQED_Kemanie_03112022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54286_009_KQED_Kemanie_03112022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54286_009_KQED_Kemanie_03112022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54286_009_KQED_Kemanie_03112022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Kemanie holds the keys to his Novato home. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cdiv class=\"mceTemp\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Kemanie and his wife have had a housing voucher for nearly two decades now. And anytime they’ve had to move, it’s always the same thing. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">They apply to dozens of places, visit a ton of apartments and get the same answers.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And every single time it was like, no, nope, no, no.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> It didn’t seem to matter that they had good references from past landlords, even letters from neighbors. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As soon as Section 8 comes up, you see like a glaze go over their eyes like, OK, I got to deal with this conversation and move on to the next person.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music in)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Some landlords told them point-blank they wouldn’t accept Section 8, even though that’s illegal in California and a handful of other states. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Those laws are hard to enforce, though. And landlords find all sorts of ways of getting around them — like requiring a credit score of 700 or above.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You know, it was kind of, smile in our face, “Oh, yeah, but your credit score is low.” But the bottom line is most people are on Section 8 because they’re having issues financially and their credit is not very good.\u003c/span>\u003cb> \u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Or, landlords would ask them to have an income that’s at least three times the rent.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It’s like, if I make three times the monthly amount, I’m buying my own place. P\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">eriod, that’s it.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Other times there was an online application, but no box to check to say they had Section 8. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Right? And you don’t even get to talk to anybody or even see anybody or state your case. And it doesn’t say you have Section 8 on the app, so you can’t fill that out. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Usually, though, they just never heard back. There was no explanation at all.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music out)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> So, Kemanie and his wife tried harder. They wrote cover letters. And organized all their references and documentation into nice, neat little folders.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We would put a little picture, a nice little cute picture of our Black family for people to accept and like and maybe, you know, feel sorry for us.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> It was frustrating and stressful. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">To Kemanie, it felt racist.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And it really felt like redlining. Is, that’s how I felt about it, because they’re just like, no, you know.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Racial discrimination can be hard to prove, but a recent audit found it’s a pervasive problem.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The Fair Housing Advocates of Northern California conducted paired tests of white and Black renters. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And found that \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.scribd.com/document/398920895/raceaudit2016-17?secret_password=A5Sg4qdij47q2erNlj3X#fullscreen&from_embed\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">nearly 70% of the time\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, landlords in the county where Kemanie lives refused to rent to Black tenants, or used more subtle behaviors, like leaving someone on hold for hours, never calling back or steering Black applicants away from certain neighborhoods. \u003ca href=\"https://www.scribd.com/document/504967414/no-and-soi-audit-2019-20-report?secret_password=wY0jrrhNpcBCBhEVm0zi#download&from_embed\">More than half the time\u003c/a>, landlords did the same for voucher holders.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> To Kemanie, this was not news. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">He and his wife had lived their whole lives in Marin County — a community where more than 70% of the residents are white, and where the average household makes over $115,000 a year. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music in)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> It’s hard to explain it to other people. We’re Black in America. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Every day, especially also for me, being a Black man and being very intimidating to a lot of people. Every single day, when I meet somebody, I got to put a smile on my face to like, look, I’m not threatening.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Holding a Section 8 voucher in his hands worsens the daily strain of trying to find acceptance. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> And it felt like that times 10, because this time we’re looking for everyone’s approval and it’s — we’re trying to dress us up as the best we can to get accepted by people that we know maybe aren’t racist, but just aren’t as inclined to want us to be there. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That was very, very, very hard. And that was, I think, probably the most defeating part of the whole thing for us.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music out)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>MOLLY\u003c/strong>: This discrimination is why we aren’t using Kemanie’s full name. Or his wife’s name.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The experience of looking for a place to live has been so traumatic, they’re afraid to do anything that might hurt their chances of finding a home the next time they have to start looking. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Their struggles with Section 8 highlight two of the program’s biggest failures.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Only \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/publication/94146/trends-in-housing-problems-and-federal-housing-assistance.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">1 in 5\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> who qualify for rental assistance actually receives it. Meaning most people are stuck on waitlists for years — \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cbpp.org/research/housing/long-waitlists-for-housing-vouchers-show-pressing-unmet-need-for-assistance\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">even decades\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And when people do get off those waitlists, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/publications/pdf/sec8success_1.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">roughly a third\u003c/span>\u003c/a> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">lose \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">their vouchers because they can’t find any landlord willing to take them. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> That’s partly because there’s an unfair stigma around Section 8, even if it isn’t backed up by evidence. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/eva_rosen?lang=en\">Eva Rosen\u003c/a> is an assistant professor at Georgetown University, and she \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://press.princeton.edu/books/hardcover/9780691172569/the-voucher-promise\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">wrote a book on Section 8\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EVA ROSEN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Landlords sometimes don’t want to rent to big families. They often worry that voucher-holders might be more likely to do damage to the home \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">or that they might be noisier tenants. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And again, none of this is really backed up by any kind of data, but the stigma itself is very real.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This unfair stigma is made worse when you add in racism — the kind that Kemanie and his family felt. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Nationally, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/datasets/assthsg.html#2009-2021_query\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">about two-thirds of voucher holders\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> are people of color.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EVA\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> In my research with landlords, they say things like, well, I couldn’t rent to a Black person in this neighborhood because all of my other tenants are white and they would not like that.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I think racism is a big part of the reticence that we see from landlords.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Despite all these barriers, Kemanie and his family \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">were \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">able to find a place to live. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">They’ve been at their current home for three and a half years now. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And in the world of Section 8, it’s kind of a unicorn. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It’s a single-family home on a quiet cul-de-sac in Novato, a wealthy suburb north of San Francisco. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This is literally everything we could ask for. This is — we’re so incredibly happy here right now in the place that we have. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">: It’s got three bedrooms, a two-car garage, and a big, tree-lined backyard.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">There are parks nearby and great schools for their kids. And, they feel safe here. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Safety at school, safety coming home from school, you know, safety on the weekends, playing with their friends, you know, all of that.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Only \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cbpp.org/research/housing/where-families-with-children-use-housing-vouchers\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">14% of voucher holders\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> live in affluent neighborhoods like this. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Kemanie and his wife know just how rare it is. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> It’s like we’re living in a dream that we know are about to wake up from. We know at some point someone’s going to shake us and be like, “Hey, wake up.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> That wake-up call could come in just a few months.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Their landlord told them they’re thinking about selling. And their current lease lasts only until September. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">After that, there are no guarantees.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It’s all up in the air. Everything’s very unsettled for us. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music in)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> When that time comes, they’ll have to find another landlord willing to take them. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">They know from experience it won’t be easy. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">To make the system better for tenants, we need to get more landlords on board. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We’ll tell you how, coming up.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11908149\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11908149\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54283_006_KQED_Kemanie_03112022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54283_006_KQED_Kemanie_03112022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54283_006_KQED_Kemanie_03112022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54283_006_KQED_Kemanie_03112022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54283_006_KQED_Kemanie_03112022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54283_006_KQED_Kemanie_03112022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A ‘Welcome’ sign hangs by the door to the home Kemanie shares with his family in Novato. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music out)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>ERIN\u003c/strong>: When the Pruitt-Igoe public housing development in St. Louis, Missouri, opened in 1954, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1_zFIg8N9Rw\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">it was celebrated\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> as a marvel of modern architecture: 33 towers, each 11 stories tall. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1_zFIg8N9Rw\">\u003cb>\u003cem>COMMERCIAL FOR PRUITT-IGOE HOUSING DEVELOPMENT\u003c/em>\u003c/b>\u003c/a>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> With indoor plumbing, electric lights, fresh-plastered walls and the rest of the conveniences that are expected in the 20th century. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">(Music in)\u003c/span>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> But just a decade later, it was falling apart and had become a symbol of government mismanagement and neglect, drawing national attention for its horrible living conditions. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Take \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=t-cfjqh1sSY&t=23s\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">this newscast\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, from 1968: \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=t-cfjqh1sSY&t=23s\">\u003cb>\u003cem>KMOX NEWS REPORT\u003c/em>\u003c/b>\u003c/a>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">When the temperatures dropped below freezing this week, water lines in several of the Pruitt-Igoe apartment buildings broke and the subsequent flow of water turned into ice. At 2311 Dixon, a sewer line is broken, and now raw sewage bubbles out of the ground like a malevolent spring. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>ERIN\u003c/strong>: On \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.greyscape.com/modernism-was-framed-the-truth-about-pruitt-igoe/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">March 16, 1972\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, the first of its 33 towers was demolished. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Sounds: A building is being demolished; Pruitt-Igoe implodes.)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=738WpY2_JV8\">\u003cb>PRUITT-IGOE IMPLOSION\u003c/b>\u003c/a>\u003c/em>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Not only St. Louis, but the rest of the nation is viewing with great interest the results of this experiment.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">(Music out)\u003c/span>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> President Richard Nixon saw the growing frustration with public housing failures like Pruitt-Igoe. And so he took a turn towards the private market instead. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Two years after that demolition, Nixon introduced Section 8. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Again, here’s Georgetown University professor Eva Rosen.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EVA\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You’re not having to build public housing, you’re not having to maintain or renovate a public housing stock. And so it is this sort of very, in theory, economically efficient tool.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Under Nixon, Section 8 was just a pilot program.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But by the 1990s, the stage was set for it to grow. Public housing had gotten a real bad rap, and that’s when President Bill Clinton really ramped up Section 8.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>PRESIDENT BILL CLINTON\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Today I had the honor of signing the budget for programs to help the homeless to give housing vouchers to empower the poor.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music in)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> His administration changed the name from Section 8 to \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.hud.gov/program_offices/public_indian_housing/phr/about\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Housing Choice Vouchers\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EVA\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And actually in the title, you can very much notice this emphasis on choice.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: Eva says that reflects one of the goals for the program. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hope was that people could use their vouchers to move to more affluent neighborhoods. Neighborhoods with more resources, better schools and more jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>ERIN\u003c/strong>: Public housing had become extremely segregated. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">By 1989, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal//Publications/pdf/HUD-5961.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">nearly 70% of the households \u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">of the residents were people of color. Mostly women-led, Black and Latinx households.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And most of the housing developments were also in segregated and impoverished neighborhoods. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EVA\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And that was causing all kinds of problems. And it was leaving public housing residents with very little choice about where they ended up.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">: \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But Eva says the program hasn’t lived up to its promise of giving voucher holders a real choice of where to live. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And a lot of that comes down to landlords: when \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">they \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">choose to participate, and why.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music out)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EVA\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">When we introduced these private landlords into this system, we sort of just assumed that they would play along, that they would want to participate. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And that tends not always to be the case.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">For \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">some \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">landlords, Section 8 works really well.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Eugene Zinchik and his brother own a real estate and property management company in San Francisco. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And he’s been renting to voucher holders for about six or seven years now.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EUGENE\u003c/b> \u003cstrong>ZINCHIK\u003c/strong>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">There’s more stability in knowing that your rent checks are going to be coming, you know, whatever it is that happens. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">During the pandemic, most of Eugene’s Section 8 tenants stayed put, and their rent checks kept flowing in. But a lot of his tenants who didn’t have vouchers — they left.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Even without the coronavirus, Eugene says voucher holders just stick around longer. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EUGENE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">There’s less turnover for a landlord. If there’s less turnover, there’s no rent that they’re losing.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">: But Eugene says the\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> real \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">benefit\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> to landlords \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/sites/default/files/pdf/Urban-Landlords-HCV-Program.pdf\">depends a lot on where the property is\u003c/a>.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music in)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">He points to a new building he’s managing in San Francisco’s Bayview neighborhood. Even though he hasn’t found a tenant yet, Eugene already knows it’ll be someone on Section 8. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EUGENE\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Part of San Francisco is extremely, extremely expensive. Bayview is still semi-affordable for maybe, still, for a blue-collar family. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>: He says r\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">ents here are about $1,000 lower than in other parts of the city. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But landlords can actually \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://scholar.harvard.edu/files/mdesmond/files/desmondperkins.cc_.2016.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">charge a Section 8 \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">more\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> than they would with someone without a voucher.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That’s because when the government decides how much it’s willing to pay for each voucher, it doesn’t vary the amounts by neighborhood. It sets one standard for the whole city.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So it’s a pretty good deal for landlords in places like Bayview.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EUGENE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So in Bayview, in my experience, the amounts that Section 8 pays are pretty much competitive.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music out)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But landlords in high-rent places could actually \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">lose \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">money. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EUGENE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In at least half the neighborhoods in San Francisco, Section 8 what they pay per unit is just not compatible with the market rent.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>ERIN\u003c/strong>: Eva says those incentives have created an unintended consequence: Most Section 8 tenants are trapped in low-income neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EVA\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And this is where you start to understand how the program, which was designed and very much hoped to provide tenants choice, actually creates sort of an opposite scenario where they’re being pushed away from the kind of neighborhoods that they might want to end up in and forced into neighborhoods that they don’t necessarily want to be in.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Eugene says even when landlords \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">want \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">to rent to a voucher holder, it’s not that easy. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You have to jump through a lot of hoops. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">What kind of hoops? Well, let’s take a look.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music in)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">First, there are the forms. For both tenants and landlords. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EUGENE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You know, forms could be scary if you’ve never seen this form before.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">: Let’s say you do fill them out correctly. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EUGENE\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> For about two weeks, you probably hear nothing.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Then, hopefully, you get a call for an inspection. The housing authority needs to make sure these buildings are up to code. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">For that, you’ll need to take the day off work. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EUGENE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A lot of times you get a four-hour window for the inspector to come in.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> And if you have any questions, don’t try to get anyone on the phone. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EUGENE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Just talking to somebody, you’d be waiting on hold for an hour.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Eugene says it’s like dealing with the DMV.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music out)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EUGENE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You know, we’ve all been there, but you know, we don’t really want to do that unless we have to.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The federal Department of Housing and Urban Development held \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.hud.gov/sites/dfiles/PIH/documents/ListeningForumsPublicSummary012320.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">listening sessions\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> with property owners across the country back in 2018. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Most of the sessions were taken up by complaints. Eighty-two\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> percent said they had bad experiences dealing with their local housing authority. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">One of their biggest issues: how long it takes to sign up a new tenant. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The whole process can take a month or two — time spent without collecting rent. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EUGENE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">For a landlord to just sit and wait for that tenant is not, is not reasonable, especially if it’s an individual like a mom-and-pop type of shop.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So how do we improve Section 8? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">For tenants to have more choice — you know, the original goal of the program — you need more landlords with properties in more neighborhoods. Here’s Eva Rosen: \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EVA\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">When we think about landlord participation, I think we need to think about carrots and sticks.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That means tougher laws to prevent landlords from discriminating against Section 8 tenants. And better enforcement. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EVA\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That’s sort of like a stick, right? It’s a slap on the wrist. It’s a no, you’re not allowed to do this.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> And, then there’s the carrot: more voucher money for properties in wealthier neighborhoods. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It’s something the federal government is already trying. They’re basing the rent on the ZIP code, instead of one standard for the whole city.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EVA\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Because there’s no way a landlord is going to participate in the program if they’re getting less rent than they would get from a market tenant, right?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">An early test of the program \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/sites/default/files/pdf/SAFMR-Interim-Report.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">showed it worked\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. More landlords in affluent areas opened their doors to Section 8.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But in a few cities, there was a downside, too. Some landlords in low-income neighborhoods stopped renting to voucher holders. That led to a drop in the number of homes available there. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Still, the results were still promising enough that they’ve expanded it to \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cbpp.org/research/housing/a-guide-to-small-area-fair-market-rents-safmrs\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">two dozen cities\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> across the country.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11908157\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11908157\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_9801-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_9801-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_9801-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_9801-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_9801-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_9801-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_9801-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Eugene Zinchik poses inside a property he manages in San Francisco’s Bayview neighborhood. \u003ccite>(Erin Baldassari/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music in)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Another way to recruit more landlords? Cut the red tape. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EUGENE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Give those individuals that have the voucher more say of what they’re able to do. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Give the power to that individual to sign on their own behalf to take the place or not take the place.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">After all, Section 8 was supposed to be about choice. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So, Eugene says, let people make their own. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Coming up: A different solution that \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">is \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">all about choice. And cold, hard cash. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music out)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> When the coronavirus hit — and the economy shut down — one thing was clear: People needed cash. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And the federal government stepped in. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NzMNV2qH2IA\">\u003cb>WCNC\u003c/b>\u003c/a>\u003c/em>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Stimulus checks are rolling in for millions of Americans today. About 80 million people are expected to receive their payments today.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NhyfKmBfRi8\">\u003cem>\u003cb>NBC\u003c/b>\u003c/em>\u003c/a>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Well, these direct payments are what everyone is talking about because 90% of American households should be getting some money. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Before the pandemic, the idea of giving out free money in this country was kind of a hard sell. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/nataliefoster?ref_src=twsrc%5Egoogle%7Ctwcamp%5Eserp%7Ctwgr%5Eauthor\">Natalie Foster\u003c/a> is the president and co-founder of the Economic Security Project. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>NATALIE FOSTER\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Then the pandemic hit and it became clear that cash was the currency of urgency.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And it wasn’t just stimulus checks. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>NATALIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Pandemic unemployment insurance was important for supporting people in the midst of job loss, expanding tax credits like the earned income tax credit and the child tax credit. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">These were all things that the government did.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">For a lot of families, that extra money was a lifeline. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Despite a recession and a global pandemic, poverty in this country actually \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">decreased\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>NATALIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We saw a decrease in poverty, and that is because the government realized that poverty is a policy choice and we could make different choices. And so the politics of the moment allowed for us to make a different choice.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We also made a choice to keep more people housed, with eviction moratoriums and rent relief. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">For progressives and others, those pandemic-era programs were a golden opportunity t\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">o tackle poverty and housing insecurity on a grand scale. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And test an idea that’s been gaining steam over the past couple years. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cb>NEWS CLIPS\u003c/b>\u003c/em>: It’s an idea known as guaranteed basic income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A monthly, no-strings-attached cash payment given directly to individuals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A guaranteed income. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music in)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">: Basically, if you want to solve poverty, give people money. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Here’s how it would work: The money would come from the federal government, ideally in the form of a regular, monthly payment.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The amount wouldn’t make you rich, but it could help pay for your housing, your food or whatever else you need. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>: F\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">or all the excitement around guaranteed income today, it’s not actually a new idea. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Thomas Paine argued for it way back in the 18th century. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And over the years, its supporters have come from all over the political spectrum.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">From the Black Panthers, to President Richard Nixon. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cb>RECORDING OF PRESIDENT RICHARD NIXON DISCUSSING GUARANTEED INCOME\u003c/b>\u003c/em>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">What I am proposing is that the federal government build a foundation under the income of every American family with dependent children that cannot care for itself.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">From libertarian economist Milton Friedman to civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It seems to me that the civil rights movement must now begin to organize for the guaranteed annual income, begin to organize people all over our country and mobilize forces, so that we can bring to the attention of our nation, this need and this something which I believe will go a long, long way toward dealing with the Negros’ economic problem and the economic problem with many other poor people confronting our nation.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music out)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Alaska’s been doing this \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://pfd.alaska.gov/Division-Info/historical-timeline\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">since the 1980s\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, paying out oil dividends to all its residents — on average, about $1,600 a year. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But more recently, about 90 guaranteed-income experiments have popped up across the country. Most were inspired by one city: Stockton, California.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MICHAEL TUBBS\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Hello, my name is \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MichaelDTubbs?ref_src=twsrc%5Egoogle%7Ctwcamp%5Eserp%7Ctwgr%5Eauthor\">Michael Tubbs\u003c/a>. I am the former mayor of the city of Stockton, California. I’m the founder of \u003ca href=\"https://www.mayorsforagi.org/\">Mayors for a Guaranteed Income\u003c/a> and of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2022/02/former-stockton-mayor-launches-nonprofit-to-end-poverty-in-california/\">End Poverty in California.\u003c/a>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Michael led Stockton’s guaranteed-income program back in 2019. He says a lot of the issues that came across his desk all came back to the same thing.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MICHAEL\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Issues of poverty and lack and pervasive poverty and generational poverty.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Stockton was the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/business/2008/jul/28/subprimecrisis.useconomy\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">foreclosure capital\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> of the country during the Great Recession. It \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/article/us-stockton-bankruptcy/stockton-california-files-for-bankruptcy-idUSBRE85S05120120629\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">declared bankruptcy\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> in 2012. And today, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.stocktondemonstration.org/about-seed\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">about a quarter\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> of its population lives below the poverty line. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Michael wanted to bring a guaranteed income to Stockton because the old way of addressing poverty wasn’t working. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The programs we have now — like welfare or food stamps or housing vouchers — they have a lot of rules and regulations. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11882364\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11882364\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/07/RS46086_GettyImages-1208192668-qut-800x533.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/07/RS46086_GettyImages-1208192668-qut-800x533.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/07/RS46086_GettyImages-1208192668-qut-1020x680.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/07/RS46086_GettyImages-1208192668-qut-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/07/RS46086_GettyImages-1208192668-qut-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/07/RS46086_GettyImages-1208192668-qut.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Michael Tubbs, former mayor of Stockton, is seen at his office in Stockton on Feb. 7, 2020. As mayor, with the help of the Stockton Economic Empowerment Demonstration, he implemented an 18-month trial of universal basic income for 125 residents of his city. The concept has recently been gaining ground. \u003ccite>(Nick Otto/AFP via Getty Images))\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MICHAEL\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">When you’re on welfare, you have to spend so much time being with case managers, filling out forms, doing this, doing that, which robs you of the ability to do all the other things you need to do. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Guaranteed-income programs don’t require all that micromanagement, which frees up people’s time. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And, they have another benefit: You can spend the money however you need. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music in)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MICHAEL\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Whether it’s on new tires, a transmission, a new washer and dryer, school clothes, a wedding, going to visit your parents you haven’t seen in a while.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> When people in Stockton were given the choice of how to use the $500 they got each month, they tended to spend it on food and other essentials.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Some also used it to help pay for housing. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MICHAEL\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">They were able to sort of save up for a down payment to move to safer living conditions. Or some people use it to cope with sort of small rises in rent that occur: $50 here or $100 here, $125 here. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Researchers in Stockton didn’t look specifically at the impact of a guaranteed income on evictions. But the small stipend could help. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/12/12/upshot/eviction-prevention-solutions-government.html\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Most people get evicted for $600 or less\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, according to a New York Times analysis. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Just knowing you have enough money to get to the end of the month also goes a long way for your mental health.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MICHAEL\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Folks who received the guaranteed income went from elevated levels of stress to regular levels of stress. And that just was like, wow, like money really sort of affects health and mental health and well-being and how we show up in the world. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music out)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> But probably one of the biggest findings from Stockton: \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It challenged a widely held criticism of guaranteed income, that it would cause people to stop working. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The money actually had the opposite effect. \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.stocktondemonstration.org/employment\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">People worked \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">more.\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">About \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.stocktondemonstration.org/employment\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">12% went from part-time to full-time work\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. That’s more than double the control group. And participants were less likely to be unemployed. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MICHAEL\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And I wasn’t surprised, but I’m glad the data validated this belief that that $500 was not going to make anyone stop working, that people still worked.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Michael says that’s because it wasn’t enough to live on. But it gave people some breathing room. It allowed them to quit one of their part-time jobs and look for full-time work.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Or go back to school to change careers. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MICHAEL\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It allowed people the chance to live. And live a life, and live a life beyond just going through the motions and working and going to sleep and working, going to sleep. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Still, critics say you shouldn’t draw too many conclusions from one small pilot program — with only 125 participants. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Rolling out a guaranteed income nationally could have a much bigger impact on the economy. And many worry that all that extra cash would only cause prices to rise, setting off higher inflation. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guaranteed income also does nothing to solve a larger problem. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The thing we \u003ca href=\"https://www.bls.gov/news.release/cesan.nr0.htm#:~:text=%2D%2DHousing%20expenditures%20increased%203.5,dwellings%20were%20down%200.5%20percent.\">spend the most money on is housing\u003c/a>. And that just keeps going up. Taking a \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cnbc.com/2021/11/10/home-prices-are-now-rising-much-faster-than-incomes-studies-show.html\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">bigger and bigger piece\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> out of our paychecks.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MICHAEL\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guaranteed income is great, but we don’t want all that money to be spent on housing because people have other needs, right? So I think a guaranteed income is a powerful tool. But like any toolbox, you need more than one tool to really get the job done. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music in)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Guaranteed income can’t solve poverty on its own. But Michael says it’s a good place to start if we want to solve other big problems, like evictions. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Evictions perpetuate inequality, a\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">nd they push more people into poverty. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> When you’re evicted, you lose your neighborhood, your school, your support network. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You can be trapped in a cycle of debt, even become homeless. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But the solutions are within our reach, and people are already pushing for them. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Activists in Fresno are fighting for a fair shot in court. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Tenants in Antioch are demanding more protection against rising rents. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And women like \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11905386/why-black-women-are-more-likely-to-face-eviction\">Jean [Kendrick, from Episode 2]\u003c/a> are sharing their stories and calling attention to inequities we can’t unsee. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Evictions reflect our housing system: who reaps the profit and who suffers the pain.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But we have an opportunity to make the system more fair, to invest in people’s success, not just for a few, but for all. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The question is, will we take it? \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I’m Erin Baldassari.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And I’m Molly Solomon. Thank you so much for listening to Sold Out: Rethinking Housing in America. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">If you like what you hear, please leave us a review on Apple Podcasts — and share it with a friend!\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> We’ve got one more thing that we’re working on. It’s a bonus episode full of stories from you. That’ll drop in a few weeks, so stay tuned. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Sold Out is a production of KQED. This episode was written and reported by us: Molly Solomon and Erin Baldassari.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Adhiti Bandlamudi produced this episode. Kyana Moghadam is our senior producer. Brendan Willard is our sound engineer. And Rob Speight wrote our theme song.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Natalia Aldana is our senior engagement producer and Gerald Fermin is our engagement intern.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Thank you to our editor, Erika Kelly. Additional editing from Jessica Placzek and Otis Taylor Jr.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We couldn’t have made this season without Ethan Toven-Lindsey, Holly Kernan, Erika Aguilar and Vinnee Tong. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Thank you for listening! \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music out)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Let us know what you think of the show by \u003ca href=\"https://survey.alchemer.com/s3/6755022/f959eb5782fc\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">taking a quick survey\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11907727/reknitting-the-safety-net-help-pay-the-rent","authors":["11652","11651"],"programs":["news_33522"],"categories":["news_8","news_33520"],"tags":["news_3921","news_19122","news_1386","news_18538","news_30775","news_1775","news_21358","news_30773","news_30774","news_9","news_20903","news_30776","news_28979","news_28426","news_1585","news_20967","news_20809","news_28541","news_28527","news_784","news_19961","news_30777"],"featImg":"news_11908146","label":"source_news_11907727","isLoading":false,"hasAllInfo":true}},"programsReducer":{"possible":{"id":"possible","title":"Possible","info":"Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. 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