Juneteenth Across the Bay: A Celebration of Heritage and Reflections on Injustice Past and Present
California's Reparations Task Force Met in Sacramento. Here's What You Need to Know
California's Legislature Has Roots in Slavery. Are Lawmakers Ready to Confront That?
California Reparations Task Force Meets in Oakland to Weigh Eligibility Requirements
'I Ain't Leaving Without My 40 Acres': How Musicians Have Called for Reparations
How the Founder of California's First Black Church Fought Its Last Known Slavery Case
California Celebrates Its History As a 'Free State.' But There Was Slavery Here.
Nikole Hannah-Jones on The 1619 Project and 'Reckoning With What Our Country Was Founded Upon'
California's Reparations Task Force to Hear Testimony on Anti-Black Racism in Housing and Education Policy
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Brown is the Vice Chair of the California Task Force on Reparations.","imgSizes":{"medium":{"file":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS47077_003_SanFrancisco_LowellBSURally_02052021-qut-800x533.jpg","width":800,"height":533,"mimeType":"image/jpeg"},"large":{"file":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS47077_003_SanFrancisco_LowellBSURally_02052021-qut-1020x679.jpg","width":1020,"height":679,"mimeType":"image/jpeg"},"thumbnail":{"file":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS47077_003_SanFrancisco_LowellBSURally_02052021-qut-160x107.jpg","width":160,"height":107,"mimeType":"image/jpeg"},"1536x1536":{"file":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS47077_003_SanFrancisco_LowellBSURally_02052021-qut-1536x1022.jpg","width":1536,"height":1022,"mimeType":"image/jpeg"},"post-thumbnail":{"file":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS47077_003_SanFrancisco_LowellBSURally_02052021-qut-672x372.jpg","width":672,"height":372,"mimeType":"image/jpeg"},"twentyfourteen-full-width":{"file":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS47077_003_SanFrancisco_LowellBSURally_02052021-qut-1038x576.jpg","width":1038,"height":576,"mimeType":"image/jpeg"},"kqedFullSize":{"file":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS47077_003_SanFrancisco_LowellBSURally_02052021-qut.jpg","width":1920,"height":1278}},"fetchFailed":false,"isLoading":false}},"audioPlayerReducer":{"postId":"stream_live"},"authorsReducer":{"byline_news_11935290":{"type":"authors","id":"byline_news_11935290","meta":{"override":true},"slug":"byline_news_11935290","name":"Sophie Austin and Janie Har\u003cbr>The Associated Press","isLoading":false},"gmarzorati":{"type":"authors","id":"227","meta":{"index":"authors_1591205172","id":"227","found":true},"name":"Guy Marzorati","firstName":"Guy","lastName":"Marzorati","slug":"gmarzorati","email":"gmarzorati@KQED.org","display_author_email":true,"staff_mastheads":["news"],"title":"Correspondent","bio":"Guy Marzorati is a correspondent on KQED's California Politics and Government Desk, based in San Jose. 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Lee surrendered to end the Civil War, a Union general trotted into Galveston, Texas, to notify still-enslaved Black people that they were free. [aside label=\"Reparations in California\" link1=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations,Explore why California launched the first-in-the-nation task force to study reparations for Black people\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/2022/02/RiCLandingPageGraphic-1020x574.png\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was the beginning of Juneteenth — Black Independence Day, if you will. Juneteenth has been celebrated by Black people, many of whom are ancestors of enslaved Africans and Americans, for more than 150 years. And in 2021, President Biden made Juneteenth — June 19 — a federal holiday in the wake of nationwide protests over police killings of Black Americans. Federal observance of a day commemorating the emancipation of enslaved people should be a reminder that the United States continues to avert a true reckoning over the treatment of Black people. And instead of intentional policies to repair the harm caused by slavery and the systemic racism and discrimination that continues to emanate from more than two centuries of forced labor, most Americans get an extra day off of work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But let’s not rain on a day when Black joy shines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11953313\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11953313 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66364_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0028-KQED-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Two Black women, one in Bantu knots and another in a bright yellow head wrap, both in long, flowing, colorful clothing, dance alongside a drum circle on an outdoor stage.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66364_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0028-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66364_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0028-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66364_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0028-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66364_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0028-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66364_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0028-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66364_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0028-KQED.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Women dance alongside a drum circle during the Juneteenth celebration in Oakland on Saturday. \u003ccite>(Amaya Edwards/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Juneteenth in Oakland, which held its 14th annual Juneteenth festival Saturday, is a family affair. Known as \u003ca href=\"https://www.eventbrite.com/e/fam-bam-oaklands-14th-annual-juneteenth-festival-registration-596989340187\">Fam Bam\u003c/a>, the party honoring Black culture and held at Lake Merritt Amphitheater, was actually the kickoff of a weekend-long celebration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As people celebrate freedoms granted in the past, some are thinking about California’s ongoing reparations efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11953318\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11953318 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66373_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0022-KQED-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Rows of people, mostly Black, sit outside on a green and brown lawn, with pitched white tents in rows behind them.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66373_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0022-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66373_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0022-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66373_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0022-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66373_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0022-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66373_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0022-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66373_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0022-KQED.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People sit facing Lake Merritt during Saturday’s Juneteenth festival. \u003ccite>(Amaya Edwards/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For Oakland resident Michael Spender, reparations mean “more channels to economic wealth, more channels to health care, more channels to security, the things that we need to have a better life … There’s a lot of money that is passed down, but it never seems to get where it’s supposed to go.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11953321\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11953321 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66377_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0019-KQED-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Amid white and red vendor tents, two Black men in checkered shirts, jeans, and baseball caps sit atop horses on the asphalt, both stopped to talk to people below them dressed casually and carrying drinks.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66377_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0019-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66377_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0019-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66377_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0019-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66377_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0019-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66377_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0019-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66377_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0019-KQED.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People look on as Black cowboys ride past festivalgoers. \u003ccite>(Amaya Edwards/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The California Reparations Task Force will submit final recommendations to the Legislature at the end of this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposals will include how Black residents should be compensated for enduring oppression, and will suggest measures to repair decades of discriminatory policies in housing, education, health care, criminal justice and other areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11953317\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11953317 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66368_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED-33-KQED-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A Black man with a wide grin and salt and pepper in his beard and mustache smiles into the sun beneath a woven cowboy hat.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66368_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED-33-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66368_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED-33-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66368_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED-33-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66368_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED-33-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66368_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED-33-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66368_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED-33-KQED.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rapper Larussel poses for a portrait during Juneteenth in Oakland. \u003ccite>(Amaya Edwards/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It’s more than just monetary,” said Fam Bam attendee Tonda Jackson from Oakland. “[It’s] education, housing, jobs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People gathered in cities across the Bay Area, including at Grace Bible Fellowship of Antioch for a Juneteenth celebration hosted by \u003ca href=\"https://www.gracearmsofantioch.org/\">Grace Arms of Antioch\u003c/a>, where there were bouncy houses, music and poetry performances, and wellness stations offering first aid and prayers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Writer, poet and Antioch resident Ari Why said Juneteenth was open to everybody who’s ever been impoverished and “brought down by the system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11953312\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11953312 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66362_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0027-KQED-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A wooden bookshelf with three rows of children's books, covers facing out, and a chalk sign at the top saying, "Oakland Public Library."\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66362_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0027-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66362_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0027-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66362_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0027-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66362_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0027-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66362_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0027-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66362_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0027-KQED.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Oakland Public Library booth at Saturday’s Juneteenth festival. \u003ccite>(Amaya Edwards/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“\u003cb>\u003c/b>If you look into the history, African Americans are the only ones that haven’t received reparations for what they went through,” said Why, who also shared a poem on stage. “Every other nationality actually \u003cem>was\u003c/em> paid off. Even white Americans were paid off … Slave owners that lost slaves got reparations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11953320\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11953320 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66376_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0009-KQED-800x533.jpg\" alt='A young Black man with trim hair and goatee and tattoo sleeves, wearing a black T-shirt that says \"Retired Slave / In Honor & Memory and My Ancestors,\" raises his right fist and smiles slightly as he looks at the camera.' width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66376_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0009-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66376_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0009-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66376_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0009-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66376_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0009-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66376_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0009-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66376_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0009-KQED.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">John Cannon, outreach coordinator with Legal Services for Prisoners With Children, poses for a portrait. \u003ccite>(Amaya Edwards/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Our country seems to be in denial about slavery. They don’t want to talk about things,” said Carrie Frazier, executive director for \u003ca href=\"https://www.villagekeeper.com/\">Village Keepers\u003c/a>, a nonprofit that supports Black families affected by poverty and systemic racism in East and Central Contra Costa County. “So for us to be able to know that our history is valid, it happened, and there was legislation to make it be freedom is important for us to know, because if we wait for the schools to teach it, we may never hear anything.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11953319\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11953319 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66375_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0002-KQED-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Three Black children tumble and smile in an open jumpy house that is bright yellow, with neighborhood scenes on it, as a Black woman with long black hair and sunglasses rests her right arm on the side and watches them.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66375_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0002-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66375_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0002-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66375_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0002-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66375_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0002-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66375_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0002-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66375_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0002-KQED.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lameir Moncrese, 6, Paris Moncrese, 5, and Legend Moncrese, 3, play. \u003ccite>(Amaya Edwards/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11953325\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11953325 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66384_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0030-KQED-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A young Black girl turns her face, smiling, to the camera, red dots decorating the right side of her face, as a Black woman in an orange and green dress and sunglasses paints the left side of her face. They sit knee to knee on folding chairs.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66384_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0030-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66384_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0030-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66384_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0030-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66384_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0030-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66384_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0030-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66384_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0030-KQED.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Keena Romano (right) paints Leairah Lockett, 10. \u003ccite>(Amaya Edwards/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11953324\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11953324 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66382_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0029-KQED-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A young Black girl, maybe 9, with yellow painted dots on her face sits smiling beside an older Black woman, wearing a colorful embroidered tunic with her head wrapped beneath matching white cotton with yellow dots painted across her forehead and nose, standing beside a Black man in sunglasses, a wide-brimmed hat, and a Tupac Shakur T-shirt, also smiling and holding two bubble hands in his left hand.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66382_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0029-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66382_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0029-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66382_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0029-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66382_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0029-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66382_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0029-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66382_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0029-KQED.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">From left, Saniyah Johnson, Bush Mama Africa and Rick Johnson pose for a portrait. \u003ccite>(Amaya Edwards/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11953322\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11953322 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66378_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0007-KQED-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A young Black women with elaborate makeup -- pink and orange eye shadow, lined lips, '80s-style gold bamboo hoops, and a nose ring -- with long reflective blue-gray nails, holding a red parasol and wearing a black beanie with brooches on it, looks beyond the camera.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66378_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0007-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66378_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0007-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66378_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0007-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66378_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0007-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66378_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0007-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66378_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0007-KQED.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Keiyana Kemp poses for a portrait. \u003ccite>(Amaya Edwards/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11953323\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11953323 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66379_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0006-KQED-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A close-up of a Black woman holding up her '80s-style bamboo earring, with the word "Oakland" across it. Her hand has long, dark gray-painted nails.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66379_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0006-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66379_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0006-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66379_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0006-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66379_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0006-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66379_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0006-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66379_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0006-KQED.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Keiyana Kemp shows her earrings. \u003ccite>(Amaya Edwards/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11953326\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11953326 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66386_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0011-KQED-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Two Black woman pose, smiling at the camera. The woman on the left looks over her right shoulder, showing the graphic on the back of her T-shirt and holding her friend's shoulder with her right arm. Both have long braids; the woman on the right has red, green, and yellow braids, and wears a red crop top, also a graphic T with an image of a Black woman.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66386_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0011-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66386_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0011-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66386_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0011-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66386_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0011-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66386_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0011-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66386_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0011-KQED.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Fanna Jackson-Hill (left) and Sarah Morgan pose for a portrait . \u003ccite>(Amaya Edwards/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Otis R. Taylor Jr., María Fernanda Bernal, Billy Cruz, Amaya Edwards, Lakshmi Sarah and Attila Pelit contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"In 2021, President Biden made Juneteenth — June 19 — a federal holiday in the wake of nationwide protests over police killings of Black Americans. Here's how some people are celebrating in the Bay Area.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1687220526,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":16,"wordCount":817},"headData":{"title":"Juneteenth Across the Bay: A Celebration of Heritage and Reflections on Injustice Past and Present | KQED","description":"In 2021, President Biden made Juneteenth — June 19 — a federal holiday in the wake of nationwide protests over police killings of Black Americans. Here's how some people are celebrating in the Bay Area.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Juneteenth Across the Bay: A Celebration of Heritage and Reflections on Injustice Past and Present","datePublished":"2023-06-18T18:49:45.000Z","dateModified":"2023-06-20T00:22:06.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11953298/juneteenth-across-the-bay-a-celebration-of-heritage-and-reflections-on-injustice-past-and-present","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>On June 19, 1865, two months after Confederate General Robert E. Lee surrendered to end the Civil War, a Union general trotted into Galveston, Texas, to notify still-enslaved Black people that they were free. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"label":"Reparations in California ","link1":"https://www.kqed.org/reparations,Explore why California launched the first-in-the-nation task force to study reparations for Black people","hero":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/2022/02/RiCLandingPageGraphic-1020x574.png"},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was the beginning of Juneteenth — Black Independence Day, if you will. Juneteenth has been celebrated by Black people, many of whom are ancestors of enslaved Africans and Americans, for more than 150 years. And in 2021, President Biden made Juneteenth — June 19 — a federal holiday in the wake of nationwide protests over police killings of Black Americans. Federal observance of a day commemorating the emancipation of enslaved people should be a reminder that the United States continues to avert a true reckoning over the treatment of Black people. And instead of intentional policies to repair the harm caused by slavery and the systemic racism and discrimination that continues to emanate from more than two centuries of forced labor, most Americans get an extra day off of work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But let’s not rain on a day when Black joy shines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11953313\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11953313 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66364_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0028-KQED-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Two Black women, one in Bantu knots and another in a bright yellow head wrap, both in long, flowing, colorful clothing, dance alongside a drum circle on an outdoor stage.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66364_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0028-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66364_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0028-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66364_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0028-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66364_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0028-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66364_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0028-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66364_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0028-KQED.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Women dance alongside a drum circle during the Juneteenth celebration in Oakland on Saturday. \u003ccite>(Amaya Edwards/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Juneteenth in Oakland, which held its 14th annual Juneteenth festival Saturday, is a family affair. Known as \u003ca href=\"https://www.eventbrite.com/e/fam-bam-oaklands-14th-annual-juneteenth-festival-registration-596989340187\">Fam Bam\u003c/a>, the party honoring Black culture and held at Lake Merritt Amphitheater, was actually the kickoff of a weekend-long celebration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As people celebrate freedoms granted in the past, some are thinking about California’s ongoing reparations efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11953318\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11953318 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66373_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0022-KQED-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Rows of people, mostly Black, sit outside on a green and brown lawn, with pitched white tents in rows behind them.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66373_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0022-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66373_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0022-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66373_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0022-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66373_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0022-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66373_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0022-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66373_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0022-KQED.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People sit facing Lake Merritt during Saturday’s Juneteenth festival. \u003ccite>(Amaya Edwards/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For Oakland resident Michael Spender, reparations mean “more channels to economic wealth, more channels to health care, more channels to security, the things that we need to have a better life … There’s a lot of money that is passed down, but it never seems to get where it’s supposed to go.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11953321\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11953321 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66377_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0019-KQED-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Amid white and red vendor tents, two Black men in checkered shirts, jeans, and baseball caps sit atop horses on the asphalt, both stopped to talk to people below them dressed casually and carrying drinks.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66377_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0019-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66377_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0019-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66377_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0019-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66377_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0019-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66377_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0019-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66377_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0019-KQED.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People look on as Black cowboys ride past festivalgoers. \u003ccite>(Amaya Edwards/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The California Reparations Task Force will submit final recommendations to the Legislature at the end of this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposals will include how Black residents should be compensated for enduring oppression, and will suggest measures to repair decades of discriminatory policies in housing, education, health care, criminal justice and other areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11953317\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11953317 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66368_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED-33-KQED-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A Black man with a wide grin and salt and pepper in his beard and mustache smiles into the sun beneath a woven cowboy hat.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66368_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED-33-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66368_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED-33-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66368_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED-33-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66368_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED-33-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66368_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED-33-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66368_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED-33-KQED.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rapper Larussel poses for a portrait during Juneteenth in Oakland. \u003ccite>(Amaya Edwards/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It’s more than just monetary,” said Fam Bam attendee Tonda Jackson from Oakland. “[It’s] education, housing, jobs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People gathered in cities across the Bay Area, including at Grace Bible Fellowship of Antioch for a Juneteenth celebration hosted by \u003ca href=\"https://www.gracearmsofantioch.org/\">Grace Arms of Antioch\u003c/a>, where there were bouncy houses, music and poetry performances, and wellness stations offering first aid and prayers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Writer, poet and Antioch resident Ari Why said Juneteenth was open to everybody who’s ever been impoverished and “brought down by the system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11953312\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11953312 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66362_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0027-KQED-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A wooden bookshelf with three rows of children's books, covers facing out, and a chalk sign at the top saying, "Oakland Public Library."\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66362_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0027-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66362_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0027-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66362_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0027-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66362_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0027-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66362_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0027-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66362_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0027-KQED.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Oakland Public Library booth at Saturday’s Juneteenth festival. \u003ccite>(Amaya Edwards/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“\u003cb>\u003c/b>If you look into the history, African Americans are the only ones that haven’t received reparations for what they went through,” said Why, who also shared a poem on stage. “Every other nationality actually \u003cem>was\u003c/em> paid off. Even white Americans were paid off … Slave owners that lost slaves got reparations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11953320\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11953320 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66376_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0009-KQED-800x533.jpg\" alt='A young Black man with trim hair and goatee and tattoo sleeves, wearing a black T-shirt that says \"Retired Slave / In Honor & Memory and My Ancestors,\" raises his right fist and smiles slightly as he looks at the camera.' width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66376_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0009-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66376_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0009-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66376_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0009-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66376_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0009-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66376_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0009-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66376_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0009-KQED.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">John Cannon, outreach coordinator with Legal Services for Prisoners With Children, poses for a portrait. \u003ccite>(Amaya Edwards/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Our country seems to be in denial about slavery. They don’t want to talk about things,” said Carrie Frazier, executive director for \u003ca href=\"https://www.villagekeeper.com/\">Village Keepers\u003c/a>, a nonprofit that supports Black families affected by poverty and systemic racism in East and Central Contra Costa County. “So for us to be able to know that our history is valid, it happened, and there was legislation to make it be freedom is important for us to know, because if we wait for the schools to teach it, we may never hear anything.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11953319\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11953319 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66375_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0002-KQED-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Three Black children tumble and smile in an open jumpy house that is bright yellow, with neighborhood scenes on it, as a Black woman with long black hair and sunglasses rests her right arm on the side and watches them.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66375_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0002-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66375_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0002-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66375_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0002-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66375_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0002-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66375_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0002-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66375_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0002-KQED.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lameir Moncrese, 6, Paris Moncrese, 5, and Legend Moncrese, 3, play. \u003ccite>(Amaya Edwards/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11953325\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11953325 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66384_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0030-KQED-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A young Black girl turns her face, smiling, to the camera, red dots decorating the right side of her face, as a Black woman in an orange and green dress and sunglasses paints the left side of her face. They sit knee to knee on folding chairs.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66384_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0030-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66384_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0030-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66384_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0030-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66384_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0030-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66384_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0030-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66384_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0030-KQED.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Keena Romano (right) paints Leairah Lockett, 10. \u003ccite>(Amaya Edwards/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11953324\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11953324 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66382_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0029-KQED-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A young Black girl, maybe 9, with yellow painted dots on her face sits smiling beside an older Black woman, wearing a colorful embroidered tunic with her head wrapped beneath matching white cotton with yellow dots painted across her forehead and nose, standing beside a Black man in sunglasses, a wide-brimmed hat, and a Tupac Shakur T-shirt, also smiling and holding two bubble hands in his left hand.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66382_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0029-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66382_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0029-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66382_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0029-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66382_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0029-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66382_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0029-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66382_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0029-KQED.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">From left, Saniyah Johnson, Bush Mama Africa and Rick Johnson pose for a portrait. \u003ccite>(Amaya Edwards/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11953322\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11953322 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66378_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0007-KQED-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A young Black women with elaborate makeup -- pink and orange eye shadow, lined lips, '80s-style gold bamboo hoops, and a nose ring -- with long reflective blue-gray nails, holding a red parasol and wearing a black beanie with brooches on it, looks beyond the camera.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66378_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0007-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66378_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0007-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66378_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0007-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66378_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0007-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66378_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0007-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66378_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0007-KQED.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Keiyana Kemp poses for a portrait. \u003ccite>(Amaya Edwards/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11953323\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11953323 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66379_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0006-KQED-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A close-up of a Black woman holding up her '80s-style bamboo earring, with the word "Oakland" across it. Her hand has long, dark gray-painted nails.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66379_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0006-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66379_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0006-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66379_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0006-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66379_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0006-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66379_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0006-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66379_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0006-KQED.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Keiyana Kemp shows her earrings. \u003ccite>(Amaya Edwards/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11953326\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11953326 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66386_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0011-KQED-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Two Black woman pose, smiling at the camera. The woman on the left looks over her right shoulder, showing the graphic on the back of her T-shirt and holding her friend's shoulder with her right arm. Both have long braids; the woman on the right has red, green, and yellow braids, and wears a red crop top, also a graphic T with an image of a Black woman.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66386_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0011-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66386_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0011-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66386_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0011-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66386_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0011-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66386_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0011-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66386_20230617_Juneteenth_KQED_0011-KQED.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Fanna Jackson-Hill (left) and Sarah Morgan pose for a portrait . \u003ccite>(Amaya Edwards/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Otis R. Taylor Jr., María Fernanda Bernal, Billy Cruz, Amaya Edwards, Lakshmi Sarah and Attila Pelit contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11953298/juneteenth-across-the-bay-a-celebration-of-heritage-and-reflections-on-injustice-past-and-present","authors":["236"],"categories":["news_223","news_8"],"tags":["news_30656","news_6385","news_32835","news_32487","news_32833","news_29534","news_32836","news_23528","news_32834","news_2923","news_22493"],"featImg":"news_11953315","label":"news"},"news_11942533":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11942533","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11942533","score":null,"sort":[1678024828000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"californias-black-reparations-task-force-meets-in-sacramento-heres-what-you-need-to-know","title":"California's Reparations Task Force Met in Sacramento. Here's What You Need to Know","publishDate":1678024828,"format":"standard","headTitle":"California’s Reparations Task Force Met in Sacramento. Here’s What You Need to Know | KQED","labelTerm":{"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>California’s \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121\">Task Force to Study and Develop Reparation Proposals for African Americans\u003c/a> met in Sacramento for two days this weekend, bringing it one step closer to finalizing recommendations for the nation’s first-ever statewide plan for reparations for Black people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s Annelise Finney, who was in Sacramento, shared what was talked about and what’s next for the task force in an interview with KQED’s Rachael Vasquez.[aside label=\"Reparations in California\" link1=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations,Explore why California launched the first-in-the-nation task force to study reparations for Black people\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/2022/02/RiCLandingPageGraphic-1020x574.png\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This interview has been edited for brevity and clarity.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Vasquez:\u003c/strong> \u003cstrong>Can you remind us what the task force has been up to in the last year and a half?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney:\u003c/strong> This task force is now about three quarters of the way through its work. During the first year, its big focus was on documenting the history and impact of anti-Black racist policies in California. They produced a 500-page report, and it’s one of the most comprehensive government documents studying the impact of anti-Black policies. It’s pretty amazing, and \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/media/ab3121-reparations-interim-report-2022.pdf\">it’s available on the Department of Justice website (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, in the second year, they’ve been digging into what reparations for these harms should really look like. And they’re supposed to produce recommendations in four months, by July 1 — a quickly approaching deadline.[aside postID=news_11941469 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/The-Road-to-Reparations_Thumbnail_1_v16-e1677009994307-1020x574.png']The first area of reparations that they’re looking at is compensation. That’s direct payments to people who are the descendants of people who were enslaved in the U.S. and who now live in California. They don’t have an exact number for how many people would be receiving this money or how much it would be, but they’re still working on it. One proposal they are considering is to create a new state agency that would be called the Freedmen Affairs Agency that would, among other things, handle doling out these payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other form of reparations that they’re primarily looking at are ways to stop harm moving forward, and the way they’re hoping to do that is by changing state policy. They have dozens of policy recommendations on the table right now. One is to repeal or amend Proposition 209 — a California law that prohibits policies that benefit or discriminate against a specific racial group. It was originally passed in 1996 and was reaffirmed by voters in 2020. Task force member Donald Tamaki laid out the simple contradiction that Prop. 209 presents when it comes to addressing racial inequality at the meeting on Saturday, saying, “Obviously this thing was created by hate and racism, and now you can’t consider race to fix it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942552\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11942552\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/019_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-800x533.jpg\" alt='A older African American man in a black suit with a top hat holds a sign in a conference hall surrounded by people. The sign reads \"CA Reparations Now 2023.\"' width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/019_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/019_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/019_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/019_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/019_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Morris Griffin, also known as Big Money Griff, a community activist, speaks during public comment at a California Reparations Task Force meeting in Sacramento on March 3, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>This weekend the task force has been talking about how to get its recommendations turned into law. Tell us what that process would look like. \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each recommendation that the task force makes would have to be taken up by individual lawmakers. Some of the recommendations might be pretty broad, so lawmakers will have to refine down the proposals and work out details the task force wasn’t able to get to. Bills will then have to be written, lobbied for and passed through the [state] Legislature in order for the reparations proposals to become a reality for people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Task force member Rev. Amos Brown emphasized during the meeting yesterday that these recommendations still have a long way to go. He said, “We still have miles to go and promises to keep before we fall asleep, if anything’s gonna become a reality, and for meaningful, significant change in the lives of Black folk in the state of California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942557\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11942557 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63320_011_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A panel of people with screens behind them face a seated crowd of people in a conference hall. In the aisle, in the right of the frame, people line up to address the panel.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63320_011_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63320_011_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63320_011_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63320_011_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63320_011_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Reparations Task Force members listen to public comments during a meeting in Sacramento on March 3, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>I’m guessing a fair amount of public support would be needed to pass these pieces of legislation. What is the task force doing to encourage public support for their recommendations?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One big thing they’re doing is working on public education programs. That means taking all of the information that was in that report and making sure people in California actually know the history. One way they’re doing that is by trying to develop a curriculum that would get this information into schools. They’ve also talked about creating a grant program that would support documentaries and public art projects. But all of that hasn’t happened yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942556\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11942556 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/027_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A line of people, all African American, in a conference hall look toward the podium. The woman closest to the camera is older with long gray braids; the woman behind her is much younger, with long black braids, an orange beanie, and an orange sweatshirt. Three men stand behind her, from left to right: One man is middle-aged, wearing a black and red sweatshirt and dark sunglasses; the next is older and wearing a brown fedora with a black ribbon; and the third is tallest, with shoulder-length gray locs, dark sunglasses, and a bright red zip-up winter coat.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/027_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/027_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/027_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/027_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/027_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People line up to speak during public comment at a California Reparations Task Force meeting in Sacramento on March 3, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One big thing that’s been coming up in public comments during the meeting yesterday and today is the lack of a real public awareness about what the task force is doing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One public commenter this morning who identified himself as John Mud spoke to this feeling, saying, “I talk to people every day about reparations, and I bring up this task force, and no one knows about it.” Ultimately, whether these recommendations are passed will come down to whether Californians support them. A lot of people feel like there’s still a lot of work to be done to make sure people know that the task force exists, that they know about the work that it’s doing, and that they are also on board to support these proposals as they move through the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942559\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11942559 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63328_018_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A middle-aged African American woman, wearing black-framed glasses and a shoulder-length black bob, a white blouse under a beige cardigan, and a gold and beaded necklace, gestures with both hands as she speaks into a small microphone at a dais. People wait in line behind her, to speak next.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63328_018_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63328_018_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63328_018_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63328_018_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63328_018_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gloria Pierrot-Dyer speaks about her family from Allensworth during public comment at a California Reparations Task Force meeting in Sacramento on March 3, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What’s next for this task force?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They have a few more in-person meetings before the deadline in June. There’ll be one in March, another in May, and then a final meeting in June when the recommendations are finalized. There’s also \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB490\">a bill\u003c/a> in the Legislature right now to extend the work of the task force for an additional year. That wouldn’t change any of the deadlines. The final recommendations would still be due in June, but it would give the task force members more time to work together in order to shepherd these proposals through the state Legislature, and potentially into law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942566\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11942566 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63355_048_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt='Three older African American men stand having a conversation. The man on the far left, with a neat gray beard, wears a black baseball cap with colorful splotches of pink, yellow and green, watching the other two men speak. The man in the middle, mostly bald, wears a gray suit of a very light plaid, an ochre pocket handkerchief, and an ochre-and-navy-striped tie. He faces the last man, on the far right, who is speaking and seems to be resting his right hand on the back of the man in the suit. He is the tallest, bald and with a white goatee and glasses, and a black hoodie with an outline of California in white that says \"CA Reparations Now 2023,\" and a sticker name tag on his chest.' width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63355_048_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63355_048_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63355_048_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63355_048_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63355_048_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">State Sen. Steven Bradford (D-Gardena) speaks with attendees during a California Reparations Task Force meeting in Sacramento on March 3, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Annelise Finney, Rachael Vasquez, Beth LaBerge and Attila Pelit contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"The California Reparations Task Force dug into what reparations for descendants of people who were enslaved in California should look like. The group is aiming to finalize its recommendations within the next four months.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1682026659,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":19,"wordCount":1194},"headData":{"title":"California's Reparations Task Force Met in Sacramento. Here's What You Need to Know | KQED","description":"The California Reparations Task Force dug into what reparations for descendants of people who were enslaved in California should look like. The group is aiming to finalize its recommendations within the next four months.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"California's Reparations Task Force Met in Sacramento. Here's What You Need to Know","datePublished":"2023-03-05T14:00:28.000Z","dateModified":"2023-04-20T21:37:39.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"audioUrl":"https://traffic.omny.fm/d/clips/0af137ef-751e-4b19-a055-aaef00d2d578/ffca7e9f-6831-4[…]f-aaef00f5a073/23317eeb-d2f3-414f-a4c2-afbd011715ff/audio.mp3","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11942533/californias-black-reparations-task-force-meets-in-sacramento-heres-what-you-need-to-know","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California’s \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121\">Task Force to Study and Develop Reparation Proposals for African Americans\u003c/a> met in Sacramento for two days this weekend, bringing it one step closer to finalizing recommendations for the nation’s first-ever statewide plan for reparations for Black people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s Annelise Finney, who was in Sacramento, shared what was talked about and what’s next for the task force in an interview with KQED’s Rachael Vasquez.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"label":"Reparations in California ","link1":"https://www.kqed.org/reparations,Explore why California launched the first-in-the-nation task force to study reparations for Black people","hero":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/2022/02/RiCLandingPageGraphic-1020x574.png"},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This interview has been edited for brevity and clarity.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Vasquez:\u003c/strong> \u003cstrong>Can you remind us what the task force has been up to in the last year and a half?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney:\u003c/strong> This task force is now about three quarters of the way through its work. During the first year, its big focus was on documenting the history and impact of anti-Black racist policies in California. They produced a 500-page report, and it’s one of the most comprehensive government documents studying the impact of anti-Black policies. It’s pretty amazing, and \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/media/ab3121-reparations-interim-report-2022.pdf\">it’s available on the Department of Justice website (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, in the second year, they’ve been digging into what reparations for these harms should really look like. And they’re supposed to produce recommendations in four months, by July 1 — a quickly approaching deadline.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11941469","hero":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/The-Road-to-Reparations_Thumbnail_1_v16-e1677009994307-1020x574.png","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The first area of reparations that they’re looking at is compensation. That’s direct payments to people who are the descendants of people who were enslaved in the U.S. and who now live in California. They don’t have an exact number for how many people would be receiving this money or how much it would be, but they’re still working on it. One proposal they are considering is to create a new state agency that would be called the Freedmen Affairs Agency that would, among other things, handle doling out these payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other form of reparations that they’re primarily looking at are ways to stop harm moving forward, and the way they’re hoping to do that is by changing state policy. They have dozens of policy recommendations on the table right now. One is to repeal or amend Proposition 209 — a California law that prohibits policies that benefit or discriminate against a specific racial group. It was originally passed in 1996 and was reaffirmed by voters in 2020. Task force member Donald Tamaki laid out the simple contradiction that Prop. 209 presents when it comes to addressing racial inequality at the meeting on Saturday, saying, “Obviously this thing was created by hate and racism, and now you can’t consider race to fix it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942552\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11942552\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/019_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-800x533.jpg\" alt='A older African American man in a black suit with a top hat holds a sign in a conference hall surrounded by people. The sign reads \"CA Reparations Now 2023.\"' width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/019_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/019_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/019_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/019_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/019_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Morris Griffin, also known as Big Money Griff, a community activist, speaks during public comment at a California Reparations Task Force meeting in Sacramento on March 3, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>This weekend the task force has been talking about how to get its recommendations turned into law. Tell us what that process would look like. \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each recommendation that the task force makes would have to be taken up by individual lawmakers. Some of the recommendations might be pretty broad, so lawmakers will have to refine down the proposals and work out details the task force wasn’t able to get to. Bills will then have to be written, lobbied for and passed through the [state] Legislature in order for the reparations proposals to become a reality for people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Task force member Rev. Amos Brown emphasized during the meeting yesterday that these recommendations still have a long way to go. He said, “We still have miles to go and promises to keep before we fall asleep, if anything’s gonna become a reality, and for meaningful, significant change in the lives of Black folk in the state of California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942557\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11942557 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63320_011_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A panel of people with screens behind them face a seated crowd of people in a conference hall. In the aisle, in the right of the frame, people line up to address the panel.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63320_011_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63320_011_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63320_011_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63320_011_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63320_011_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Reparations Task Force members listen to public comments during a meeting in Sacramento on March 3, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>I’m guessing a fair amount of public support would be needed to pass these pieces of legislation. What is the task force doing to encourage public support for their recommendations?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One big thing they’re doing is working on public education programs. That means taking all of the information that was in that report and making sure people in California actually know the history. One way they’re doing that is by trying to develop a curriculum that would get this information into schools. They’ve also talked about creating a grant program that would support documentaries and public art projects. But all of that hasn’t happened yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942556\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11942556 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/027_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A line of people, all African American, in a conference hall look toward the podium. The woman closest to the camera is older with long gray braids; the woman behind her is much younger, with long black braids, an orange beanie, and an orange sweatshirt. Three men stand behind her, from left to right: One man is middle-aged, wearing a black and red sweatshirt and dark sunglasses; the next is older and wearing a brown fedora with a black ribbon; and the third is tallest, with shoulder-length gray locs, dark sunglasses, and a bright red zip-up winter coat.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/027_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/027_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/027_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/027_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/027_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People line up to speak during public comment at a California Reparations Task Force meeting in Sacramento on March 3, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One big thing that’s been coming up in public comments during the meeting yesterday and today is the lack of a real public awareness about what the task force is doing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One public commenter this morning who identified himself as John Mud spoke to this feeling, saying, “I talk to people every day about reparations, and I bring up this task force, and no one knows about it.” Ultimately, whether these recommendations are passed will come down to whether Californians support them. A lot of people feel like there’s still a lot of work to be done to make sure people know that the task force exists, that they know about the work that it’s doing, and that they are also on board to support these proposals as they move through the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942559\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11942559 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63328_018_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A middle-aged African American woman, wearing black-framed glasses and a shoulder-length black bob, a white blouse under a beige cardigan, and a gold and beaded necklace, gestures with both hands as she speaks into a small microphone at a dais. People wait in line behind her, to speak next.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63328_018_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63328_018_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63328_018_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63328_018_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63328_018_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gloria Pierrot-Dyer speaks about her family from Allensworth during public comment at a California Reparations Task Force meeting in Sacramento on March 3, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What’s next for this task force?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They have a few more in-person meetings before the deadline in June. There’ll be one in March, another in May, and then a final meeting in June when the recommendations are finalized. There’s also \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB490\">a bill\u003c/a> in the Legislature right now to extend the work of the task force for an additional year. That wouldn’t change any of the deadlines. The final recommendations would still be due in June, but it would give the task force members more time to work together in order to shepherd these proposals through the state Legislature, and potentially into law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942566\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11942566 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63355_048_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt='Three older African American men stand having a conversation. The man on the far left, with a neat gray beard, wears a black baseball cap with colorful splotches of pink, yellow and green, watching the other two men speak. The man in the middle, mostly bald, wears a gray suit of a very light plaid, an ochre pocket handkerchief, and an ochre-and-navy-striped tie. He faces the last man, on the far right, who is speaking and seems to be resting his right hand on the back of the man in the suit. He is the tallest, bald and with a white goatee and glasses, and a black hoodie with an outline of California in white that says \"CA Reparations Now 2023,\" and a sticker name tag on his chest.' width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63355_048_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63355_048_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63355_048_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63355_048_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63355_048_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">State Sen. Steven Bradford (D-Gardena) speaks with attendees during a California Reparations Task Force meeting in Sacramento on March 3, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Annelise Finney, Rachael Vasquez, Beth LaBerge and Attila Pelit contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11942533/californias-black-reparations-task-force-meets-in-sacramento-heres-what-you-need-to-know","authors":["236"],"categories":["news_31795","news_6188","news_8"],"tags":["news_28272","news_30345","news_30652","news_27626","news_22493"],"featImg":"news_11945869","label":"news"},"news_11942302":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11942302","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11942302","score":null,"sort":[1677852033000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"californias-legislature-has-roots-in-slavery-are-lawmakers-ready-to-confront-that","title":"California's Legislature Has Roots in Slavery. Are Lawmakers Ready to Confront That?","publishDate":1677852033,"format":"standard","headTitle":"KQED News","labelTerm":{"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>[dropcap]S[/dropcap]ean Ryan was unaware of the most brutal chapters of American history when he started high school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He spent much of his adolescence in what he described as a religious cult that his mother joined, near Redding. While children his age constructed models of Spanish missions using sugar cubes and popsicle sticks, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/opinion/editorials/la-ed-california-mission-models-20170919-story.html\">longtime popular assignment in California’s fourth-grade classrooms\u003c/a>, Ryan was placed in a series of rotating apprenticeships. Starting when he was 8, Ryan chainsawed tree limbs with lumberjacks near Mount Shasta, paved roads in Arizona and went to Reno for a plumbing gig — work organized by his mother’s church.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ryan moved in with his father in San José when he was 14. He enrolled in school in the adjacent suburb of Los Gatos, an upscale community tucked in the foothills of the Santa Cruz Mountains. His first class — U.S. history — required reading about the Trail of Tears, the forced displacement of 60,000 Indigenous people from their ancestral homes in the southeastern part of the United States. Thousands died as they were marched to reservations west of the Mississippi River.\u003cu> \u003c/u>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The brutality of American history, like the forced labor of Indigenous people in the 18th and 19th centuries to build the Spanish missions, startled Ryan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just cried in front of the whole class,” Ryan, now 53, recalled. “They were like, ‘What is going on?’ And I was like, ‘I never knew any of this stuff. This is all completely new to me.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What followed was an insatiable desire to learn more about his family’s history. Did his ancestors have a role in the subjugation and forced removal of people? Ryan’s research revealed that he had a direct connection to California’s foundational years, when a veneer of frontier freedom and prosperity concealed an agenda anchored in racist hostility and terror.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942343\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/Sean-Ryan-photo-3.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11942343 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/Sean-Ryan-photo-3.jpg\" alt=\"A bearded white man with glasses holds an old photo of another white man, dressed formally in 19th century garb.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1484\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/Sean-Ryan-photo-3.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/Sean-Ryan-photo-3-800x618.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/Sean-Ryan-photo-3-1020x788.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/Sean-Ryan-photo-3-160x124.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/Sean-Ryan-photo-3-1536x1187.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sean Ryan holds a daguerreotype of his great-great-great grandfather, James Madison Estill, an early California legislator who enslaved more than a dozen people as he advanced a scheme to reinstate enslavement in the new state. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Sean Ryan)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It began with a photo. A great-aunt on Ryan’s mother’s side heard about his interest in genealogy, and asked whether a box of records she had would help his hunt. Among the documents included was a picture of his great-great-great grandfather: James Madison Estill, a founder of California’s system of mass incarceration, who was an early California legislator and who enslaved more than a dozen people as he advanced a scheme in the 1850s to reinstate enslavement in the newly formed state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is now going through a similar unearthing of its past. The state’s Reparations Task Force is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">examining the historic harms of slavery and anti-Black racism in California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although California entered the nation as a free state, pro-slavery lawmakers, including enslavers like Estill, held outsize influence in its early Legislature. They enacted laws aiding enslavers, and supported the expansion of human bondage across the country.[aside label=\"Reparations in California\" link1=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations,Explore why California launched the first-in-the-nation task force to study reparations for Black people\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/2022/02/RiCLandingPageGraphic-1020x574.png\"]\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB3121\">The bill creating the Reparations Task Force\u003c/a> was passed with bipartisan support in 2020, in the wake of George Floyd’s murder. It was heralded as a transformative step for racial justice. When Gov. Gavin Newsom signed the bill that September, he vowed the state would not “turn away from this moment to make right the discrimination and disadvantages that Black Californians and people of color still face.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday and Saturday, that task force will meet in Sacramento, the state Capitol where Estill and his allies sought to create a western outpost for the ideals that would galvanize the Confederacy. On the task force agenda: how to potentially provide financial compensation for the descendants of enslaved people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Slavery is an afterthought in the popular California origin story of rugged Gold Rush frontierism. But hundreds of enslaved Black people were involuntarily brought to the state to work in the gold mines by Southerners who hoped to replicate the system of chattel slavery and plantation agriculture on the Pacific Coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last summer, the \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/media/ab3121-reparations-interim-report-2022.pdf\">task force released a preliminary report (PDF)\u003c/a> detailing California’s history of enslavement and its many decades of discriminatory policies — in housing, education, health care, criminal justice and other areas — that established the systemic racism that persists. In July, the task force will present recommendations on how Black residents should be compensated for this enduring oppression.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942341\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11942341 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305.jpg\" alt=\"An older bald, Black man wearing a jacket and tie, sitting at a desk, smiling pleasantly at the camera with his hands folded in front of him on a desk.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1371\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305-800x571.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305-1020x728.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305-160x114.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305-1536x1097.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California state Sen. Steven Bradford (D-Gardena), a member of California's Reparations Task Force, in his office in Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Guy Marzorati/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But at the state Capitol, the preliminary report has been largely ignored \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11916026/no-the-reparations-task-force-report-isnt-a-watershed-moment-action-will-be\">in the months since its release\u003c/a>, according to state Sen. Steven Bradford (D-Gardena), a member of the task force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m sad to report not a single one of my colleagues have even mentioned this report, and I doubt very seriously if any of them have really taken time to read it,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They need to read this report, they need to understand what’s there and understand the history instead of the whitewash that we’ve been allowed to perpetuate itself as American history for almost 400 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>'A bit hard to swallow'\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Estill, whose surname is also documented in some places as “Estell,” brought his family from Kentucky to Missouri in the 1840s. He sought fortune by starting a military prison, a grain mill and a postal route. When the ventures stalled, Estill journeyed on to California. He left his wife and young children behind, but took his most prized possessions: the people he owned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the census taken on Nov. 20, 1850, just 10 weeks into California’s statehood, Estill was recorded as a farmer in Solano County, with real estate valued at $15,000. Listed beneath his name are 14 men and one woman — with surnames of either Brown or Smith — who ranged in age from 18 to 40.\u003c/p>\n\u003cpre>June Brown\r\nJoe Brown\r\nIsaac Brown\r\nJohn Brown\r\nBill Brown\r\nPeter Brown\r\nThomas Brown\r\nMid Brown\r\nBolin Brown\r\nComins Brown\r\nJoe Smith\r\nHigins Smith\r\nWhitehead Smith\r\nGeneral Smith\r\nMinerva Smith\u003c/pre>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942342\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 463px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11942342\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A hand-written census ledger, with a list of names.\" width=\"463\" height=\"631\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-scaled.jpg 1879w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-800x1090.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-1020x1390.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-160x218.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-1127x1536.jpg 1127w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-1503x2048.jpg 1503w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-1920x2616.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 463px) 100vw, 463px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">On this copy of a page from the 1850 census, James Estill was recorded as a farmer in Solano County. His assets included 14 men and one woman. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Ancestry.com)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The following note is scribbled in the margin next to the list of names: “These men were slaves in Missouri and have contracted to work in this state and then be free after two years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As soon as Estill was elected to the state Senate in 1851, representing Napa and Solano counties, he began to pursue laws that would allow him to keep his human property in California, a “free state,” and advance the institution of chattel slavery. As some of his peers found fortunes mining for gold, Estill charted a path toward a more lucrative American hustle: the construction and management of state prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Estill won a contract to run the prison system the year he was elected to the Legislature. He pocketed profits from the forced labor of incarcerated people, who, under his authority, built a monument to mass incarceration: San Quentin State Prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No man has received one tenth the money from the State that General Estill did; and no man made greater profit on what he received,” read a scathing obituary in \u003cem>The Sacramento Bee\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deeper Ryan dug into his great-great-great grandfather’s past, the more he found the man “despicable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was a great research project, but at the end of the day, it was kind of a bit hard to swallow,” Ryan said. “It was obvious people hated him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ryan’s research was guided by a trove of records, articles and photographs. The same documents don’t exist for the descendants of enslaved people, like the Browns and the Smiths listed on the 1850 census — a vexing issue for the task force currently grappling with who could become eligible for compensation from the state of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pursuit of his family history took Ryan around the world. He learned that Estill’s granddaughter was married to an anatomist who moved his family to Bangkok for work. Inspired, Ryan moved with his family to Bangkok and stayed overseas for a decade. Now he lives with his wife and four kids in Oregon, where he works as an oceanographer on devices that collect energy from waves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I've definitely made life choices based on some of this stuff,” said Ryan. “To me, finding out about the history of my family was very cathartic, I guess. It filled a lot of holes. I really kind of dug into it and it became very important to me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Fugitives in a 'free state'\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Pro-slavery politicians like Estill were instrumental in California’s formation as a state. The issue of slavery was clearly on the minds of the delegates who gathered in Monterey to write California’s constitution in the fall of 1849. In fact, the slavery debate literally shaped the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Historians of early California history like Franklin Tuthill and Rockwell D. Hunt have detailed how the state’s current eastern boundary was forged through a debate with pro-slavery delegates who wanted to create a massive state that would stretch into present-day Utah. They believed that a state so large would inevitably be broken into two states: one where slavery would be allowed, the other free. Even though the delegates officially banned slavery in California, the meeting at Colton Hall in Monterey was “understood to be under the management, imaginary if not real, of southern men,” according to historian Hubert Howe Bancroft. And men like William Gwin, a Mississippi enslaver who moved to California and became one of its first U.S. senators, would dominate early state politics under the pro-slavery “Chivalry” wing of the Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would say in terms of the people who came to California thinking about elected office, rather than just the gold mining, that tended to be Southerners,” said Alex Vassar of the California State Library, who wrote a book on the history of state legislators. “And so they brought their values, they brought the customs of their place and their time to California with them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And some, Vassar said, “actually served in the state Legislature owning slaves.”[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Stacey Smith, history professor, Oregon State University\"]'Certainly there were specific members of the state Legislature and the congressional delegation who had a direct interest in enslaving people in California and keeping control over them.'[/pullquote]Vassar has documented members such as state Sen. William B. Norman, who brought an enslaved person from Mississippi to California, and Charles S. Fairfax, who traveled west from his family’s Virginia slave plantation and eventually became speaker of the state Assembly. The Marin County town where Fairfax built his manor now bears his name.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 1850s, enslavers and their allies were part of the legislative majority in California that took two dramatic actions in support of enslavement: passing the state’s fugitive slave law and backing the explosive Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854, the federal law allowing the expansion of slavery into the territories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that it wasn’t just always a symbolic issue,” said Stacey Smith, associate professor of history at Oregon State University, who is advising California’s Reparations Task Force. “Certainly there were specific members of the state Legislature and the congressional delegation who had a direct interest in enslaving people in California and keeping control over them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal Fugitive Slave Act, which required residents and law enforcement in free states to assist with the capture and return of escaped enslaved people, was included in the agreement that ushered California into the union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the federal law only dealt with enslaved persons escaping across state lines, and California’s enslavers had no legal recourse if their captives escaped within the new, free state. To account for this, pro-slavery lawmakers drafted the state’s own fugitive slave bill, that would give enslavers a one-year window to recapture formerly enslaved people they had brought to California pre-statehood, and forcibly take them out of the state and back to slaveholding states in the South. The legislation, officially “an Act respecting Fugitives from labor, and Slaves brought into this State prior to her admission into the Union,” passed the Assembly in February of 1852.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942340\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4303.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11942340 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4303.jpg\" alt=\"A white marble bust of a man, with hair that's a bit long on top and a slight beard, whose chest is draped in a toga.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1371\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4303.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4303-800x571.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4303-1020x728.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4303-160x114.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4303-1536x1097.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A bust of David Broderick, a California state senator in the 1850s known for his opposition to slavery, on display at the California State Library in Sacramento. Broderick was killed in a duel, purportedly over his anti-slavery stance. \u003ccite>(Guy Marzorati/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the Senate, where the proposal had been defeated the year before, the Chivalry had to overcome opposition from anti-slavery Democrats, most notably San Francisco Sen. David Broderick. The bill was carried in the state Senate by Estill. Lawmakers deliberated the bill for days before a final vote. Opponents hatched a series of roadblocks, desperately trying to weaken the proposal with amendments or at least find a majority willing to adjourn for the night. But Estill and his allies prevailed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Senate Journal for April 13, 1852, shows that after more than a dozen procedural votes, the bill passed 14–9, and was signed by Gov. John Bigler. One-year extensions of the law were subsequently passed in 1853 and 1854. Not included in the record is the fact that Estill was fighting to protect his ownership of the 15 people who toiled without compensation on his Solano County farm, less than 50 miles down the Sacramento River.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He wasn’t just wanting to promote the ‘Southern values’ of protecting slavery and slave property in California,” said Smith, who \u003ca href=\"https://uncpress.org/book/9781469626536/freedoms-frontier/\">chronicled the history of unfree labor in California in her book \u003cem>Freedom’s Frontier\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. “He had a direct, personal economic interest in a fugitive slave law that would allow him to take enslaved people back to the Southern states when he decided that he no longer wanted to have them working in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smith found records of dozens of Black Californians arrested under the act, apprehended by law enforcement in a state that promised freedom. Black people, some of whom came to California to escape racial terror, lived with the fear that they could be seized in the middle of the night and extradited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you had been brought at the height of the Gold Rush, let’s say in early 1849 up through mid-1850 ... [then] until March of 1855, so five, six years later, you could be enslaved and returned back to the slave states under California law,” Smith said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Pushing to expand slavery\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The national uproar over the Kansas-Nebraska Act turned the political tide against California’s fugitive slave law and made the support of slavery a losing issue for the state’s Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law allowed new territories to decide whether to permit slavery within their borders, replacing the generation-old Missouri Compromise, which had banned slavery in new territories north of latitude 36° 30’, spanning the northern borders of Tennessee, Arkansas and Texas. The Kansas-Nebraska Act was evidence that Southerners were not only intent on preserving slavery, they wanted to expand it. The law incensed opponents of slavery, scrambled national and state party alliances and, in the words of historian James McPherson, “may have been the most important single event pushing the nation toward war.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite California’s official status as a free state, its representatives in Congress supported the law. And in the weeks leading up to the final vote, the state Legislature passed a resolution supporting “the Nebraska bill,” as it was known at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s show of support for the Kansas-Nebraska Act was nonbinding, but it spoke volumes. The only other legislature in a free state to back the proposal, Smith said, was Illinois — home of the bill’s author, U.S. Sen. Stephen A. Douglas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s fairly unusual for a free state to pass an endorsement of the Kansas-Nebraska Act when a lot of other people in Northern states — free states, especially the Northeast — are just clamoring for the overturn of the [law],” Smith said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voter backlash in California to the Kansas-Nebraska Act \u003ca href=\"https://www.jstor.org/stable/41170744\">helped launch the California Republican Party\u003c/a>, slowing the momentum for further extensions of the state’s fugitive slave law. Pro-slavery lawmakers retained control in Sacramento until the Civil War, at times resorting to violence to achieve their goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A pro-slavery legislator assaulted an anti-slavery colleague with a cane on the floor of the Senate during debates to extend the fugitive slave law, according to Smith. And in 1859, Broderick, the prominent anti-slavery Democrat, was killed in a duel on the shores of Lake Merced in San Francisco by the Chivalry’s David Terry, a former state Supreme Court justice. As he lay dying, Broderick \u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/goga/learn/historyculture/broderick-terry-duel.htm\">reportedly said his anti-slavery stances were what pushed his political opponents to violence\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Broderick quickly became a martyr for opponents of slavery, and his bust is still on display in the chambers of the state Senate. As the Gold Rush waned, many of the Southerners in California’s government left the state. Some, like Gwin, backed the Confederacy in the Civil War. The decade-long reign of the Chivalry and their enslavers’ agenda became a historical footnote.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Reparations and atonement\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“I think, for the most part, when I say something like ‘slavery in California,’ most people who’ve gone to school in California will say, ‘Oh, the mission system,’” said Smith. “It’s just these other stories, especially about enslaved African Americans, that are a lot less familiar to most Californians.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kamilah Moore, a reparatory justice scholar who chairs the state Reparations Task Force, said confronting the Legislature’s pro-slavery history should start in the state’s K–12 schools. She said the task force would like to see a curriculum that acknowledges and teaches California’s role in maintaining the institution of slavery.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Kamilah Moore, chair, California Reparations Task Force\"]'I grew up in California, born and raised, and so were my parents. And none of us learned about this history in school.'[/pullquote]“I grew up in California, born and raised, and so were my parents. And none of us learned about this history in school,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the task force presents its financial recommendations to the Legislature this summer, the possibility of monetary compensation for the descendants of 19th-century Black Americans will likely stir up the most interest and debate in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At KQED’s gubernatorial debate in October, when asked where he stood on the issue of potential payments, Newsom demurred, saying he would first “want to see the recommendations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By definition, we created the work group to adjudicate the merits of different strategies,” Newsom said. “And so this task force is convening, we’ll see where their recommendations come out and we’ll make a determination after the fact.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moore is interested in atonement by the Legislature. Lawmakers today routinely celebrate its history at the vanguard of environmentalism and protections for labor, abortion and LGBTQ rights. But that history also includes support for the brutality of chattel slavery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Part of our work as the task force is thinking about how we can get the California state Legislature not only to adopt our final recommendations as proposed, but then also for the body itself to take some self-accountability,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>'Wouldn't want to live under a rock'\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Ryan’s pursuit of his family history introduced him to members of his extended family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Along the way, I’ve been finding a lot of new families that are like first cousins, second cousins, third cousins and then getting to share my information with them, and that’s been a lot of fun getting to meet people,” Ryan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of his relatives found Estill’s story too painful to confront — like the cousin in New York whose first name was Estill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She had seen those pictures of him and knew that he existed but had no idea what his history was or his dealings and stuff,” Ryan said. “And so she was very upset.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other relatives have told Ryan to stop doing his research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people are very sensitive to it,” he said. “I never would have thought that — although, by finding out all this stuff about Estill I can kind of understand it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added, “But I also wouldn’t want to live under a rock. So you have to kind of learn from history, right? You don’t want to whitewash history.”\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"Although California entered the nation as a free state, pro-slavery lawmakers held outsize influence in its early Legislature, enacting laws aiding enslavers, and supporting the expansion of human bondage across the country — a legacy now being reexamined as the state considers reparations.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1677988519,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":62,"wordCount":3663},"headData":{"title":"California's Legislature Has Roots in Slavery. Are Lawmakers Ready to Confront That? | KQED","description":"Although California entered the nation as a free state, pro-slavery lawmakers held outsize influence in its early Legislature, enacting laws aiding enslavers, and supporting the expansion of human bondage across the country — a legacy now being reexamined as the state considers reparations.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"California's Legislature Has Roots in Slavery. Are Lawmakers Ready to Confront That?","datePublished":"2023-03-03T14:00:33.000Z","dateModified":"2023-03-05T03:55:19.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11942302/californias-legislature-has-roots-in-slavery-are-lawmakers-ready-to-confront-that","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">S\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>ean Ryan was unaware of the most brutal chapters of American history when he started high school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He spent much of his adolescence in what he described as a religious cult that his mother joined, near Redding. While children his age constructed models of Spanish missions using sugar cubes and popsicle sticks, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/opinion/editorials/la-ed-california-mission-models-20170919-story.html\">longtime popular assignment in California’s fourth-grade classrooms\u003c/a>, Ryan was placed in a series of rotating apprenticeships. Starting when he was 8, Ryan chainsawed tree limbs with lumberjacks near Mount Shasta, paved roads in Arizona and went to Reno for a plumbing gig — work organized by his mother’s church.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ryan moved in with his father in San José when he was 14. He enrolled in school in the adjacent suburb of Los Gatos, an upscale community tucked in the foothills of the Santa Cruz Mountains. His first class — U.S. history — required reading about the Trail of Tears, the forced displacement of 60,000 Indigenous people from their ancestral homes in the southeastern part of the United States. Thousands died as they were marched to reservations west of the Mississippi River.\u003cu> \u003c/u>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The brutality of American history, like the forced labor of Indigenous people in the 18th and 19th centuries to build the Spanish missions, startled Ryan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just cried in front of the whole class,” Ryan, now 53, recalled. “They were like, ‘What is going on?’ And I was like, ‘I never knew any of this stuff. This is all completely new to me.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What followed was an insatiable desire to learn more about his family’s history. Did his ancestors have a role in the subjugation and forced removal of people? Ryan’s research revealed that he had a direct connection to California’s foundational years, when a veneer of frontier freedom and prosperity concealed an agenda anchored in racist hostility and terror.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942343\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/Sean-Ryan-photo-3.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11942343 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/Sean-Ryan-photo-3.jpg\" alt=\"A bearded white man with glasses holds an old photo of another white man, dressed formally in 19th century garb.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1484\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/Sean-Ryan-photo-3.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/Sean-Ryan-photo-3-800x618.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/Sean-Ryan-photo-3-1020x788.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/Sean-Ryan-photo-3-160x124.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/Sean-Ryan-photo-3-1536x1187.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sean Ryan holds a daguerreotype of his great-great-great grandfather, James Madison Estill, an early California legislator who enslaved more than a dozen people as he advanced a scheme to reinstate enslavement in the new state. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Sean Ryan)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It began with a photo. A great-aunt on Ryan’s mother’s side heard about his interest in genealogy, and asked whether a box of records she had would help his hunt. Among the documents included was a picture of his great-great-great grandfather: James Madison Estill, a founder of California’s system of mass incarceration, who was an early California legislator and who enslaved more than a dozen people as he advanced a scheme in the 1850s to reinstate enslavement in the newly formed state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is now going through a similar unearthing of its past. The state’s Reparations Task Force is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">examining the historic harms of slavery and anti-Black racism in California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although California entered the nation as a free state, pro-slavery lawmakers, including enslavers like Estill, held outsize influence in its early Legislature. They enacted laws aiding enslavers, and supported the expansion of human bondage across the country.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"label":"Reparations in California ","link1":"https://www.kqed.org/reparations,Explore why California launched the first-in-the-nation task force to study reparations for Black people","hero":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/2022/02/RiCLandingPageGraphic-1020x574.png"},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB3121\">The bill creating the Reparations Task Force\u003c/a> was passed with bipartisan support in 2020, in the wake of George Floyd’s murder. It was heralded as a transformative step for racial justice. When Gov. Gavin Newsom signed the bill that September, he vowed the state would not “turn away from this moment to make right the discrimination and disadvantages that Black Californians and people of color still face.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday and Saturday, that task force will meet in Sacramento, the state Capitol where Estill and his allies sought to create a western outpost for the ideals that would galvanize the Confederacy. On the task force agenda: how to potentially provide financial compensation for the descendants of enslaved people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Slavery is an afterthought in the popular California origin story of rugged Gold Rush frontierism. But hundreds of enslaved Black people were involuntarily brought to the state to work in the gold mines by Southerners who hoped to replicate the system of chattel slavery and plantation agriculture on the Pacific Coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last summer, the \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/media/ab3121-reparations-interim-report-2022.pdf\">task force released a preliminary report (PDF)\u003c/a> detailing California’s history of enslavement and its many decades of discriminatory policies — in housing, education, health care, criminal justice and other areas — that established the systemic racism that persists. In July, the task force will present recommendations on how Black residents should be compensated for this enduring oppression.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942341\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11942341 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305.jpg\" alt=\"An older bald, Black man wearing a jacket and tie, sitting at a desk, smiling pleasantly at the camera with his hands folded in front of him on a desk.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1371\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305-800x571.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305-1020x728.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305-160x114.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305-1536x1097.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California state Sen. Steven Bradford (D-Gardena), a member of California's Reparations Task Force, in his office in Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Guy Marzorati/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But at the state Capitol, the preliminary report has been largely ignored \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11916026/no-the-reparations-task-force-report-isnt-a-watershed-moment-action-will-be\">in the months since its release\u003c/a>, according to state Sen. Steven Bradford (D-Gardena), a member of the task force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m sad to report not a single one of my colleagues have even mentioned this report, and I doubt very seriously if any of them have really taken time to read it,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They need to read this report, they need to understand what’s there and understand the history instead of the whitewash that we’ve been allowed to perpetuate itself as American history for almost 400 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>'A bit hard to swallow'\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Estill, whose surname is also documented in some places as “Estell,” brought his family from Kentucky to Missouri in the 1840s. He sought fortune by starting a military prison, a grain mill and a postal route. When the ventures stalled, Estill journeyed on to California. He left his wife and young children behind, but took his most prized possessions: the people he owned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the census taken on Nov. 20, 1850, just 10 weeks into California’s statehood, Estill was recorded as a farmer in Solano County, with real estate valued at $15,000. Listed beneath his name are 14 men and one woman — with surnames of either Brown or Smith — who ranged in age from 18 to 40.\u003c/p>\n\u003cpre>June Brown\r\nJoe Brown\r\nIsaac Brown\r\nJohn Brown\r\nBill Brown\r\nPeter Brown\r\nThomas Brown\r\nMid Brown\r\nBolin Brown\r\nComins Brown\r\nJoe Smith\r\nHigins Smith\r\nWhitehead Smith\r\nGeneral Smith\r\nMinerva Smith\u003c/pre>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942342\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 463px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11942342\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A hand-written census ledger, with a list of names.\" width=\"463\" height=\"631\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-scaled.jpg 1879w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-800x1090.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-1020x1390.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-160x218.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-1127x1536.jpg 1127w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-1503x2048.jpg 1503w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-1920x2616.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 463px) 100vw, 463px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">On this copy of a page from the 1850 census, James Estill was recorded as a farmer in Solano County. His assets included 14 men and one woman. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Ancestry.com)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The following note is scribbled in the margin next to the list of names: “These men were slaves in Missouri and have contracted to work in this state and then be free after two years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As soon as Estill was elected to the state Senate in 1851, representing Napa and Solano counties, he began to pursue laws that would allow him to keep his human property in California, a “free state,” and advance the institution of chattel slavery. As some of his peers found fortunes mining for gold, Estill charted a path toward a more lucrative American hustle: the construction and management of state prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Estill won a contract to run the prison system the year he was elected to the Legislature. He pocketed profits from the forced labor of incarcerated people, who, under his authority, built a monument to mass incarceration: San Quentin State Prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No man has received one tenth the money from the State that General Estill did; and no man made greater profit on what he received,” read a scathing obituary in \u003cem>The Sacramento Bee\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deeper Ryan dug into his great-great-great grandfather’s past, the more he found the man “despicable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was a great research project, but at the end of the day, it was kind of a bit hard to swallow,” Ryan said. “It was obvious people hated him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ryan’s research was guided by a trove of records, articles and photographs. The same documents don’t exist for the descendants of enslaved people, like the Browns and the Smiths listed on the 1850 census — a vexing issue for the task force currently grappling with who could become eligible for compensation from the state of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pursuit of his family history took Ryan around the world. He learned that Estill’s granddaughter was married to an anatomist who moved his family to Bangkok for work. Inspired, Ryan moved with his family to Bangkok and stayed overseas for a decade. Now he lives with his wife and four kids in Oregon, where he works as an oceanographer on devices that collect energy from waves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I've definitely made life choices based on some of this stuff,” said Ryan. “To me, finding out about the history of my family was very cathartic, I guess. It filled a lot of holes. I really kind of dug into it and it became very important to me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Fugitives in a 'free state'\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Pro-slavery politicians like Estill were instrumental in California’s formation as a state. The issue of slavery was clearly on the minds of the delegates who gathered in Monterey to write California’s constitution in the fall of 1849. In fact, the slavery debate literally shaped the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Historians of early California history like Franklin Tuthill and Rockwell D. Hunt have detailed how the state’s current eastern boundary was forged through a debate with pro-slavery delegates who wanted to create a massive state that would stretch into present-day Utah. They believed that a state so large would inevitably be broken into two states: one where slavery would be allowed, the other free. Even though the delegates officially banned slavery in California, the meeting at Colton Hall in Monterey was “understood to be under the management, imaginary if not real, of southern men,” according to historian Hubert Howe Bancroft. And men like William Gwin, a Mississippi enslaver who moved to California and became one of its first U.S. senators, would dominate early state politics under the pro-slavery “Chivalry” wing of the Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would say in terms of the people who came to California thinking about elected office, rather than just the gold mining, that tended to be Southerners,” said Alex Vassar of the California State Library, who wrote a book on the history of state legislators. “And so they brought their values, they brought the customs of their place and their time to California with them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And some, Vassar said, “actually served in the state Legislature owning slaves.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"'Certainly there were specific members of the state Legislature and the congressional delegation who had a direct interest in enslaving people in California and keeping control over them.'","name":"pullquote","attributes":{"named":{"align":"right","size":"medium","citation":"Stacey Smith, history professor, Oregon State University","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Vassar has documented members such as state Sen. William B. Norman, who brought an enslaved person from Mississippi to California, and Charles S. Fairfax, who traveled west from his family’s Virginia slave plantation and eventually became speaker of the state Assembly. The Marin County town where Fairfax built his manor now bears his name.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 1850s, enslavers and their allies were part of the legislative majority in California that took two dramatic actions in support of enslavement: passing the state’s fugitive slave law and backing the explosive Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854, the federal law allowing the expansion of slavery into the territories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that it wasn’t just always a symbolic issue,” said Stacey Smith, associate professor of history at Oregon State University, who is advising California’s Reparations Task Force. “Certainly there were specific members of the state Legislature and the congressional delegation who had a direct interest in enslaving people in California and keeping control over them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal Fugitive Slave Act, which required residents and law enforcement in free states to assist with the capture and return of escaped enslaved people, was included in the agreement that ushered California into the union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the federal law only dealt with enslaved persons escaping across state lines, and California’s enslavers had no legal recourse if their captives escaped within the new, free state. To account for this, pro-slavery lawmakers drafted the state’s own fugitive slave bill, that would give enslavers a one-year window to recapture formerly enslaved people they had brought to California pre-statehood, and forcibly take them out of the state and back to slaveholding states in the South. The legislation, officially “an Act respecting Fugitives from labor, and Slaves brought into this State prior to her admission into the Union,” passed the Assembly in February of 1852.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942340\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4303.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11942340 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4303.jpg\" alt=\"A white marble bust of a man, with hair that's a bit long on top and a slight beard, whose chest is draped in a toga.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1371\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4303.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4303-800x571.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4303-1020x728.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4303-160x114.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4303-1536x1097.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A bust of David Broderick, a California state senator in the 1850s known for his opposition to slavery, on display at the California State Library in Sacramento. Broderick was killed in a duel, purportedly over his anti-slavery stance. \u003ccite>(Guy Marzorati/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the Senate, where the proposal had been defeated the year before, the Chivalry had to overcome opposition from anti-slavery Democrats, most notably San Francisco Sen. David Broderick. The bill was carried in the state Senate by Estill. Lawmakers deliberated the bill for days before a final vote. Opponents hatched a series of roadblocks, desperately trying to weaken the proposal with amendments or at least find a majority willing to adjourn for the night. But Estill and his allies prevailed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Senate Journal for April 13, 1852, shows that after more than a dozen procedural votes, the bill passed 14–9, and was signed by Gov. John Bigler. One-year extensions of the law were subsequently passed in 1853 and 1854. Not included in the record is the fact that Estill was fighting to protect his ownership of the 15 people who toiled without compensation on his Solano County farm, less than 50 miles down the Sacramento River.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He wasn’t just wanting to promote the ‘Southern values’ of protecting slavery and slave property in California,” said Smith, who \u003ca href=\"https://uncpress.org/book/9781469626536/freedoms-frontier/\">chronicled the history of unfree labor in California in her book \u003cem>Freedom’s Frontier\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. “He had a direct, personal economic interest in a fugitive slave law that would allow him to take enslaved people back to the Southern states when he decided that he no longer wanted to have them working in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smith found records of dozens of Black Californians arrested under the act, apprehended by law enforcement in a state that promised freedom. Black people, some of whom came to California to escape racial terror, lived with the fear that they could be seized in the middle of the night and extradited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you had been brought at the height of the Gold Rush, let’s say in early 1849 up through mid-1850 ... [then] until March of 1855, so five, six years later, you could be enslaved and returned back to the slave states under California law,” Smith said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Pushing to expand slavery\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The national uproar over the Kansas-Nebraska Act turned the political tide against California’s fugitive slave law and made the support of slavery a losing issue for the state’s Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law allowed new territories to decide whether to permit slavery within their borders, replacing the generation-old Missouri Compromise, which had banned slavery in new territories north of latitude 36° 30’, spanning the northern borders of Tennessee, Arkansas and Texas. The Kansas-Nebraska Act was evidence that Southerners were not only intent on preserving slavery, they wanted to expand it. The law incensed opponents of slavery, scrambled national and state party alliances and, in the words of historian James McPherson, “may have been the most important single event pushing the nation toward war.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite California’s official status as a free state, its representatives in Congress supported the law. And in the weeks leading up to the final vote, the state Legislature passed a resolution supporting “the Nebraska bill,” as it was known at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s show of support for the Kansas-Nebraska Act was nonbinding, but it spoke volumes. The only other legislature in a free state to back the proposal, Smith said, was Illinois — home of the bill’s author, U.S. Sen. Stephen A. Douglas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s fairly unusual for a free state to pass an endorsement of the Kansas-Nebraska Act when a lot of other people in Northern states — free states, especially the Northeast — are just clamoring for the overturn of the [law],” Smith said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voter backlash in California to the Kansas-Nebraska Act \u003ca href=\"https://www.jstor.org/stable/41170744\">helped launch the California Republican Party\u003c/a>, slowing the momentum for further extensions of the state’s fugitive slave law. Pro-slavery lawmakers retained control in Sacramento until the Civil War, at times resorting to violence to achieve their goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A pro-slavery legislator assaulted an anti-slavery colleague with a cane on the floor of the Senate during debates to extend the fugitive slave law, according to Smith. And in 1859, Broderick, the prominent anti-slavery Democrat, was killed in a duel on the shores of Lake Merced in San Francisco by the Chivalry’s David Terry, a former state Supreme Court justice. As he lay dying, Broderick \u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/goga/learn/historyculture/broderick-terry-duel.htm\">reportedly said his anti-slavery stances were what pushed his political opponents to violence\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Broderick quickly became a martyr for opponents of slavery, and his bust is still on display in the chambers of the state Senate. As the Gold Rush waned, many of the Southerners in California’s government left the state. Some, like Gwin, backed the Confederacy in the Civil War. The decade-long reign of the Chivalry and their enslavers’ agenda became a historical footnote.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Reparations and atonement\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“I think, for the most part, when I say something like ‘slavery in California,’ most people who’ve gone to school in California will say, ‘Oh, the mission system,’” said Smith. “It’s just these other stories, especially about enslaved African Americans, that are a lot less familiar to most Californians.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kamilah Moore, a reparatory justice scholar who chairs the state Reparations Task Force, said confronting the Legislature’s pro-slavery history should start in the state’s K–12 schools. She said the task force would like to see a curriculum that acknowledges and teaches California’s role in maintaining the institution of slavery.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"'I grew up in California, born and raised, and so were my parents. And none of us learned about this history in school.'","name":"pullquote","attributes":{"named":{"align":"right","size":"medium","citation":"Kamilah Moore, chair, California Reparations Task Force","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I grew up in California, born and raised, and so were my parents. And none of us learned about this history in school,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the task force presents its financial recommendations to the Legislature this summer, the possibility of monetary compensation for the descendants of 19th-century Black Americans will likely stir up the most interest and debate in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At KQED’s gubernatorial debate in October, when asked where he stood on the issue of potential payments, Newsom demurred, saying he would first “want to see the recommendations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By definition, we created the work group to adjudicate the merits of different strategies,” Newsom said. “And so this task force is convening, we’ll see where their recommendations come out and we’ll make a determination after the fact.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moore is interested in atonement by the Legislature. Lawmakers today routinely celebrate its history at the vanguard of environmentalism and protections for labor, abortion and LGBTQ rights. But that history also includes support for the brutality of chattel slavery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Part of our work as the task force is thinking about how we can get the California state Legislature not only to adopt our final recommendations as proposed, but then also for the body itself to take some self-accountability,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>'Wouldn't want to live under a rock'\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Ryan’s pursuit of his family history introduced him to members of his extended family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Along the way, I’ve been finding a lot of new families that are like first cousins, second cousins, third cousins and then getting to share my information with them, and that’s been a lot of fun getting to meet people,” Ryan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of his relatives found Estill’s story too painful to confront — like the cousin in New York whose first name was Estill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She had seen those pictures of him and knew that he existed but had no idea what his history was or his dealings and stuff,” Ryan said. “And so she was very upset.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other relatives have told Ryan to stop doing his research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people are very sensitive to it,” he said. “I never would have thought that — although, by finding out all this stuff about Estill I can kind of understand it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added, “But I also wouldn’t want to live under a rock. So you have to kind of learn from history, right? You don’t want to whitewash history.”\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11942302/californias-legislature-has-roots-in-slavery-are-lawmakers-ready-to-confront-that","authors":["227"],"categories":["news_31795","news_8"],"tags":["news_20397","news_2704","news_30345","news_30652","news_27626","news_2923","news_22493","news_32469"],"featImg":"news_11942345","label":"news"},"news_11935290":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11935290","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11935290","score":null,"sort":[1671066131000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"california-reparations-task-force-meets-in-oakland-to-weigh-eligibility-requirements","title":"California Reparations Task Force Meets in Oakland to Weigh Eligibility Requirements","publishDate":1671066131,"format":"standard","headTitle":"KQED News","labelTerm":{"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>After more than a year delving into history and studies to make its case for reparations to California descendants of enslaved Black people, a first-in-the-nation task force is meeting again for deliberations at Oakland City Hall on Wednesday and Thursday to quantify how financial compensation might be calculated and what might be required to prove eligibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Conversations on how to determine payments are in the early stages, with task force members acknowledging they have more questions than answers. Economists hired by the task force are seeking guidance on five harms experienced by Black people: \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-race-and-ethnicity-racial-injustice-janice-hahn-a3e320018f6770e156c0862d12317ea5\">government taking of property\u003c/a>, devaluation of Black-owned businesses, housing discrimination and homelessness, mass incarceration and over-policing, and health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s task force met Wednesday at Oakland's City Hall. Oakland was the birthplace of the Black Panthers but has lost some of its African American population as rising home prices have forced people out.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Max Fennell, coffee company owner\"]'It's a debt that's owed. We worked for free. We're not asking. We're telling you.'[/pullquote]The task force must determine when each harm began and ended and who should be eligible for monetary compensation in those areas. For example, the group could choose to limit cash compensation to people incarcerated from 1970 — when more people started being imprisoned for drug-related crimes — to the present. Or they could choose to compensate everyone who lived in over-policed Black neighborhoods, even if they were not themselves arrested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The task force has a July 1 deadline to complete its final report for the Legislature listing recommendations for how the state can atone for and address its legacy of discriminatory policies against Black Californians. Lawmakers will need to pass legislation for payments and other policy changes to take place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The work that you all are doing statewide will help us guide the same process through the entire state of California, because the harm is real,\" said Oakland City Council member Carroll Fife, who opened the meeting by welcoming the task force to Oakland. \"And the people here today to testify about that and the work that you all have done, collecting this robust set of suggestions to bring back to the state, is invaluable. It is literally priceless. And I'm grateful for your work. I'm grateful for your participation. And I look forward to accountability when this gets back to our legislators so that we can have real action. Thank you all for being here today. I appreciate you all. I appreciate your work. And welcome to Oakland.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11935326\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11935326\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Carol_Fife-scaled.jpeg\" alt=\"A black woman wearing a purple suit speaks behind a dais in a large hall with columns and press behind her.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Carol_Fife-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Carol_Fife-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Carol_Fife-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Carol_Fife-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Carol_Fife-1536x1152.jpeg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Carol_Fife-2048x1536.jpeg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Carol_Fife-1920x1440.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oakland City Council member Carroll Fife welcomes the California Reparations Task Force to Oakland on Dec. 14, 2022. \u003ccite>(Annelise Finney/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, the committee made the controversial decision to limit reparations to descendants of Black people in the United States as of the 19th century, either as freed or enslaved people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Task force member Monica Montgomery Steppe said Wednesday they need to take more time addressing time frames, payment calculations and residency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the foundation of all the other recommendations,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom signed legislation in 2020 creating the task force, giving hope to reparations advocates who had despaired that anything might happen at the federal level. Since then, reparations efforts have bubbled up in cities and counties and at colleges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, the\u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/politics-boston-slavery-government-and-6a5e36f746db813b2f42444e180be7b2\"> Boston City Council voted to form a task force to study reparations\u003c/a> and other forms of atonement to Black residents for the city’s role in slavery and its legacy of inequality. Lawmakers in other parts of the country have pushed their states and cities to study reparations, without much progress. But Evanston, Illinois, became the first U.S. city last year to make reparations available for Black residents, and public officials in New York will try anew to create a reparations commission in that state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 60 people attended Wednesday’s meeting, nodding in agreement as task force members spoke of the generational trauma suffered by Black children amid inaccurate and ongoing depictions of white families as ideal and Black families as not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Max Fennell, a 35-year-old coffee company owner, said that every person should get $350,000 in compensation to close the racial wealth gap and that Black-owned businesses should receive $250,000, which would help them to flourish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a debt that’s owed. We worked for free,\" he said. \"We’re not asking. We’re telling you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Demnlus Johnson III, a Richmond City Council member, said it's remarkable that the issue is even being talked about publicly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have to name a problem in order to address it,\" he said. “Of course we want to see it addressed now, the urgency is now, but just having it all aired out and put on the line is a major feat.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Members of the committee will make preliminary policy recommendations, such as audits of government agencies that deal with child welfare and incarceration with the aim of reducing disparities in how Black people are treated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group discussed how the state may address its impact on Black families whose property was seized through eminent domain. The topic garnered renewed attention after lawmakers last year voted to return a beachfront property in Southern California known as \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-race-and-ethnicity-racial-injustice-janice-hahn-a3e320018f6770e156c0862d12317ea5\">Bruce's Beach\u003c/a> to descendants of the Black residents who owned it until it was taken in the 20th century.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11935349\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11935349\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/IMG_9115-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"People of various races sit and listen in Oakland City Hall.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/IMG_9115-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/IMG_9115-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/IMG_9115-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/IMG_9115-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/IMG_9115-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/IMG_9115-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/IMG_9115-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">General view of the meeting with the Reparations Task Force, Dec. 14, 2022. \u003ccite>(Annelise Finney/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Officials from Oakland, Sacramento, Los Angeles and other California cities planned to present about local reparations efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That included Khansa T. Jones-Muhammad, vice chair of Los Angeles’ Reparations Advisory Commission, created last year under then-Mayor Eric Garcetti. The goal of that commission is to advise LA on a pilot program for distributing reparations to a group of Black residents, but it doesn't have a timeline set in stone for finishing its work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In September, economists started listing preliminary estimates for what could be owed by the state as a result of discriminatory policies. But they said they need more data to come up with more complete figures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kamilah Moore, the task force's chair, said the group has not decided on any dollar amounts or what form reparations could take, nor where the money would come from.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Secretary of State Shirley Weber, a former Assembly member, authored the bill that created the state's task force, and the group began its work last year. The bill was signed into law in September 2020 after a summer of \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/election-2020-shootings-race-and-ethnicity-or-state-wire-racial-injustice-9035ecdfc58d5dba755185666ac0ed6d\">nationwide protests\u003c/a> against racism and police brutality following the killing of George Floyd, a Black man, by a white police officer in Minnesota.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June, the task force released \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-race-and-ethnicity-san-francisco-voter-registration-0cb66f61c4b9f0136c43a17408720d98\">a 500-page report describing discriminatory policies\u003c/a> that drove housing segregation, criminal justice disparities and other realities that harmed Black Californians in the decades since the abolition of slavery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former Russell City and current Oakland resident Marian Johnson and her brother came to Oakland City Hall for public comment where Johnson shared her story with the task force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My grandparents came to California in the 1940s, landing in West Oakland. They were pushed out of there by the I-980 project. Then they landed in Russell City, where my mother and my father met and married. They were forced out of there when I was an infant, placing us in a place that was not safe. I can’t tell you how many times we went to developments to look at new model homes. They let us go in. By the time we got back to our paperwork, offices were empty every time. In 1968 we were forced to leave Russell City, forced out of our land and our property, and we were given nothing in order for us to move on. We were forced into East Oakland, which was the only place we were able to live. We weren’t allowed in other communities. We were over-policed. We were disenfranchized. It felt like there was no room for us, that we weren’t worthy of anything. The only comfort we felt for a short period of time was when the Black Panthers came into our neighborhood and they would make sure we were safe and that we had food. But other than that, the police were not there to help us. My brothers were brutalized and put into prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I see that this task force is here to provide reparation for our community. I don’t know anything about things. I know what happened to my family and my mother is still here. And I’m hoping that she’s able to see what comes from this and that she gets some form of justice and some form of peace. Thank you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED's Lakshmi Sarah and Annelise Finney contributed to this story. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"California's first-in-the-nation task force studying reparations for Black residents is meeting in Oakland to discuss potential eligibility requirements and what form reparations could take.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1671482544,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":29,"wordCount":1523},"headData":{"title":"California Reparations Task Force Meets in Oakland to Weigh Eligibility Requirements | KQED","description":"California's first-in-the-nation task force studying reparations for Black residents is meeting in Oakland to discuss potential eligibility requirements and what form reparations could take.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"California Reparations Task Force Meets in Oakland to Weigh Eligibility Requirements","datePublished":"2022-12-15T01:02:11.000Z","dateModified":"2022-12-19T20:42:24.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"nprByline":"Sophie Austin and Janie Har\u003cbr>The Associated Press","templateType":"standard","featuredImageType":"standard","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","showOnAuthorArchivePages":"No","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11935290/california-reparations-task-force-meets-in-oakland-to-weigh-eligibility-requirements","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After more than a year delving into history and studies to make its case for reparations to California descendants of enslaved Black people, a first-in-the-nation task force is meeting again for deliberations at Oakland City Hall on Wednesday and Thursday to quantify how financial compensation might be calculated and what might be required to prove eligibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Conversations on how to determine payments are in the early stages, with task force members acknowledging they have more questions than answers. Economists hired by the task force are seeking guidance on five harms experienced by Black people: \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-race-and-ethnicity-racial-injustice-janice-hahn-a3e320018f6770e156c0862d12317ea5\">government taking of property\u003c/a>, devaluation of Black-owned businesses, housing discrimination and homelessness, mass incarceration and over-policing, and health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s task force met Wednesday at Oakland's City Hall. Oakland was the birthplace of the Black Panthers but has lost some of its African American population as rising home prices have forced people out.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"'It's a debt that's owed. We worked for free. We're not asking. We're telling you.'","name":"pullquote","attributes":{"named":{"align":"right","size":"medium","citation":"Max Fennell, coffee company owner","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The task force must determine when each harm began and ended and who should be eligible for monetary compensation in those areas. For example, the group could choose to limit cash compensation to people incarcerated from 1970 — when more people started being imprisoned for drug-related crimes — to the present. Or they could choose to compensate everyone who lived in over-policed Black neighborhoods, even if they were not themselves arrested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The task force has a July 1 deadline to complete its final report for the Legislature listing recommendations for how the state can atone for and address its legacy of discriminatory policies against Black Californians. Lawmakers will need to pass legislation for payments and other policy changes to take place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The work that you all are doing statewide will help us guide the same process through the entire state of California, because the harm is real,\" said Oakland City Council member Carroll Fife, who opened the meeting by welcoming the task force to Oakland. \"And the people here today to testify about that and the work that you all have done, collecting this robust set of suggestions to bring back to the state, is invaluable. It is literally priceless. And I'm grateful for your work. I'm grateful for your participation. And I look forward to accountability when this gets back to our legislators so that we can have real action. Thank you all for being here today. I appreciate you all. I appreciate your work. And welcome to Oakland.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11935326\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11935326\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Carol_Fife-scaled.jpeg\" alt=\"A black woman wearing a purple suit speaks behind a dais in a large hall with columns and press behind her.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Carol_Fife-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Carol_Fife-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Carol_Fife-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Carol_Fife-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Carol_Fife-1536x1152.jpeg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Carol_Fife-2048x1536.jpeg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/Carol_Fife-1920x1440.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oakland City Council member Carroll Fife welcomes the California Reparations Task Force to Oakland on Dec. 14, 2022. \u003ccite>(Annelise Finney/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, the committee made the controversial decision to limit reparations to descendants of Black people in the United States as of the 19th century, either as freed or enslaved people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Task force member Monica Montgomery Steppe said Wednesday they need to take more time addressing time frames, payment calculations and residency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the foundation of all the other recommendations,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom signed legislation in 2020 creating the task force, giving hope to reparations advocates who had despaired that anything might happen at the federal level. Since then, reparations efforts have bubbled up in cities and counties and at colleges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, the\u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/politics-boston-slavery-government-and-6a5e36f746db813b2f42444e180be7b2\"> Boston City Council voted to form a task force to study reparations\u003c/a> and other forms of atonement to Black residents for the city’s role in slavery and its legacy of inequality. Lawmakers in other parts of the country have pushed their states and cities to study reparations, without much progress. But Evanston, Illinois, became the first U.S. city last year to make reparations available for Black residents, and public officials in New York will try anew to create a reparations commission in that state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 60 people attended Wednesday’s meeting, nodding in agreement as task force members spoke of the generational trauma suffered by Black children amid inaccurate and ongoing depictions of white families as ideal and Black families as not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Max Fennell, a 35-year-old coffee company owner, said that every person should get $350,000 in compensation to close the racial wealth gap and that Black-owned businesses should receive $250,000, which would help them to flourish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a debt that’s owed. We worked for free,\" he said. \"We’re not asking. We’re telling you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Demnlus Johnson III, a Richmond City Council member, said it's remarkable that the issue is even being talked about publicly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have to name a problem in order to address it,\" he said. “Of course we want to see it addressed now, the urgency is now, but just having it all aired out and put on the line is a major feat.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Members of the committee will make preliminary policy recommendations, such as audits of government agencies that deal with child welfare and incarceration with the aim of reducing disparities in how Black people are treated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group discussed how the state may address its impact on Black families whose property was seized through eminent domain. The topic garnered renewed attention after lawmakers last year voted to return a beachfront property in Southern California known as \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-race-and-ethnicity-racial-injustice-janice-hahn-a3e320018f6770e156c0862d12317ea5\">Bruce's Beach\u003c/a> to descendants of the Black residents who owned it until it was taken in the 20th century.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11935349\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11935349\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/IMG_9115-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"People of various races sit and listen in Oakland City Hall.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/IMG_9115-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/IMG_9115-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/IMG_9115-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/IMG_9115-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/IMG_9115-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/IMG_9115-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/IMG_9115-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">General view of the meeting with the Reparations Task Force, Dec. 14, 2022. \u003ccite>(Annelise Finney/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Officials from Oakland, Sacramento, Los Angeles and other California cities planned to present about local reparations efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That included Khansa T. Jones-Muhammad, vice chair of Los Angeles’ Reparations Advisory Commission, created last year under then-Mayor Eric Garcetti. The goal of that commission is to advise LA on a pilot program for distributing reparations to a group of Black residents, but it doesn't have a timeline set in stone for finishing its work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In September, economists started listing preliminary estimates for what could be owed by the state as a result of discriminatory policies. But they said they need more data to come up with more complete figures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kamilah Moore, the task force's chair, said the group has not decided on any dollar amounts or what form reparations could take, nor where the money would come from.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Secretary of State Shirley Weber, a former Assembly member, authored the bill that created the state's task force, and the group began its work last year. The bill was signed into law in September 2020 after a summer of \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/election-2020-shootings-race-and-ethnicity-or-state-wire-racial-injustice-9035ecdfc58d5dba755185666ac0ed6d\">nationwide protests\u003c/a> against racism and police brutality following the killing of George Floyd, a Black man, by a white police officer in Minnesota.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June, the task force released \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-race-and-ethnicity-san-francisco-voter-registration-0cb66f61c4b9f0136c43a17408720d98\">a 500-page report describing discriminatory policies\u003c/a> that drove housing segregation, criminal justice disparities and other realities that harmed Black Californians in the decades since the abolition of slavery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former Russell City and current Oakland resident Marian Johnson and her brother came to Oakland City Hall for public comment where Johnson shared her story with the task force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My grandparents came to California in the 1940s, landing in West Oakland. They were pushed out of there by the I-980 project. Then they landed in Russell City, where my mother and my father met and married. They were forced out of there when I was an infant, placing us in a place that was not safe. I can’t tell you how many times we went to developments to look at new model homes. They let us go in. By the time we got back to our paperwork, offices were empty every time. In 1968 we were forced to leave Russell City, forced out of our land and our property, and we were given nothing in order for us to move on. We were forced into East Oakland, which was the only place we were able to live. We weren’t allowed in other communities. We were over-policed. We were disenfranchized. It felt like there was no room for us, that we weren’t worthy of anything. The only comfort we felt for a short period of time was when the Black Panthers came into our neighborhood and they would make sure we were safe and that we had food. But other than that, the police were not there to help us. My brothers were brutalized and put into prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I see that this task force is here to provide reparation for our community. I don’t know anything about things. I know what happened to my family and my mother is still here. And I’m hoping that she’s able to see what comes from this and that she gets some form of justice and some form of peace. Thank you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED's Lakshmi Sarah and Annelise Finney contributed to this story. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11935290/california-reparations-task-force-meets-in-oakland-to-weigh-eligibility-requirements","authors":["byline_news_11935290"],"categories":["news_6188","news_8"],"tags":["news_30656","news_28272","news_30345","news_27626","news_2923","news_22493"],"featImg":"news_11935324","label":"news"},"news_11910733":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11910733","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11910733","score":null,"sort":[1649862005000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"i-aint-leaving-without-my-40-acres-how-musicians-have-called-for-reparations","title":"'I Ain't Leaving Without My 40 Acres': How Musicians Have Called for Reparations","publishDate":1649862005,"format":"audio","headTitle":"‘I Ain’t Leaving Without My 40 Acres’: How Musicians Have Called for Reparations | KQED","labelTerm":{"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>As California’s Reparations Task Force — the first statewide body created to study the harmful and residual effects of slavery in the United States — moves toward creating legislation around reparations, musicians in the Bay Area like Kev Choice, as well as many others across the country, are using their art to make the case for compensating descendants of enslaved people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://kevchoice.wordpress.com/about/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Choice\u003c/a> says the topic of reparations has been on his mind for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Kev Choice, Bay Area musician\"]‘We need to use our music to help amplify the voices of the people who have been fighting for this for a long time — the legislators, the community activists.’[/pullquote]But it’s only been in recent years that the Oakland-based hip-hop and jazz artist has used the word explicitly in his music.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In “\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YyGsNUMsfwU\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Rebel\u003c/a>,” a song that heavily references Public Enemy, the rap group that shined a spotlight on the exploitation of Black recording artists and called for reparations on the 1990 album “\u003ca href=\"https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fear_of_a_Black_Planet\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Fear of a Black Planet\u003c/a>,” Choice raps: “I’m thinking ’bout solutions, reparations, housing and education.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YyGsNUMsfwU\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the song “\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ug4tefu-SCg\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">No Worries\u003c/a>” contains an urgent demand for payment: “When the government write them checks/Add reparations while the ink wet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The conversations that have been happening nationwide politically have sparked me to include that word specifically,” Choice, who wrote both of the above songs in 2020, told KQED. “I’m saying, ‘OK, maybe this is a possibility. So let me speak it into existence.’ The more we speak things into existence, the more possibility they are going to happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ug4tefu-SCg\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The call for reparations is nothing new in popular music, particularly in hip-hop, a genre that has been documenting inequities since its birth almost a half century ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Reparations in California\" link1=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations,Explore why California launched the first-in-the-nation task force to study reparations for Black people\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/2022/02/RiCLandingPageGraphic-1020x574.png\"]“We need to use our music to help amplify the voices of the people who have been fighting for this for a long time — the legislators, the community activists,” said Choice. “How can I use my music to support those who are on the front lines of this battle?”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Hip-hop leads the charge\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In “\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zrFOb_f7ubw\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">By the Time I Get to Arizona\u003c/a>,” Public Enemy’s 1991 protest anthem against the Arizona governor’s decision to cancel Martin Luther King Jr. Day, the song reaches its climax when rapper Chuck D demands reparations: “A piece of the pick, we picked a piece of the land that we’re deserving now/Reparation, a piece of the nation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zrFOb_f7ubw\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://afamstudies.yale.edu/people/daphne-brooks\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Daphne A. Brooks\u003c/a>, a Yale University professor who was raised in the Bay Area, described hip-hop as a “deeply fruitful and prolific space” to present the case for reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hip-hop is fluid enough to be able to capture the immediacy and the intimacies of our everyday lives and, in particular, Black working-class people’s everyday lives,” said Brooks, a professor of music, African American studies, American studies and women’s, gender and sexuality studies. “And because of that, it’s a useful scaffold to critique the ways in which we think about race and sociopolitical structures of power, and how Black people operate within and against those sociopolitical structures of power.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zDMtaIcrfQ0\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not all hip-hop tracks focused on demanding reparations use that actual word. Songs like Saul Williams’s “\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zDMtaIcrfQ0\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">List of Demands\u003c/a>,” released in 2004, are as explicit in their call for the U.S. government to pay Black people damages as any of the more than 950 songs that show up when you type “reparations” into the search box on lyrics websites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On “\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WuAWTZ5jPxY\">You Owe Me\u003c/a>,” a 1999 single exploring the power dynamics of sex through images of slavey and money, Nas raps, “Yeah, owe me back like you owe your tax/Owe me back like 40 acres to Blacks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WuAWTZ5jPxY\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reference to “40 acres” is shorthand for \u003ca href=\"https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Special_Field_Orders_No._15\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Special Field Order 15\u003c/a>, the military order issued in 1865 by Union General William Tecumseh Sherman, which arranged for 400,000 acres of property confiscated from Confederate landowners to be redistributed to emancipated Black families in 40-acre plots. President Andrew Johnson, an enslaver, quickly overturned the order after the assassination of Abraham Lincoln by a Confederate sympathizer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The concept of 40 acres — or 40 acres and a mule — has become a particularly powerful way of talking about reparations — not just in songs, but also in American pop culture. It’s the name of filmmaker Spike Lee’s \u003ca href=\"https://40acres.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">production company\u003c/a>. Choice said the slogan was written across many T-shirts and sweatshirts when he was growing up in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vLmj4_ZciYU\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11909471,news_11906054,news_11818409\" label=\"Related Posts\"]Many songs about reparations have been fueled by America’s broken promise, from Oscar Brown Jr.’s 1965 proto-rap spoken-word track “\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vLmj4_ZciYU\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Forty Acres and a Mule\u003c/a>” to, a little over half a century later, T.I.’s “\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UylWdBjvzHI\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">40 Acres\u003c/a>,” released in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Forty acres and a Mueller/I spent my reparations on the jeweler,” the song’s chorus begins before ending with, “40 acres and a mule, 40 acres and a mule/These n— actin’ f—’ fools, for 40 acres and a mule.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Artists working in other musical genres also have contributed to the reparations repertoire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UylWdBjvzHI\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Released two years ago on June 19 to celebrate Juneteenth — now a federal holiday commemorating the emancipation of enslaved people — Beyoncé’s “\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EJT1m1ele00\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Black Parade\u003c/a>” named Black activists and her mother before calling for reparations: “Curtis Mayfield on the speaker/Lil’ Malcolm, Martin, mixed with momma Tina/Need another march, lemme call Tamika/Need peace and reparation for my people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EJT1m1ele00\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reggae artist Damian Marley’s pungent 2001 song “\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PqXumJdfI8I\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Educated Fools\u003c/a>” demands that colonial forces stand trial for the evils committed “until dem send di reparation dollars/Warning to all di political scholars/Political thieves and political liars.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PqXumJdfI8I\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KBG3Uc_D5ac\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Time for Reparations\u003c/a>,” released in 2021 by the Grammy Award-winning R&B-and-soul ensemble Sounds of Blackness, has a hypnotic chorus with one of the most insistent messages of any song on the topic released in recent years: “Time for reparations/Right now time for reparations,” the group repeats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KBG3Uc_D5ac\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While hip-hop may be the most prominent musical genre in this country today, Choice said it’s important for the call for reparations to be heard across other genres to ensure as broad an audience hears it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m able to get into these spaces where I’m bringing with me the values, the energy, the mindset, the issues of my community,” said Choice, who has collaborated with the Oakland and San Francisco symphonies, as well as the SFJAZZ Center, among other local institutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How explicit calls for reparations emerged\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There’s currently little scholarship on the specific topic of reparations in music. Academics interviewed for this story said they think of it as a strand within the larger field of Black music studies. A line from the hip-hop tracks of today that explicitly reference reparations can be traced to older songs that speak to the deep-rooted wrongs committed against Black people in this country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LJ25-U3jNWM\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Songs from the civil rights era like Nina Simone’s 1964 song “\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LJ25-U3jNWM\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Mississippi Goddam\u003c/a>” and 19th-century spirituals, such as the anonymously published “\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SfbpsmbxE2c\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">No More Auction Block for Me\u003c/a>,” protest racial inequality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“‘No More Auction Block’ seems, to me, very much in line with this broader genealogy of popular representations of bondage,” said \u003ca href=\"https://english.columbia.edu/content/shana-l-redmond\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Shana Redmond\u003c/a>, a professor of English and comparative literature at Columbia University, who has written extensively about music. “Because the song really is about the sale of people and entire futures, and this is why we’re owed a debt.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SfbpsmbxE2c\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Area musician \u003ca href=\"https://www.samorapinderhughes.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Samora Pinderhughes\u003c/a>, who’s currently working on a doctorate in music at Harvard University, makes a similar case for placing tracks like Curtis Mayfield’s “\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=x1xmXOP3lhM\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">If There’s a Hell Below, We’re All Gonna Go\u003c/a>” and Tupac Shakur’s “\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XW--IGAfeas\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Keep Ya Head Up\u003c/a>” in the tradition of reparations songs. He also includes many of the tracks on his own recently released album, “\u003ca href=\"https://samorapinderhughes.bandcamp.com/campaign/grief\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Grief\u003c/a>,” because the songs present a clear case for why Black Americans need reparations in the first place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think they point back to these systemic issues that would be at the heart of what a real reparations conversation would look and sound and actually be like to me,” Pinderhughes said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s challenging to pinpoint when artists began to call out the need for reparations explicitly. The earliest songs KQED found date back to Gil Scott-Heron’s 1970 track “\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QVoDV3icbgc\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Who’ll Pay Reparations on My Soul\u003c/a>,” which asks how the cost of racism in America can be accounted for. A request for historical sources from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.loc.gov/rr/perform/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Library of Congress’s Music Division\u003c/a> was still pending at the time of publishing of this article.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QVoDV3icbgc\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The turning point was Gil Scott-Heron putting the word ‘reparations’ front and center,” Redmond, of Columbia, said. “The kinds of access points and community investments that he’s speaking to in that piece were already in circulation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles-based composer, producer and vintage vinyl buff \u003ca href=\"https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Adrian_Younge\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Adrian Younge\u003c/a> said the lack of songs explicitly referencing the concept of reparations before the 1960s can be explained by the fact that Black Americans in previous generations were fighting for other things, like the right to live in certain neighborhoods, attend certain schools and eat at certain restaurants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There were other forms of injustice that seemed a lot more immediate and within reach than reparations,” Younge said. “I mean, how are you going to ask for reparations when you can’t even drink out of the same water fountain? It’s baby steps.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Accordingly, the first great wave of songs explicitly addressing reparations came during the 1990s and 2000s by artists like Shakur, Wu-Tang Clan, Public Enemy, Kanye West and Lil Wayne. Many of these tracks highlighted the problems underpinning the need for reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lS6OB2W1oRI\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Help me raise my Black nation, reparations are due/It’s true, caught up in this world I took advantage of you,” Shakur raps, from the perspective of a Black man in jail writing a love letter to a Black woman, in the 1996 song “\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lS6OB2W1oRI\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">White Man’z World\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many of these artists who came of age as Gen Xers recognized that the next battlefront was being able to reckon with the afterlives of slavery — the ongoing catastrophe of Black subjugated life not having fully repaired, let alone ultimately addressed, the fiscal and sociopolitical problems linked to slavery,” said Brooks, of Yale. “These artists were standing on the scaffolding of civil rights and Black Power struggles, creating a space in their music to talk about these material and existential problems affecting Black life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And reparations becomes just one of the ways to try and address that emergency.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around the time of the publication of “\u003ca href=\"https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2014/06/the-case-for-reparations/361631/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">The Case for Reparations\u003c/a>,” \u003ca href=\"https://ta-nehisicoates.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Ta-Nehisi Coates\u003c/a>’s landmark 2014 essay in The Atlantic, songs about reparations blossomed anew, with artists like Nipsey Hussle, Jay-Z and others fueling the debate around the topic with their music.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Coates is part of a broader kind of collective movement thinking in a multifaceted way about all of the different terms of repair that Black folks deserve,” Brooks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the more recent songs, which gained an even greater urgency because of the Black Lives Matter movement, go beyond the question of why reparations should be paid to Black Americans to also address the how and the when.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RXmfYM6dSFg\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nipsey Hussle’s 2018 song “\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RXmfYM6dSFg\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Dedication\u003c/a>” makes it clear that time has run out on waiting:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>How long should I stay dedicated?\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>How long ’til opportunity meet preparation?\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>I need some real n— reparations\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>Before I run up in your bank just for recreation\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his 2013 song “\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ofIduVOyoDE\">40 Acres\u003c/a>,” Pusha T makes it clear he wants land:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>No change of heart, no change of mind\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>You can take what’s yours, but you gon’ leave what’s mine\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>I’d rather die, than go home\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>I’d rather die, than go home\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>And I ain’t leaving without my 40 acres.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ofIduVOyoDE\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In “Rebel,” Choice says reparations should take the form of equity in housing, health care, education and other social structures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it has to be more than just, ‘Here is a certain dollar amount,’” Choice told KQED. “Because it’s bigger than money. It’s the ability to live, sustain and uplift these communities that have been harmed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Choice said he plans to write more songs about reparations, but he’s not the only Bay Area artist with this intention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11910752\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11910752 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55175_MG_6703-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A Black man with shoulder-length locks wearing a white undershirt and white pants hitched to below his knees, with tattoos on both arms, both hands, his back and the contours of his face, leans against one red sports car inside a garage, with his left leg (and a black-sneakered foot) propped on a second red sports car, whose door is open. He looks directly at the camera. Beyond the cars in the half-dark, shelves are visible, some empty and some holding what might be cleaning supplies or extra food supplies.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55175_MG_6703-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55175_MG_6703-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55175_MG_6703-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55175_MG_6703-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55175_MG_6703-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nef the Pharaoh \u003ccite>(Estefany Gonzalez)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In an interview with KQED, \u003ca href=\"https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nef_the_Pharaoh\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Nef the Pharaoh\u003c/a> also expressed this desire. But even though the 27-year-old, Vallejo-based rapper is the creator of political songs like “\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ohHtt0ue9ZA\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Still I Rise\u003c/a>,” released in 2019, he said he’s been struggling to figure out how to make the subject of reparations resonate with his mostly teenage fan base.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He almost created a reparations-themed project titled “Forty Acres and a Mule,” but changed his mind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I felt like my listeners weren’t ready to pay attention to the topic,” he said. “And that was my fault.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nef said it’s on artists like himself to make their fans pay attention. “We’ve got to give way more people game,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Listen to “40 Acres and a Playlist” on \u003ca href=\"https://open.spotify.com/playlist/5mG1JXeLPHQTazI9gmgCyi\">Spotify\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://music.apple.com/us/playlist/40-acres-and-a-playlist/pl.u-PDb44ZVTLEmpvME\">Apple Music\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://open.spotify.com/embed?uri=spotify%3Aplaylist%3A5mG1JXeLPHQTazI9gmgCyi\" width=\"640\" height=\"360\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"auto\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Corey Antonio Rose contributed reporting to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"As California's Reparations Task Force continues to push for reparations legislation, musicians in the Bay Area and across the country are using their art to further the cause.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1701976037,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":true,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":55,"wordCount":2584},"headData":{"title":"'I Ain't Leaving Without My 40 Acres': How Musicians Have Called for Reparations | KQED","description":"As California's Reparations Task Force continues to push for reparations legislation, musicians in the Bay Area and across the country are using their art to further the cause.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"'I Ain't Leaving Without My 40 Acres': How Musicians Have Called for Reparations","datePublished":"2022-04-13T15:00:05.000Z","dateModified":"2023-12-07T19:07:17.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"audioUrl":"https://traffic.omny.fm/d/clips/0af137ef-751e-4b19-a055-aaef00d2d578/ffca7e9f-6831-41c5-bcaf-aaef00f5a073/87fa350f-4af3-4c98-bfcd-ae78003cfd2f/audio.mp3","sticky":false,"excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","path":"/news/11910733/i-aint-leaving-without-my-40-acres-how-musicians-have-called-for-reparations","audioDuration":430000,"audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As California’s Reparations Task Force — the first statewide body created to study the harmful and residual effects of slavery in the United States — moves toward creating legislation around reparations, musicians in the Bay Area like Kev Choice, as well as many others across the country, are using their art to make the case for compensating descendants of enslaved people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://kevchoice.wordpress.com/about/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Choice\u003c/a> says the topic of reparations has been on his mind for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"‘We need to use our music to help amplify the voices of the people who have been fighting for this for a long time — the legislators, the community activists.’","name":"pullquote","attributes":{"named":{"size":"medium","align":"right","citation":"Kev Choice, Bay Area musician","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But it’s only been in recent years that the Oakland-based hip-hop and jazz artist has used the word explicitly in his music.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In “\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YyGsNUMsfwU\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Rebel\u003c/a>,” a song that heavily references Public Enemy, the rap group that shined a spotlight on the exploitation of Black recording artists and called for reparations on the 1990 album “\u003ca href=\"https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fear_of_a_Black_Planet\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Fear of a Black Planet\u003c/a>,” Choice raps: “I’m thinking ’bout solutions, reparations, housing and education.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/YyGsNUMsfwU'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/YyGsNUMsfwU'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>Meanwhile, the song “\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ug4tefu-SCg\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">No Worries\u003c/a>” contains an urgent demand for payment: “When the government write them checks/Add reparations while the ink wet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The conversations that have been happening nationwide politically have sparked me to include that word specifically,” Choice, who wrote both of the above songs in 2020, told KQED. “I’m saying, ‘OK, maybe this is a possibility. So let me speak it into existence.’ The more we speak things into existence, the more possibility they are going to happen.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/ug4tefu-SCg'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/ug4tefu-SCg'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>The call for reparations is nothing new in popular music, particularly in hip-hop, a genre that has been documenting inequities since its birth almost a half century ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"label":"Reparations in California ","link1":"https://www.kqed.org/reparations,Explore why California launched the first-in-the-nation task force to study reparations for Black people","hero":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/2022/02/RiCLandingPageGraphic-1020x574.png"},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We need to use our music to help amplify the voices of the people who have been fighting for this for a long time — the legislators, the community activists,” said Choice. “How can I use my music to support those who are on the front lines of this battle?”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Hip-hop leads the charge\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In “\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zrFOb_f7ubw\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">By the Time I Get to Arizona\u003c/a>,” Public Enemy’s 1991 protest anthem against the Arizona governor’s decision to cancel Martin Luther King Jr. Day, the song reaches its climax when rapper Chuck D demands reparations: “A piece of the pick, we picked a piece of the land that we’re deserving now/Reparation, a piece of the nation.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/zrFOb_f7ubw'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/zrFOb_f7ubw'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://afamstudies.yale.edu/people/daphne-brooks\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Daphne A. Brooks\u003c/a>, a Yale University professor who was raised in the Bay Area, described hip-hop as a “deeply fruitful and prolific space” to present the case for reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hip-hop is fluid enough to be able to capture the immediacy and the intimacies of our everyday lives and, in particular, Black working-class people’s everyday lives,” said Brooks, a professor of music, African American studies, American studies and women’s, gender and sexuality studies. “And because of that, it’s a useful scaffold to critique the ways in which we think about race and sociopolitical structures of power, and how Black people operate within and against those sociopolitical structures of power.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/zDMtaIcrfQ0'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/zDMtaIcrfQ0'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>Not all hip-hop tracks focused on demanding reparations use that actual word. Songs like Saul Williams’s “\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zDMtaIcrfQ0\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">List of Demands\u003c/a>,” released in 2004, are as explicit in their call for the U.S. government to pay Black people damages as any of the more than 950 songs that show up when you type “reparations” into the search box on lyrics websites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On “\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WuAWTZ5jPxY\">You Owe Me\u003c/a>,” a 1999 single exploring the power dynamics of sex through images of slavey and money, Nas raps, “Yeah, owe me back like you owe your tax/Owe me back like 40 acres to Blacks.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/WuAWTZ5jPxY'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/WuAWTZ5jPxY'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>The reference to “40 acres” is shorthand for \u003ca href=\"https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Special_Field_Orders_No._15\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Special Field Order 15\u003c/a>, the military order issued in 1865 by Union General William Tecumseh Sherman, which arranged for 400,000 acres of property confiscated from Confederate landowners to be redistributed to emancipated Black families in 40-acre plots. President Andrew Johnson, an enslaver, quickly overturned the order after the assassination of Abraham Lincoln by a Confederate sympathizer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The concept of 40 acres — or 40 acres and a mule — has become a particularly powerful way of talking about reparations — not just in songs, but also in American pop culture. It’s the name of filmmaker Spike Lee’s \u003ca href=\"https://40acres.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">production company\u003c/a>. Choice said the slogan was written across many T-shirts and sweatshirts when he was growing up in Oakland.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/vLmj4_ZciYU'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/vLmj4_ZciYU'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11909471,news_11906054,news_11818409","label":"Related Posts "},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Many songs about reparations have been fueled by America’s broken promise, from Oscar Brown Jr.’s 1965 proto-rap spoken-word track “\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vLmj4_ZciYU\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Forty Acres and a Mule\u003c/a>” to, a little over half a century later, T.I.’s “\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UylWdBjvzHI\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">40 Acres\u003c/a>,” released in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Forty acres and a Mueller/I spent my reparations on the jeweler,” the song’s chorus begins before ending with, “40 acres and a mule, 40 acres and a mule/These n— actin’ f—’ fools, for 40 acres and a mule.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Artists working in other musical genres also have contributed to the reparations repertoire.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/UylWdBjvzHI'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/UylWdBjvzHI'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>Released two years ago on June 19 to celebrate Juneteenth — now a federal holiday commemorating the emancipation of enslaved people — Beyoncé’s “\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EJT1m1ele00\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Black Parade\u003c/a>” named Black activists and her mother before calling for reparations: “Curtis Mayfield on the speaker/Lil’ Malcolm, Martin, mixed with momma Tina/Need another march, lemme call Tamika/Need peace and reparation for my people.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/EJT1m1ele00'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/EJT1m1ele00'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>Reggae artist Damian Marley’s pungent 2001 song “\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PqXumJdfI8I\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Educated Fools\u003c/a>” demands that colonial forces stand trial for the evils committed “until dem send di reparation dollars/Warning to all di political scholars/Political thieves and political liars.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/PqXumJdfI8I'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/PqXumJdfI8I'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>“\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KBG3Uc_D5ac\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Time for Reparations\u003c/a>,” released in 2021 by the Grammy Award-winning R&B-and-soul ensemble Sounds of Blackness, has a hypnotic chorus with one of the most insistent messages of any song on the topic released in recent years: “Time for reparations/Right now time for reparations,” the group repeats.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/KBG3Uc_D5ac'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/KBG3Uc_D5ac'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>While hip-hop may be the most prominent musical genre in this country today, Choice said it’s important for the call for reparations to be heard across other genres to ensure as broad an audience hears it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m able to get into these spaces where I’m bringing with me the values, the energy, the mindset, the issues of my community,” said Choice, who has collaborated with the Oakland and San Francisco symphonies, as well as the SFJAZZ Center, among other local institutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How explicit calls for reparations emerged\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There’s currently little scholarship on the specific topic of reparations in music. Academics interviewed for this story said they think of it as a strand within the larger field of Black music studies. A line from the hip-hop tracks of today that explicitly reference reparations can be traced to older songs that speak to the deep-rooted wrongs committed against Black people in this country.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/LJ25-U3jNWM'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/LJ25-U3jNWM'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>Songs from the civil rights era like Nina Simone’s 1964 song “\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LJ25-U3jNWM\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Mississippi Goddam\u003c/a>” and 19th-century spirituals, such as the anonymously published “\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SfbpsmbxE2c\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">No More Auction Block for Me\u003c/a>,” protest racial inequality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“‘No More Auction Block’ seems, to me, very much in line with this broader genealogy of popular representations of bondage,” said \u003ca href=\"https://english.columbia.edu/content/shana-l-redmond\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Shana Redmond\u003c/a>, a professor of English and comparative literature at Columbia University, who has written extensively about music. “Because the song really is about the sale of people and entire futures, and this is why we’re owed a debt.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/SfbpsmbxE2c'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/SfbpsmbxE2c'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>Bay Area musician \u003ca href=\"https://www.samorapinderhughes.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Samora Pinderhughes\u003c/a>, who’s currently working on a doctorate in music at Harvard University, makes a similar case for placing tracks like Curtis Mayfield’s “\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=x1xmXOP3lhM\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">If There’s a Hell Below, We’re All Gonna Go\u003c/a>” and Tupac Shakur’s “\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XW--IGAfeas\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Keep Ya Head Up\u003c/a>” in the tradition of reparations songs. He also includes many of the tracks on his own recently released album, “\u003ca href=\"https://samorapinderhughes.bandcamp.com/campaign/grief\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Grief\u003c/a>,” because the songs present a clear case for why Black Americans need reparations in the first place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think they point back to these systemic issues that would be at the heart of what a real reparations conversation would look and sound and actually be like to me,” Pinderhughes said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s challenging to pinpoint when artists began to call out the need for reparations explicitly. The earliest songs KQED found date back to Gil Scott-Heron’s 1970 track “\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QVoDV3icbgc\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Who’ll Pay Reparations on My Soul\u003c/a>,” which asks how the cost of racism in America can be accounted for. A request for historical sources from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.loc.gov/rr/perform/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Library of Congress’s Music Division\u003c/a> was still pending at the time of publishing of this article.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/QVoDV3icbgc'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/QVoDV3icbgc'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>“The turning point was Gil Scott-Heron putting the word ‘reparations’ front and center,” Redmond, of Columbia, said. “The kinds of access points and community investments that he’s speaking to in that piece were already in circulation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles-based composer, producer and vintage vinyl buff \u003ca href=\"https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Adrian_Younge\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Adrian Younge\u003c/a> said the lack of songs explicitly referencing the concept of reparations before the 1960s can be explained by the fact that Black Americans in previous generations were fighting for other things, like the right to live in certain neighborhoods, attend certain schools and eat at certain restaurants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There were other forms of injustice that seemed a lot more immediate and within reach than reparations,” Younge said. “I mean, how are you going to ask for reparations when you can’t even drink out of the same water fountain? It’s baby steps.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Accordingly, the first great wave of songs explicitly addressing reparations came during the 1990s and 2000s by artists like Shakur, Wu-Tang Clan, Public Enemy, Kanye West and Lil Wayne. Many of these tracks highlighted the problems underpinning the need for reparations.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/lS6OB2W1oRI'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/lS6OB2W1oRI'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>“Help me raise my Black nation, reparations are due/It’s true, caught up in this world I took advantage of you,” Shakur raps, from the perspective of a Black man in jail writing a love letter to a Black woman, in the 1996 song “\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lS6OB2W1oRI\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">White Man’z World\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many of these artists who came of age as Gen Xers recognized that the next battlefront was being able to reckon with the afterlives of slavery — the ongoing catastrophe of Black subjugated life not having fully repaired, let alone ultimately addressed, the fiscal and sociopolitical problems linked to slavery,” said Brooks, of Yale. “These artists were standing on the scaffolding of civil rights and Black Power struggles, creating a space in their music to talk about these material and existential problems affecting Black life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And reparations becomes just one of the ways to try and address that emergency.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around the time of the publication of “\u003ca href=\"https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2014/06/the-case-for-reparations/361631/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">The Case for Reparations\u003c/a>,” \u003ca href=\"https://ta-nehisicoates.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Ta-Nehisi Coates\u003c/a>’s landmark 2014 essay in The Atlantic, songs about reparations blossomed anew, with artists like Nipsey Hussle, Jay-Z and others fueling the debate around the topic with their music.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Coates is part of a broader kind of collective movement thinking in a multifaceted way about all of the different terms of repair that Black folks deserve,” Brooks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the more recent songs, which gained an even greater urgency because of the Black Lives Matter movement, go beyond the question of why reparations should be paid to Black Americans to also address the how and the when.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/RXmfYM6dSFg'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/RXmfYM6dSFg'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>Nipsey Hussle’s 2018 song “\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RXmfYM6dSFg\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Dedication\u003c/a>” makes it clear that time has run out on waiting:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>How long should I stay dedicated?\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>How long ’til opportunity meet preparation?\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>I need some real n— reparations\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>Before I run up in your bank just for recreation\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his 2013 song “\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ofIduVOyoDE\">40 Acres\u003c/a>,” Pusha T makes it clear he wants land:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>No change of heart, no change of mind\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>You can take what’s yours, but you gon’ leave what’s mine\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>I’d rather die, than go home\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>I’d rather die, than go home\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>And I ain’t leaving without my 40 acres.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/ofIduVOyoDE'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/ofIduVOyoDE'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>In “Rebel,” Choice says reparations should take the form of equity in housing, health care, education and other social structures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it has to be more than just, ‘Here is a certain dollar amount,’” Choice told KQED. “Because it’s bigger than money. It’s the ability to live, sustain and uplift these communities that have been harmed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Choice said he plans to write more songs about reparations, but he’s not the only Bay Area artist with this intention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11910752\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11910752 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55175_MG_6703-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A Black man with shoulder-length locks wearing a white undershirt and white pants hitched to below his knees, with tattoos on both arms, both hands, his back and the contours of his face, leans against one red sports car inside a garage, with his left leg (and a black-sneakered foot) propped on a second red sports car, whose door is open. He looks directly at the camera. Beyond the cars in the half-dark, shelves are visible, some empty and some holding what might be cleaning supplies or extra food supplies.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55175_MG_6703-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55175_MG_6703-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55175_MG_6703-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55175_MG_6703-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/RS55175_MG_6703-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nef the Pharaoh \u003ccite>(Estefany Gonzalez)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In an interview with KQED, \u003ca href=\"https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nef_the_Pharaoh\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Nef the Pharaoh\u003c/a> also expressed this desire. But even though the 27-year-old, Vallejo-based rapper is the creator of political songs like “\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ohHtt0ue9ZA\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Still I Rise\u003c/a>,” released in 2019, he said he’s been struggling to figure out how to make the subject of reparations resonate with his mostly teenage fan base.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He almost created a reparations-themed project titled “Forty Acres and a Mule,” but changed his mind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I felt like my listeners weren’t ready to pay attention to the topic,” he said. “And that was my fault.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nef said it’s on artists like himself to make their fans pay attention. “We’ve got to give way more people game,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Listen to “40 Acres and a Playlist” on \u003ca href=\"https://open.spotify.com/playlist/5mG1JXeLPHQTazI9gmgCyi\">Spotify\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://music.apple.com/us/playlist/40-acres-and-a-playlist/pl.u-PDb44ZVTLEmpvME\">Apple Music\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://open.spotify.com/embed?uri=spotify%3Aplaylist%3A5mG1JXeLPHQTazI9gmgCyi\" width=\"640\" height=\"360\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"auto\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Corey Antonio Rose contributed reporting to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11910733/i-aint-leaving-without-my-40-acres-how-musicians-have-called-for-reparations","authors":["8608"],"categories":["news_29992","news_8"],"tags":["news_30918","news_30345","news_30652","news_27626","news_2923","news_22493","news_16988"],"featImg":"news_11910753","label":"news"},"news_11818409":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11818409","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11818409","score":null,"sort":[1645833781000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"how-the-founder-of-californias-first-black-church-fought-its-last-known-slavery-case","title":"How the Founder of California's First Black Church Fought Its Last Known Slavery Case","publishDate":1645833781,"format":"audio","headTitle":"The California Report Magazine | KQED News","labelTerm":{"term":26731,"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>Last year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11876194/first-in-the-us-californias-task-force-on-reparations-looks-at-harms-of-slavery\">California launched the first-in-the-nation statewide task force to study reparations for Black people\u003c/a>, with special consideration for descendants of those enslaved in the United States. Even though California entered the union as a slavery-free state in 1850, that didn’t mean slavery didn’t exist here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As gold rush prospectors flooded the state, enslaved Black people were sometimes imported to work in the mines. And even Black people who entered the state free from bondage didn't always stay free.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, California law allowed so-called \"slave catchers\" to abduct free Black people and take them to slave states, and sanctioned the reenslavement of Black people freed by their enslavers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">we continue to cover the push for reparations\u003c/a>, we’re diving back into the history of the very last case of the enslavement of Black people in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Reparations in California\" link1=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations,Explore why California launched the first-in-the-nation task force to study reparations for Black people\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/2022/02/RiCLandingPageGraphic-1020x574.png\"]This is the story of California’s last known slavery case, the state’s first Black church and how they converge with the unknown history of a free laundryman named Daniel Blue.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Celebrating California's first Black church\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“Good morning, St. Andrews,” called out Rev. Philip R. Cousin Jr.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a Sunday morning in late January, the church pews at \u003ca href=\"http://standrewsame.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">St. Andrews African Methodist Episcopal Church\u003c/a> were filled with worshipers. Many have been attending St. Andrews — the first African American church on the west coast — for generations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“St. Andrew's is the best kept secret in the entire city of Sacramento,” said Cousin. “We were organized prior to statehood, so that gives us a bit of a foothold here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The church was established in 1850 by free men and former enslaved people who had recently arrived in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The first thing that was done was to establish a community,” said Cousin. “And at the center of that community is always a church.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>St. Andrews was founded by Daniel Blue, who was formerly enslaved in Kentucky. He settled in California, made a fortune mining on the Sacramento River, and subsequently opened a laundry. With this wealth, he bought a house next door to California’s pro-slavery governor, Peter Hardeman Burnett. Blue held St. Andrews’ first service in his own basement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11818589\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 286px\">\u003cimg class=\" wp-image-11818589\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43194_IMG_6499-qut-800x928.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"286\" height=\"331\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43194_IMG_6499-qut-800x928.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43194_IMG_6499-qut-160x186.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43194_IMG_6499-qut-1020x1183.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43194_IMG_6499-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 286px) 100vw, 286px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A portrait of Daniel Blue hanging on the walls of St. Andrews African Methodist Episcopal Church. \u003ccite>(Asal Ehsanipour/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Blue catapulted the church into ground zero for anti-slavery and social justice activism. Out of St. Andrews, Blue and his wife, Lucinda, opened a school for Black, Native American and Asian American children, even soliciting donations from the public when the state refused to fund it. In November 1855, St. Andrews hosted the \u003ca href=\"https://omeka.coloredconventions.org/files/original/e2ddec1776e38c21ee7782d6b4d96eba.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">first statewide convention of the California Colored Citizens\u003c/a> to develop strategies for legislation to advance the rights of people of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In Sacramento, St. Andrews was able to pull together a coalition of people of color and say, ‘Look, we can go to the court and demand these rights,’” said Cousin. “‘We can go to the state and demand to be counted as citizens.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the first Black church in California, St. Andrews imbued its anti-slavery values to other African Methodist Episcopal churches around the state. It all started with Daniel Blue, whose influence on California state history was revolutionary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Blue left another indelible, albeit lesser known mark on state history: He freed California’s last known slave.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Discovering California's last known slavery case\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11818592\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 283px\">\u003cimg class=\" wp-image-11818592\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43196_IMG_6478-qut-800x1067.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"283\" height=\"377\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43196_IMG_6478-qut-800x1067.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43196_IMG_6478-qut-160x213.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43196_IMG_6478-qut-1020x1360.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43196_IMG_6478-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43196_IMG_6478-qut-1122x1496.jpg 1122w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43196_IMG_6478-qut-840x1120.jpg 840w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43196_IMG_6478-qut-687x916.jpg 687w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43196_IMG_6478-qut-414x552.jpg 414w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43196_IMG_6478-qut-354x472.jpg 354w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 283px) 100vw, 283px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The original court records of Daniel Blue's petition to free Edith from enslavement are located at the Center for Sacramento History. \u003ccite>(Asal Ehsanipour/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Edith was a 12-year-old enslaved girl brought to rural Sacramento from Missouri in 1863. Shortly after, Edith was illegally purchased by Walter Gammon, a local farmer from Tennessee. According to court testimonies, witnesses said Gammon beat the young girl and left her without care or necessary clothing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Word of Edith’s plight got back to Blue, who was a leader in Sacramento’s African American community. On Feb. 29, 1864 he filed a writ of habeas corpus in the county court, forcing Gammon to bring Edith to the judge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gammon responded that Edith stayed with him “of her own free will and choice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to Gammon, Blue requested that the judge grant him legal guardianship of Edith. The judge ruled in Blue’s favor, citing the slaveholder had “unlawfully and illegally detained and restrained” Edith.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was the last known slavery case in California’s history, 15 years after California entered the union as a free state.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The persistence of slavery in California\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“[This story] shows us the persistence of enslavement in California,” said Stacey Smith, an associate professor of history at Oregon State University, who has written extensively on this case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Smith, there is no evidence of how Blue discovered Edith, who was isolated in the rural outskirts of Sacramento. Smith attributes Edith’s freedom to the grapevine networks among local African Americans — like those who attended St. Andrews, which had become the focal point of Black political life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It's astounding that African Americans were able to infiltrate the household of Walter Gammon, figure out that Edith was there [as] a slave, figure out that she was being abused, and bring the case to the state courts to liberate her from enslavement,” said Smith.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bringing Edith’s case to the courts wouldn’t have even been possible until 1863, because of a law prohibiting African American, Chinese, and Native American testimony in cases involving white defendants and plaintiffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Rev. Philip R. Cousin Jr.\"]'We keep our founders' heritage alive by keeping the flames burning of what impassioned them, because those values don't wear out.'[/pullquote]Daniel Blue filed his probate case immediately after the law was lifted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It's pretty clear there are Black witnesses who talk about the treatment of Edith under the care of Walter Gammon,” Smith continued. “They probably wouldn't have been able to testify had that law still been on the books.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Smith, laws like these were not uncommon as California’s pro-slavery legislators used their power to uphold pro-slavery attitudes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California did have a large pro-slavery population,” said Smith. “Pro-slavery southerners made up a surprising number of the immigrants that came overland to mine gold in the Gold Rush.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of these Southerners brought enslaved people to work in the mines. To protect the rights of slaveholders, California enacted its own version of the Fugitive Slave Act, which prohibited enslaved people from escaping their masters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>White Californians were perhaps uninterested in establishing slavery in California, according to Smith. Rather, they sought to maintain slaveholder rights while eliminating competition for economic advancement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The West really was meant to be a paradise for free white workers,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout the 1850s and 1860s, white legislators enacted \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/ci/hs/im/didyouknow1.asp\">a series of laws\u003c/a> to suppress the advancement of people of color. A vast majority of African Americans in California were manual laborers. Many of them drove carts, painted fences, or were domestic servants. Most were unable to buy land or ascend socially.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Daniel Blue, on the other hand, accomplished both. Known as “Uncle Daniel,” the former slave became a well-respected figure in the Sacramento community. Admired by people from all backgrounds, Blue used his unprecedented influence to champion not only other African Americans, but all people of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Daniel Blue's enduring legacy\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At the Center for Sacramento History, archivist Kim Hayden pulled out a leatherbound newspaper from the dusty archives. She was looking for Daniel Blue’s obituary, titled “An Old Man Gone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The obituary begins: “Daniel Blue, a colored citizen known to all the people of Sacramento and who died suddenly this week in the eighty ninth year of his age, was one of the most familiar figures on Sacramento streets for over a quarter of a century. He is to be buried tomorrow for Sacramento. And to have said he did not know Uncle Daniel Blue was to argue his ignorance of the city and its people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The obituary described Daniel Blue’s accomplishments, intellect, and how he was beloved by Black and white people alike — but there was no mention of Edith or Blue’s involvement in setting her free.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But according to Smith, there is evidence that Edith had a happy ending. The 1870 census listed a woman in Sacramento named Adda, Edith’s nickname. She was 19 years old, the same age Edith would have been. The census said she married an African American man, and they had a one-year-old son.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11818602\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11818602\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43197_3781652D-5053-4698-9030-D7833A2993CD-qut-800x568.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"568\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43197_3781652D-5053-4698-9030-D7833A2993CD-qut-800x568.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43197_3781652D-5053-4698-9030-D7833A2993CD-qut-160x114.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43197_3781652D-5053-4698-9030-D7833A2993CD-qut-1020x724.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43197_3781652D-5053-4698-9030-D7833A2993CD-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">St. Andrews was founded in 1850, several months before California entered the union. The current building is now recognized as a State Historic Landmark.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Edith or Blue’s living descendants weren't reachable for this story, but it is apparent that Blue’s legacy lives on with St. Andrews and its community of worshippers — even during the coronavirus pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The church has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/st.andrews1850\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">hosting\u003c/a> virtual bible study and church services every week, after closing its doors due to California's shelter-in-place order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11790005,news_11789158,news_11701126\" label=\"Related Coverage\"]“We keep our founders' heritage alive by keeping the flames burning of what impassioned them, because those values don't wear out,” Cousin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Cousin’s leadership, the congregation is carrying out Blue’s vision of community, education and social action. Now, he says, the focus is on voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Whatever we do out there is an expression of what we have learned and professed to believe in here,” said Cousin. “We encourage everyone to participate at every level in the life of the community. Certainly that means exercising their right to vote, particularly since that is not a right that has been ours for a very long time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cousin says voting is the antithesis of standing around and waiting for something to happen. Voting is taking action — much like establishing the first Black church in California, or adopting a little girl out of slavery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published on May 16, 2020.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was reported as part of \u003ca href=\"http://www.goldchainsca.org\">Gold Chains: The Hidden History of Slavery in California\u003c/a>. The project aims to lift up the voices of courageous African American and Native American individuals who challenged their brutal treatment and demanded their civil rights, inspiring us with their ingenuity, resilience, and tenacity. Gold Chains is a collaboration between KQED, the ACLU of Northern CA, the California Historical Society, Laura Atkins, and the Equal Justice Society.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"Daniel Blue was a free laundryman who established the first Black church on the west coast. But Blue left another indelible, albeit lesser known mark on state history: He freed California’s last known slave.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1645835784,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":47,"wordCount":1873},"headData":{"title":"How the Founder of California's First Black Church Fought Its Last Known Slavery Case | KQED","description":"Daniel Blue was a free laundryman who established the first Black church on the west coast. But Blue left another indelible, albeit lesser known mark on state history: He freed California’s last known slave.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"How the Founder of California's First Black Church Fought Its Last Known Slavery Case","datePublished":"2022-02-26T00:03:01.000Z","dateModified":"2022-02-26T00:36:24.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"disqusIdentifier":"11818409 https://ww2.kqed.org/news/?p=11818409","disqusUrl":"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2022/02/25/how-the-founder-of-californias-first-black-church-fought-its-last-known-slavery-case/","disqusTitle":"How the Founder of California's First Black Church Fought Its Last Known Slavery Case","audioUrl":"https://traffic.omny.fm/d/clips/0af137ef-751e-4b19-a055-aaef00d2d578/ffca7e9f-6831-41c5-bcaf-aaef00f5a073/9ee47958-5870-4c31-b06c-ae4701872e65/audio.mp3","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","path":"/news/11818409/how-the-founder-of-californias-first-black-church-fought-its-last-known-slavery-case","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Last year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11876194/first-in-the-us-californias-task-force-on-reparations-looks-at-harms-of-slavery\">California launched the first-in-the-nation statewide task force to study reparations for Black people\u003c/a>, with special consideration for descendants of those enslaved in the United States. Even though California entered the union as a slavery-free state in 1850, that didn’t mean slavery didn’t exist here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As gold rush prospectors flooded the state, enslaved Black people were sometimes imported to work in the mines. And even Black people who entered the state free from bondage didn't always stay free.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, California law allowed so-called \"slave catchers\" to abduct free Black people and take them to slave states, and sanctioned the reenslavement of Black people freed by their enslavers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">we continue to cover the push for reparations\u003c/a>, we’re diving back into the history of the very last case of the enslavement of Black people in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"label":"Reparations in California ","link1":"https://www.kqed.org/reparations,Explore why California launched the first-in-the-nation task force to study reparations for Black people","hero":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/2022/02/RiCLandingPageGraphic-1020x574.png"},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>This is the story of California’s last known slavery case, the state’s first Black church and how they converge with the unknown history of a free laundryman named Daniel Blue.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Celebrating California's first Black church\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“Good morning, St. Andrews,” called out Rev. Philip R. Cousin Jr.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a Sunday morning in late January, the church pews at \u003ca href=\"http://standrewsame.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">St. Andrews African Methodist Episcopal Church\u003c/a> were filled with worshipers. Many have been attending St. Andrews — the first African American church on the west coast — for generations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“St. Andrew's is the best kept secret in the entire city of Sacramento,” said Cousin. “We were organized prior to statehood, so that gives us a bit of a foothold here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The church was established in 1850 by free men and former enslaved people who had recently arrived in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The first thing that was done was to establish a community,” said Cousin. “And at the center of that community is always a church.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>St. Andrews was founded by Daniel Blue, who was formerly enslaved in Kentucky. He settled in California, made a fortune mining on the Sacramento River, and subsequently opened a laundry. With this wealth, he bought a house next door to California’s pro-slavery governor, Peter Hardeman Burnett. Blue held St. Andrews’ first service in his own basement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11818589\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 286px\">\u003cimg class=\" wp-image-11818589\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43194_IMG_6499-qut-800x928.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"286\" height=\"331\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43194_IMG_6499-qut-800x928.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43194_IMG_6499-qut-160x186.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43194_IMG_6499-qut-1020x1183.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43194_IMG_6499-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 286px) 100vw, 286px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A portrait of Daniel Blue hanging on the walls of St. Andrews African Methodist Episcopal Church. \u003ccite>(Asal Ehsanipour/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Blue catapulted the church into ground zero for anti-slavery and social justice activism. Out of St. Andrews, Blue and his wife, Lucinda, opened a school for Black, Native American and Asian American children, even soliciting donations from the public when the state refused to fund it. In November 1855, St. Andrews hosted the \u003ca href=\"https://omeka.coloredconventions.org/files/original/e2ddec1776e38c21ee7782d6b4d96eba.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">first statewide convention of the California Colored Citizens\u003c/a> to develop strategies for legislation to advance the rights of people of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In Sacramento, St. Andrews was able to pull together a coalition of people of color and say, ‘Look, we can go to the court and demand these rights,’” said Cousin. “‘We can go to the state and demand to be counted as citizens.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the first Black church in California, St. Andrews imbued its anti-slavery values to other African Methodist Episcopal churches around the state. It all started with Daniel Blue, whose influence on California state history was revolutionary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Blue left another indelible, albeit lesser known mark on state history: He freed California’s last known slave.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Discovering California's last known slavery case\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11818592\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 283px\">\u003cimg class=\" wp-image-11818592\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43196_IMG_6478-qut-800x1067.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"283\" height=\"377\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43196_IMG_6478-qut-800x1067.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43196_IMG_6478-qut-160x213.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43196_IMG_6478-qut-1020x1360.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43196_IMG_6478-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43196_IMG_6478-qut-1122x1496.jpg 1122w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43196_IMG_6478-qut-840x1120.jpg 840w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43196_IMG_6478-qut-687x916.jpg 687w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43196_IMG_6478-qut-414x552.jpg 414w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43196_IMG_6478-qut-354x472.jpg 354w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 283px) 100vw, 283px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The original court records of Daniel Blue's petition to free Edith from enslavement are located at the Center for Sacramento History. \u003ccite>(Asal Ehsanipour/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Edith was a 12-year-old enslaved girl brought to rural Sacramento from Missouri in 1863. Shortly after, Edith was illegally purchased by Walter Gammon, a local farmer from Tennessee. According to court testimonies, witnesses said Gammon beat the young girl and left her without care or necessary clothing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Word of Edith’s plight got back to Blue, who was a leader in Sacramento’s African American community. On Feb. 29, 1864 he filed a writ of habeas corpus in the county court, forcing Gammon to bring Edith to the judge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gammon responded that Edith stayed with him “of her own free will and choice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to Gammon, Blue requested that the judge grant him legal guardianship of Edith. The judge ruled in Blue’s favor, citing the slaveholder had “unlawfully and illegally detained and restrained” Edith.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was the last known slavery case in California’s history, 15 years after California entered the union as a free state.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The persistence of slavery in California\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“[This story] shows us the persistence of enslavement in California,” said Stacey Smith, an associate professor of history at Oregon State University, who has written extensively on this case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Smith, there is no evidence of how Blue discovered Edith, who was isolated in the rural outskirts of Sacramento. Smith attributes Edith’s freedom to the grapevine networks among local African Americans — like those who attended St. Andrews, which had become the focal point of Black political life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It's astounding that African Americans were able to infiltrate the household of Walter Gammon, figure out that Edith was there [as] a slave, figure out that she was being abused, and bring the case to the state courts to liberate her from enslavement,” said Smith.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bringing Edith’s case to the courts wouldn’t have even been possible until 1863, because of a law prohibiting African American, Chinese, and Native American testimony in cases involving white defendants and plaintiffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"'We keep our founders' heritage alive by keeping the flames burning of what impassioned them, because those values don't wear out.'","name":"pullquote","attributes":{"named":{"size":"medium","align":"right","citation":"Rev. Philip R. Cousin Jr.","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Daniel Blue filed his probate case immediately after the law was lifted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It's pretty clear there are Black witnesses who talk about the treatment of Edith under the care of Walter Gammon,” Smith continued. “They probably wouldn't have been able to testify had that law still been on the books.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Smith, laws like these were not uncommon as California’s pro-slavery legislators used their power to uphold pro-slavery attitudes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California did have a large pro-slavery population,” said Smith. “Pro-slavery southerners made up a surprising number of the immigrants that came overland to mine gold in the Gold Rush.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of these Southerners brought enslaved people to work in the mines. To protect the rights of slaveholders, California enacted its own version of the Fugitive Slave Act, which prohibited enslaved people from escaping their masters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>White Californians were perhaps uninterested in establishing slavery in California, according to Smith. Rather, they sought to maintain slaveholder rights while eliminating competition for economic advancement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The West really was meant to be a paradise for free white workers,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout the 1850s and 1860s, white legislators enacted \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/ci/hs/im/didyouknow1.asp\">a series of laws\u003c/a> to suppress the advancement of people of color. A vast majority of African Americans in California were manual laborers. Many of them drove carts, painted fences, or were domestic servants. Most were unable to buy land or ascend socially.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Daniel Blue, on the other hand, accomplished both. Known as “Uncle Daniel,” the former slave became a well-respected figure in the Sacramento community. Admired by people from all backgrounds, Blue used his unprecedented influence to champion not only other African Americans, but all people of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Daniel Blue's enduring legacy\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At the Center for Sacramento History, archivist Kim Hayden pulled out a leatherbound newspaper from the dusty archives. She was looking for Daniel Blue’s obituary, titled “An Old Man Gone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The obituary begins: “Daniel Blue, a colored citizen known to all the people of Sacramento and who died suddenly this week in the eighty ninth year of his age, was one of the most familiar figures on Sacramento streets for over a quarter of a century. He is to be buried tomorrow for Sacramento. And to have said he did not know Uncle Daniel Blue was to argue his ignorance of the city and its people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The obituary described Daniel Blue’s accomplishments, intellect, and how he was beloved by Black and white people alike — but there was no mention of Edith or Blue’s involvement in setting her free.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But according to Smith, there is evidence that Edith had a happy ending. The 1870 census listed a woman in Sacramento named Adda, Edith’s nickname. She was 19 years old, the same age Edith would have been. The census said she married an African American man, and they had a one-year-old son.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11818602\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11818602\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43197_3781652D-5053-4698-9030-D7833A2993CD-qut-800x568.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"568\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43197_3781652D-5053-4698-9030-D7833A2993CD-qut-800x568.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43197_3781652D-5053-4698-9030-D7833A2993CD-qut-160x114.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43197_3781652D-5053-4698-9030-D7833A2993CD-qut-1020x724.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/05/RS43197_3781652D-5053-4698-9030-D7833A2993CD-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">St. Andrews was founded in 1850, several months before California entered the union. The current building is now recognized as a State Historic Landmark.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Edith or Blue’s living descendants weren't reachable for this story, but it is apparent that Blue’s legacy lives on with St. Andrews and its community of worshippers — even during the coronavirus pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The church has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/st.andrews1850\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">hosting\u003c/a> virtual bible study and church services every week, after closing its doors due to California's shelter-in-place order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11790005,news_11789158,news_11701126","label":"Related Coverage "},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We keep our founders' heritage alive by keeping the flames burning of what impassioned them, because those values don't wear out,” Cousin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Cousin’s leadership, the congregation is carrying out Blue’s vision of community, education and social action. Now, he says, the focus is on voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Whatever we do out there is an expression of what we have learned and professed to believe in here,” said Cousin. “We encourage everyone to participate at every level in the life of the community. Certainly that means exercising their right to vote, particularly since that is not a right that has been ours for a very long time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cousin says voting is the antithesis of standing around and waiting for something to happen. Voting is taking action — much like establishing the first Black church in California, or adopting a little girl out of slavery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published on May 16, 2020.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was reported as part of \u003ca href=\"http://www.goldchainsca.org\">Gold Chains: The Hidden History of Slavery in California\u003c/a>. The project aims to lift up the voices of courageous African American and Native American individuals who challenged their brutal treatment and demanded their civil rights, inspiring us with their ingenuity, resilience, and tenacity. Gold Chains is a collaboration between KQED, the ACLU of Northern CA, the California Historical Society, Laura Atkins, and the Equal Justice Society.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11818409/how-the-founder-of-californias-first-black-church-fought-its-last-known-slavery-case","authors":["11580"],"programs":["news_26731"],"categories":["news_8"],"tags":["news_21126","news_27952","news_18538","news_20397","news_30652","news_19216","news_22493"],"featImg":"news_11818588","label":"news_26731"},"news_11905371":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11905371","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11905371","score":null,"sort":[1645095649000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"california-celebrates-its-history-as-a-free-state-but-there-was-slavery-here","title":"California Celebrates Its History As a 'Free State.' But There Was Slavery Here.","publishDate":1645095649,"format":"standard","headTitle":"California Celebrates Its History As a ‘Free State.’ But There Was Slavery Here. | KQED","labelTerm":{},"content":"\u003cp>When we look at the California of today, so much of who we are is because of the Gold Rush. It’s true that people flooded into the state after gold was found in 1848, and that there were opportunities here for some fortune-seekers. But there are darker parts of that history we don’t often hear about. Some of those gold-seekers came from the South and brought enslaved people with them to mine for gold in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I find it very interesting that we don’t know any of this part of California’s history,” said Bay Curious listener Doug Spindler. “And yet this is so big and so important.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriouspodcastinfo]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Doug came across some of this information while researching the Gold Rush era and California’s recognition of statehood soon after. California entered the union in 1850 as a “free state.” The \u003ca href=\"https://www.visitthecapitol.gov/exhibitions/artifact/first-constitution-california-1849\">state constitution says\u003c/a>: “Neither slavery, nor involuntary servitude, unless for the punishment of crimes, shall ever be tolerated in this State.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But what’s on paper is not the reality of what happened here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As California was filling up with gold-seekers, a Civil War about slavery was brewing in the United States, and 3,000 miles wasn’t enough distance to keep California out of the dispute. Some of California’s first leaders built their wealth by exploiting the labor of enslaved people. At the constitutional convention, many argued that California shouldn’t allow Black people into the state at all. There were fears that they would compete with white people for jobs — and win. While those voices didn’t prevail, early state legislators showed their sympathy to the South in other ways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1850, Congress passed the Fugitive Slave Act — a law that required white people living in free states to help catch and re-enslave people living in freedom. Many free states fought against the mandate. Not California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Learn More About Slavery in California\" link1=\"https://www.aclunc.org/sites/goldchains/podcast/,ACLU's Gold Chains Podcast\" link2=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations,KQED's Reparations Coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California did the opposite,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101887335/reparations-task-force-sheds-light-on-history-of-slavery-in-california\">said Stacey L. Smith, professor of history at Oregon State University\u003c/a>. “Not just cooperating with the Fugitive Slave Act, the federal one from 1850, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.blackpast.org/african-american-history/pacific-bound-california-s-1852-fugitive-slave-law/\">passing its own 1852 Fugitive Slave Act that essentially was a supplement to that federal act\u003c/a> and pledged that the state would help the federal government do everything it could to help protect slave holders and not freedom seekers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s Supreme Court ruled that enslavers who came to California before it became a state — and thus was not technically a free state yet — should have the right to reclaim their human property.[aside label=“Learn More About Slavery in California” link1=“https://www.aclunc.org/sites/goldchains/podcast/,ACLU's Gold Chains Podcast” link2=“https://www.kqed.org/reparations,KQED's Reparations Coverage”]Smith’s book, “Freedom’s Frontier: California and the Struggle Over Unfree Labor, Emancipation, and Reconstruction,” traces California’s history of supporting enslavers and how that legacy set the stage for its brutal treatment of other ethnic groups, particularly Native Americans and Chinese immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID='news_11906054']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even after the Civil War ended and President Abraham Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation, California’s representatives to Congress fought against new legislation to give rights to the formerly enslaved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California legislators really opposed the 14th and 15th amendments,” Smith said. The 14th Amendment granted citizenship to Black people and the 15th gave them the right to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are all of these concerns among whites in California that Chinese immigrants and Chinese Americans were going to get new rights, new legal protections and the right to vote under the 14th and 15th amendments,” Smith said. “California was among some of the few states that really fought Reconstruction.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legacy of California’s early sympathy with the South and a litany of early laws that ensured people of color would have little to no power in the state are still being felt in the racial disparities we see today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smith, along with other Californians who have lived experience of this deep-seated inequality, have been testifying to \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121\">California’s Task Force to Study and Develop Reparation Proposals for African Americans\u003c/a>. The task force is specifically looking at the history of chattel slavery in California and how the state could formally apologize and make amends. The task force has been meeting since the summer of 2021 and plans to make an initial report to the legislature in the summer of 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED has been following the work of the task force closely and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">will continue to report on the testimony and recommendations presented there\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriousquestion]\u003c/p>\n\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"When California became a state in 1850, it did not allow slavery. That's the history most people know. But in reality, California did allow slavery, and its early leaders sided with the South and the rights of enslavers through a litany of early laws. The effects of that racist foundation are still being felt by people of color in California today.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1700532887,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":true,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":20,"wordCount":831},"headData":{"title":"California Celebrates Its History As a 'Free State.' But There Was Slavery Here. | KQED","description":"When California became a state in 1850, it did not allow slavery. That's the history most people know. But in reality, California did allow slavery, and its early leaders sided with the South and the rights of enslavers through a litany of early laws. The effects of that racist foundation are still being felt by people of color in California today.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"California Celebrates Its History As a 'Free State.' But There Was Slavery Here.","datePublished":"2022-02-17T11:00:49.000Z","dateModified":"2023-11-21T02:14:47.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"source":"Bay Curious","sourceUrl":"https://www.kqed.org/podcasts/baycurious","audioUrl":"https://dcs.megaphone.fm/KQINC3400079856.mp3?key=238539dd02789c3c69e640ca8fd1f355","templateType":"standard","featuredImageType":"standard","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","path":"/news/11905371/california-celebrates-its-history-as-a-free-state-but-there-was-slavery-here","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When we look at the California of today, so much of who we are is because of the Gold Rush. It’s true that people flooded into the state after gold was found in 1848, and that there were opportunities here for some fortune-seekers. But there are darker parts of that history we don’t often hear about. Some of those gold-seekers came from the South and brought enslaved people with them to mine for gold in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I find it very interesting that we don’t know any of this part of California’s history,” said Bay Curious listener Doug Spindler. “And yet this is so big and so important.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" />\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Bay Curious\u003c/a> is a podcast that answers your questions about the Bay Area.\n Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>,\n \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/podcasts/500557090/bay-curious\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR One\u003c/a> or your favorite podcast platform.\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Doug came across some of this information while researching the Gold Rush era and California’s recognition of statehood soon after. California entered the union in 1850 as a “free state.” The \u003ca href=\"https://www.visitthecapitol.gov/exhibitions/artifact/first-constitution-california-1849\">state constitution says\u003c/a>: “Neither slavery, nor involuntary servitude, unless for the punishment of crimes, shall ever be tolerated in this State.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But what’s on paper is not the reality of what happened here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As California was filling up with gold-seekers, a Civil War about slavery was brewing in the United States, and 3,000 miles wasn’t enough distance to keep California out of the dispute. Some of California’s first leaders built their wealth by exploiting the labor of enslaved people. At the constitutional convention, many argued that California shouldn’t allow Black people into the state at all. There were fears that they would compete with white people for jobs — and win. While those voices didn’t prevail, early state legislators showed their sympathy to the South in other ways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1850, Congress passed the Fugitive Slave Act — a law that required white people living in free states to help catch and re-enslave people living in freedom. Many free states fought against the mandate. Not California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"label":"Learn More About Slavery in California ","link1":"https://www.aclunc.org/sites/goldchains/podcast/,ACLU's Gold Chains Podcast","link2":"https://www.kqed.org/reparations,KQED's Reparations Coverage"},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California did the opposite,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101887335/reparations-task-force-sheds-light-on-history-of-slavery-in-california\">said Stacey L. Smith, professor of history at Oregon State University\u003c/a>. “Not just cooperating with the Fugitive Slave Act, the federal one from 1850, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.blackpast.org/african-american-history/pacific-bound-california-s-1852-fugitive-slave-law/\">passing its own 1852 Fugitive Slave Act that essentially was a supplement to that federal act\u003c/a> and pledged that the state would help the federal government do everything it could to help protect slave holders and not freedom seekers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s Supreme Court ruled that enslavers who came to California before it became a state — and thus was not technically a free state yet — should have the right to reclaim their human property.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"label":"“Learn More About Slavery in California link1=“https://www.aclunc.org/sites/goldchains/podcast/,ACLU's Gold Chains Podcast link2=“https://www.kqed.org/reparations,KQED's Reparations Coverage"},"numeric":["More","About","Slavery","in","California”","link1=“https://www.aclunc.org/sites/goldchains/podcast/,ACLU's","Gold","Chains","Podcast”","link2=“https://www.kqed.org/reparations,KQED's","Reparations","Coverage”"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Smith’s book, “Freedom’s Frontier: California and the Struggle Over Unfree Labor, Emancipation, and Reconstruction,” traces California’s history of supporting enslavers and how that legacy set the stage for its brutal treatment of other ethnic groups, particularly Native Americans and Chinese immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11906054","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even after the Civil War ended and President Abraham Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation, California’s representatives to Congress fought against new legislation to give rights to the formerly enslaved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California legislators really opposed the 14th and 15th amendments,” Smith said. The 14th Amendment granted citizenship to Black people and the 15th gave them the right to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are all of these concerns among whites in California that Chinese immigrants and Chinese Americans were going to get new rights, new legal protections and the right to vote under the 14th and 15th amendments,” Smith said. “California was among some of the few states that really fought Reconstruction.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legacy of California’s early sympathy with the South and a litany of early laws that ensured people of color would have little to no power in the state are still being felt in the racial disparities we see today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smith, along with other Californians who have lived experience of this deep-seated inequality, have been testifying to \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121\">California’s Task Force to Study and Develop Reparation Proposals for African Americans\u003c/a>. The task force is specifically looking at the history of chattel slavery in California and how the state could formally apologize and make amends. The task force has been meeting since the summer of 2021 and plans to make an initial report to the legislature in the summer of 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED has been following the work of the task force closely and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">will continue to report on the testimony and recommendations presented there\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"baycuriousquestion","attributes":{"named":{"label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11905371/california-celebrates-its-history-as-a-free-state-but-there-was-slavery-here","authors":["234"],"programs":["news_33523"],"series":["news_17986"],"categories":["news_8","news_33520"],"tags":["news_18538","news_20397","news_30652","news_27626","news_2923","news_22493"],"featImg":"news_11905406","label":"source_news_11905371"},"news_11903552":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11903552","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11903552","score":null,"sort":[1643826635000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"nikole-hannah-jones-on-the-1619-project-and-reckoning-with-what-our-country-was-founded-upon","title":"Nikole Hannah-Jones on The 1619 Project and 'Reckoning With What Our Country Was Founded Upon'","publishDate":1643826635,"format":"image","headTitle":"KQED News","labelTerm":{"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>In her book, \"The 1619 Project: A New Origin Story,\" creator and Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Nikole Hannah-Jones asks readers to reconsider the origin story of America: one that did not start with the Declaration of Independence, but earlier, in the year 1619.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was the year the first enslaved African people arrived at the British colony of Virginia, a part of history that Hannah-Jones learned from a book given to her by a high school teacher — outside of class.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We’ve been taught a very narrow version of American history,\" says Hannah-Jones. \"It is a version that tries to keep us complacent. That tries to tell Black people that we haven't contributed much to this society, that we haven't resisted, that we don't have a foundational role.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The project, which touches on the history of slavery and its enduring role in American society, began as \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2019/08/14/magazine/1619-america-slavery.html\">part of a 2019 New York Times Magazine special edition\u003c/a>. The expansion of the project features new essays along with poetry and photography, and also serves as a response to the debates sparked when it was first published.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101887372/journalist-nikole-hannah-jones-on-the-1619-project-a-new-origin-story\">Hannah-Jones appeared on KQED Forum\u003c/a> to discuss co-opted Black history in America, the development of \"The 1619 Project,\" the case for reparations, and the direction of American society moving forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This interview has been edited for length and clarity.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/nhannahjones/status/1483187472276328449\">On being called a 'discredited activist'\u003c/a> when being asked to give a speech commemorating Dr. Martin Luther King, and the manipulation and whitewashing of Black history and civil rights activists\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>This time of year, people who are actively working against the things that Dr. King most fought for like to use him against those who are still fighting for social justice. Many people who talk about Dr. King — [what he] would have respected, or what he would have wanted, or whose side he would have been on — have never actually read most of what he's written, and have no idea how radical he truly is. I know certainly Dr. King has been used against me, where people have said I have defiled his legacy by the work that I do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Everyone seems to know about the part [in King’s 1963 \"I Have a Dream\" speech made at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, D.C.] about judging. You know, \"I hope one day my children will be judged by the content of their character, not by the color of their skin\" — but they don't know the rest of that speech, which is actually an indictment of America. He says that the Declaration of Independence was a promissory note, but that the United States had defaulted on that promissory note when it came to Black people, and that Black people had come to Washington to cash a check to demand that their rights be fulfilled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If we're allowing people to teach us a truncated history, a manipulated history, and not actually doing the research for ourselves, then that is a means of social control.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>On the moment she realized history can be managed and manipulated\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>I was 16 years old. I took a class at my high school. My teacher gave me a book called \"Before the Mayflower\" and, some 30 pages in, I came across the date 1619 — which marks, of course, the first Africans being sold into slavery and what would become the original 13 colonies. They were sold into Virginia. And this was a full year before the Mayflower.\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Nikole Hannah-Jones\"]'If we're allowing people to teach us a truncated history, a manipulated history, and not actually doing the research for ourselves, then that is a means of social control.'[/pullquote]\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, as a 16-year-old child, I remember just being struck by the fact that we all knew about the Mayflower, and no one had taught us about the White Lion [the first slave ship]. No one had taught us about 1619, and I had no idea that Black people had been here that long, that slavery was that old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This had never been mentioned, and I understood then that these were choices. That people had made choices about the history we were going to learn. And it really kind of began this lifelong obsession with trying to learn as much of this history as I could.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>On the pitch and development of 'The 1619 Project' with The New York Times\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The pitch was, \"Do you know that this year will mark the 400th anniversary of slavery in America?\" And the answer was no. No one knew that date in that room.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I said, \"I would like to pitch a project that shows all of the ways that slavery still shapes modern society. Do you know that slavery undergirded capitalism in America? Did you know that slavery undergirded the lack of democracy in America?\" And I just listed some things and said we should dedicate an entire issue of the magazine — not just to talking about what happened a long time ago, but to showing the surprising ways that the legacy of slavery still shapes America.[aside postID=\"news_11897977\"]I've been working towards this in my career for a long time, and I have always infused my work with a lot of history. This 400th anniversary [of slavery in 2019] just seemed like a colossal moment in American history that you could produce something really big. And that's what we did.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>On how the book has been expanded from its online version\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>All of the original essays that were in the magazine have been significantly expanded. Of course, we also have added endnotes — which I think is very important, particularly for people who have criticized some of the claims of the project — and for the regular readers who haven’t heard of these things before and would like to know where we got the facts in our project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11903711\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11903711\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53401_GettyImages-1353852302-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53401_GettyImages-1353852302-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53401_GettyImages-1353852302-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53401_GettyImages-1353852302-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53401_GettyImages-1353852302-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53401_GettyImages-1353852302-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nikole Hannah-Jones's book 'The 1619 Project: A New Origin Story' is displayed at a bookstore on Nov. 17, 2021, in New York City. \u003ccite>(Spencer Platt/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>And then we've added eight new essays — all of them, except the new essays that I wrote, written by academic historians. We have an essay in there by the Harvard historian Tiya Miles on settler colonialism and Indian removal and the slave-holding tribes of the Southeast. There is an excellent essay by Carol Anderson on the Second Amendment and the role that slave insurrections played in us getting a Second Amendment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of my favorite essays is an essay by Michelle Alexander, the author of \"The New Jim Crow,\" and her sister, Leslie Alexander, who’s a historian, on the Haitian Revolution, and how the Haitian Revolution really helped to shape the ongoing fear of Black Americans as this internal enemy who can't be trusted, and need to be violently suppressed. And then two of my favorite parts are ... the original project also had original short fiction and poetry by some of the greatest writers in America. And then there's archival photos.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>On the role of 'The 1619 Project' in the case for reparations\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>I've been a believer in reparations my entire adult life. I do believe in journalism as activism. To create this project that is really trying to force an acknowledgment of the centrality of slavery — of the created generations of disadvantage that Black Americans experience, and to show that being a descendant of American slavery still disadvantages you in every aspect of American life — and to just leave it at that would feel like I was misusing the platform, and misusing the platform [of] journalism, and the platform of The New York Times. To me, an argument for reparations was always a natural outcome of this project.\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Nikole Hannah-Jones\"]'I picked this project to force a reckoning with what our country was founded upon, and how slavery is a foundational American institution. But that reckoning also meant we have to reckon with 'what do we owe to the people who had to go through this.''[/pullquote]\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I picked this project to force a reckoning with what our country was founded upon, and how slavery is a foundational American institution. But that reckoning also meant we have to reckon with ‘what do we owe to the people who had to go through this.’\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>On the role journalism plays in promoting systemic change\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>This ‘view from nowhere’ is actually fairly recent. The New York Times was founded as a Republican paper, and most journalism, for the vast history of this country, had a point of view. They were making arguments from [this] point of view, and certainly the Black press — which had to be founded in a country where first [Black Americans] were enslaved, and then we didn't have our citizenship rights recognized by our own government — you couldn't pretend to [be neutral] in your journalism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So I've never bought into this idea of neutrality, and I certainly never bought into the idea that journalism is a neutral profession. I think we've been forced to try to pretend that we are. But you know this as a journalist, we all have points of view on the world we inhabit, on the things that we cover.[aside postID=\"news_11892312\"]What we must do is try to ensure that we are being accurate, and that we're being fair to the things and the people that we're covering. But I've never believed in this idea that we are objective and certainly I'm not.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>On the U.S. being built on a system of inequality, and how progressive change could bring an imbalance\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The idea of democracy was \"democracy for white Americans.\" And since we've now had to share democracy, and who gets to exercise the levers of power in the democracy, you have one political party that doesn't seem that interested in democracy anymore. It is a scary thought because our country was not designed to be a multiracial democracy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11903710\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1020px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11903710\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/Nikole-Hannah-Jones-1020x574-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1020\" height=\"574\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/Nikole-Hannah-Jones-1020x574-1.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/Nikole-Hannah-Jones-1020x574-1-800x450.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/Nikole-Hannah-Jones-1020x574-1-160x90.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1020px) 100vw, 1020px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Journalist Nikole Hannah-Jones is the creator of 'The 1619 Project.' \u003ccite>(James Estrin)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But then the question must be asked: What is the alternative, then? That Black Americans and other marginalized Americans just bow out? That we don't try to exercise the rights that we should have always had, because there is a segment of white Americans who can't handle the idea of sharing power?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What happens is largely dependent upon what we do in this moment, and we do have power to make this country the country of our highest ideals. But too many of us are ceding that power right now.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>On 'The 1619 Project' in American public schools\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It was never our intent that \"The 1619 Project\" would replace the pretty poor history curriculum that we already get in most of our schools. And I wouldn't want it to, because \"The 1619 Project\" is the story of America told through the lens of slavery. And that is not the whole story of America either. \"The 1619 Project\" was always intended to supplement our understanding to really widen that lens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You could have a similar project around Indigenous people. You could have a similar project around Latinos. I would love to see, of course, the project expanded into schools — not to replace history, but to add.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>On the power of shame, white guilt and white denial\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>I find shame to be a useful emotion. When people do terrible things in our name, we should feel ashamed of that — and then we should use that shame to push for things to be better, to do things differently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I realize how difficult and how shocking and disconcerting it has to be to have grown up and lived your entire life with this narrative of American exceptionalism … and then have to be confronted with all of the many ways that this country was cruel, and operated antithetical to its own highest ideals.\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Nikole Hannah-Jones\"]'What happens is largely dependent upon what we do in this moment, and we do have power to make this country the country of our highest ideals. But too many of us are ceding that power right now.'[/pullquote]\u003c/span>I hear from people all the time: \"Well, my ancestors didn't own slaves.\" \"My ancestors never did any of this.\" But your ancestors didn't sign the Declaration of Independence, either. Your ancestors didn't write the Constitution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I think too many Americans don't want to feel any sense of obligation for the wrongs of this country, and they only want to take glory in the good things that this country has done. But you can't do one without the other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If we actually believe in American greatness, then we can handle and withstand the truth. We show our greatness by grappling honestly with it, and then using our collective power to make amends for what was done.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>On her feelings on where America is headed\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As a nation, politically, I'm very afraid. Not because I think most Americans are content with the direction that our country is going. Not because I think most Americans want to see the dismantling of our democracy. But I do think a minority of Americans, as they always have in this country, have an outsized power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With that said, you would not see [the efforts to suppress and discredit \"The 1619 Project\"] if there wasn’t a fear of Americans [who are] embracing this understanding of history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that is what gives me — I don't wanna say hope, because I'm not a hopeful person. But, I know that it speaks to the openness of so many Americans. \"The 1619 Project\" and other works that have undergirded the project is giving them that same sense that I had as a 16-year-old. Like, \"Wow, what? What else haven’t I been taught?\" And that is empowering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I think there are millions of Americans who would do better, if they knew better.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Nikole Hannah-Jones asks readers to reconsider the origin story of America in her book, \"The 1619 Project: A New Origin.\"","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1643832742,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":36,"wordCount":2401},"headData":{"title":"Nikole Hannah-Jones on The 1619 Project and 'Reckoning With What Our Country Was Founded Upon' | KQED","description":"Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Nikole Hannah-Jones asks readers to reconsider the origin story of America in her book, "The 1619 Project: A New Origin."","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Nikole Hannah-Jones on The 1619 Project and 'Reckoning With What Our Country Was Founded Upon'","datePublished":"2022-02-02T18:30:35.000Z","dateModified":"2022-02-02T20:12:22.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"disqusIdentifier":"11903552 https://ww2.kqed.org/news/?p=11903552","disqusUrl":"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2022/02/02/nikole-hannah-jones-on-the-1619-project-and-reckoning-with-what-our-country-was-founded-upon/","disqusTitle":"Nikole Hannah-Jones on The 1619 Project and 'Reckoning With What Our Country Was Founded Upon'","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","path":"/news/11903552/nikole-hannah-jones-on-the-1619-project-and-reckoning-with-what-our-country-was-founded-upon","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In her book, \"The 1619 Project: A New Origin Story,\" creator and Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Nikole Hannah-Jones asks readers to reconsider the origin story of America: one that did not start with the Declaration of Independence, but earlier, in the year 1619.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was the year the first enslaved African people arrived at the British colony of Virginia, a part of history that Hannah-Jones learned from a book given to her by a high school teacher — outside of class.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We’ve been taught a very narrow version of American history,\" says Hannah-Jones. \"It is a version that tries to keep us complacent. That tries to tell Black people that we haven't contributed much to this society, that we haven't resisted, that we don't have a foundational role.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The project, which touches on the history of slavery and its enduring role in American society, began as \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2019/08/14/magazine/1619-america-slavery.html\">part of a 2019 New York Times Magazine special edition\u003c/a>. The expansion of the project features new essays along with poetry and photography, and also serves as a response to the debates sparked when it was first published.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101887372/journalist-nikole-hannah-jones-on-the-1619-project-a-new-origin-story\">Hannah-Jones appeared on KQED Forum\u003c/a> to discuss co-opted Black history in America, the development of \"The 1619 Project,\" the case for reparations, and the direction of American society moving forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This interview has been edited for length and clarity.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/nhannahjones/status/1483187472276328449\">On being called a 'discredited activist'\u003c/a> when being asked to give a speech commemorating Dr. Martin Luther King, and the manipulation and whitewashing of Black history and civil rights activists\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>This time of year, people who are actively working against the things that Dr. King most fought for like to use him against those who are still fighting for social justice. Many people who talk about Dr. King — [what he] would have respected, or what he would have wanted, or whose side he would have been on — have never actually read most of what he's written, and have no idea how radical he truly is. I know certainly Dr. King has been used against me, where people have said I have defiled his legacy by the work that I do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Everyone seems to know about the part [in King’s 1963 \"I Have a Dream\" speech made at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, D.C.] about judging. You know, \"I hope one day my children will be judged by the content of their character, not by the color of their skin\" — but they don't know the rest of that speech, which is actually an indictment of America. He says that the Declaration of Independence was a promissory note, but that the United States had defaulted on that promissory note when it came to Black people, and that Black people had come to Washington to cash a check to demand that their rights be fulfilled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If we're allowing people to teach us a truncated history, a manipulated history, and not actually doing the research for ourselves, then that is a means of social control.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>On the moment she realized history can be managed and manipulated\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>I was 16 years old. I took a class at my high school. My teacher gave me a book called \"Before the Mayflower\" and, some 30 pages in, I came across the date 1619 — which marks, of course, the first Africans being sold into slavery and what would become the original 13 colonies. They were sold into Virginia. And this was a full year before the Mayflower.\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"'If we're allowing people to teach us a truncated history, a manipulated history, and not actually doing the research for ourselves, then that is a means of social control.'","name":"pullquote","attributes":{"named":{"size":"medium","align":"right","citation":"Nikole Hannah-Jones","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, as a 16-year-old child, I remember just being struck by the fact that we all knew about the Mayflower, and no one had taught us about the White Lion [the first slave ship]. No one had taught us about 1619, and I had no idea that Black people had been here that long, that slavery was that old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This had never been mentioned, and I understood then that these were choices. That people had made choices about the history we were going to learn. And it really kind of began this lifelong obsession with trying to learn as much of this history as I could.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>On the pitch and development of 'The 1619 Project' with The New York Times\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The pitch was, \"Do you know that this year will mark the 400th anniversary of slavery in America?\" And the answer was no. No one knew that date in that room.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I said, \"I would like to pitch a project that shows all of the ways that slavery still shapes modern society. Do you know that slavery undergirded capitalism in America? Did you know that slavery undergirded the lack of democracy in America?\" And I just listed some things and said we should dedicate an entire issue of the magazine — not just to talking about what happened a long time ago, but to showing the surprising ways that the legacy of slavery still shapes America.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11897977","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>I've been working towards this in my career for a long time, and I have always infused my work with a lot of history. This 400th anniversary [of slavery in 2019] just seemed like a colossal moment in American history that you could produce something really big. And that's what we did.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>On how the book has been expanded from its online version\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>All of the original essays that were in the magazine have been significantly expanded. Of course, we also have added endnotes — which I think is very important, particularly for people who have criticized some of the claims of the project — and for the regular readers who haven’t heard of these things before and would like to know where we got the facts in our project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11903711\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11903711\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53401_GettyImages-1353852302-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53401_GettyImages-1353852302-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53401_GettyImages-1353852302-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53401_GettyImages-1353852302-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53401_GettyImages-1353852302-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53401_GettyImages-1353852302-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nikole Hannah-Jones's book 'The 1619 Project: A New Origin Story' is displayed at a bookstore on Nov. 17, 2021, in New York City. \u003ccite>(Spencer Platt/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>And then we've added eight new essays — all of them, except the new essays that I wrote, written by academic historians. We have an essay in there by the Harvard historian Tiya Miles on settler colonialism and Indian removal and the slave-holding tribes of the Southeast. There is an excellent essay by Carol Anderson on the Second Amendment and the role that slave insurrections played in us getting a Second Amendment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of my favorite essays is an essay by Michelle Alexander, the author of \"The New Jim Crow,\" and her sister, Leslie Alexander, who’s a historian, on the Haitian Revolution, and how the Haitian Revolution really helped to shape the ongoing fear of Black Americans as this internal enemy who can't be trusted, and need to be violently suppressed. And then two of my favorite parts are ... the original project also had original short fiction and poetry by some of the greatest writers in America. And then there's archival photos.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>On the role of 'The 1619 Project' in the case for reparations\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>I've been a believer in reparations my entire adult life. I do believe in journalism as activism. To create this project that is really trying to force an acknowledgment of the centrality of slavery — of the created generations of disadvantage that Black Americans experience, and to show that being a descendant of American slavery still disadvantages you in every aspect of American life — and to just leave it at that would feel like I was misusing the platform, and misusing the platform [of] journalism, and the platform of The New York Times. To me, an argument for reparations was always a natural outcome of this project.\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"'I picked this project to force a reckoning with what our country was founded upon, and how slavery is a foundational American institution. But that reckoning also meant we have to reckon with 'what do we owe to the people who had to go through this.''","name":"pullquote","attributes":{"named":{"size":"medium","align":"right","citation":"Nikole Hannah-Jones","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I picked this project to force a reckoning with what our country was founded upon, and how slavery is a foundational American institution. But that reckoning also meant we have to reckon with ‘what do we owe to the people who had to go through this.’\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>On the role journalism plays in promoting systemic change\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>This ‘view from nowhere’ is actually fairly recent. The New York Times was founded as a Republican paper, and most journalism, for the vast history of this country, had a point of view. They were making arguments from [this] point of view, and certainly the Black press — which had to be founded in a country where first [Black Americans] were enslaved, and then we didn't have our citizenship rights recognized by our own government — you couldn't pretend to [be neutral] in your journalism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So I've never bought into this idea of neutrality, and I certainly never bought into the idea that journalism is a neutral profession. I think we've been forced to try to pretend that we are. But you know this as a journalist, we all have points of view on the world we inhabit, on the things that we cover.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11892312","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>What we must do is try to ensure that we are being accurate, and that we're being fair to the things and the people that we're covering. But I've never believed in this idea that we are objective and certainly I'm not.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>On the U.S. being built on a system of inequality, and how progressive change could bring an imbalance\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The idea of democracy was \"democracy for white Americans.\" And since we've now had to share democracy, and who gets to exercise the levers of power in the democracy, you have one political party that doesn't seem that interested in democracy anymore. It is a scary thought because our country was not designed to be a multiracial democracy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11903710\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1020px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11903710\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/Nikole-Hannah-Jones-1020x574-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1020\" height=\"574\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/Nikole-Hannah-Jones-1020x574-1.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/Nikole-Hannah-Jones-1020x574-1-800x450.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/Nikole-Hannah-Jones-1020x574-1-160x90.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1020px) 100vw, 1020px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Journalist Nikole Hannah-Jones is the creator of 'The 1619 Project.' \u003ccite>(James Estrin)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But then the question must be asked: What is the alternative, then? That Black Americans and other marginalized Americans just bow out? That we don't try to exercise the rights that we should have always had, because there is a segment of white Americans who can't handle the idea of sharing power?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What happens is largely dependent upon what we do in this moment, and we do have power to make this country the country of our highest ideals. But too many of us are ceding that power right now.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>On 'The 1619 Project' in American public schools\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It was never our intent that \"The 1619 Project\" would replace the pretty poor history curriculum that we already get in most of our schools. And I wouldn't want it to, because \"The 1619 Project\" is the story of America told through the lens of slavery. And that is not the whole story of America either. \"The 1619 Project\" was always intended to supplement our understanding to really widen that lens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You could have a similar project around Indigenous people. You could have a similar project around Latinos. I would love to see, of course, the project expanded into schools — not to replace history, but to add.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>On the power of shame, white guilt and white denial\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>I find shame to be a useful emotion. When people do terrible things in our name, we should feel ashamed of that — and then we should use that shame to push for things to be better, to do things differently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I realize how difficult and how shocking and disconcerting it has to be to have grown up and lived your entire life with this narrative of American exceptionalism … and then have to be confronted with all of the many ways that this country was cruel, and operated antithetical to its own highest ideals.\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"'What happens is largely dependent upon what we do in this moment, and we do have power to make this country the country of our highest ideals. But too many of us are ceding that power right now.'","name":"pullquote","attributes":{"named":{"size":"medium","align":"right","citation":"Nikole Hannah-Jones","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>I hear from people all the time: \"Well, my ancestors didn't own slaves.\" \"My ancestors never did any of this.\" But your ancestors didn't sign the Declaration of Independence, either. Your ancestors didn't write the Constitution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I think too many Americans don't want to feel any sense of obligation for the wrongs of this country, and they only want to take glory in the good things that this country has done. But you can't do one without the other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If we actually believe in American greatness, then we can handle and withstand the truth. We show our greatness by grappling honestly with it, and then using our collective power to make amends for what was done.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>On her feelings on where America is headed\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As a nation, politically, I'm very afraid. Not because I think most Americans are content with the direction that our country is going. Not because I think most Americans want to see the dismantling of our democracy. But I do think a minority of Americans, as they always have in this country, have an outsized power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With that said, you would not see [the efforts to suppress and discredit \"The 1619 Project\"] if there wasn’t a fear of Americans [who are] embracing this understanding of history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that is what gives me — I don't wanna say hope, because I'm not a hopeful person. But, I know that it speaks to the openness of so many Americans. \"The 1619 Project\" and other works that have undergirded the project is giving them that same sense that I had as a 16-year-old. Like, \"Wow, what? What else haven’t I been taught?\" And that is empowering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I think there are millions of Americans who would do better, if they knew better.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11903552/nikole-hannah-jones-on-the-1619-project-and-reckoning-with-what-our-country-was-founded-upon","authors":["11800","243"],"categories":["news_8"],"tags":["news_30617","news_30618","news_2923","news_22493"],"featImg":"news_11903709","label":"news"},"news_11891771":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11891771","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11891771","score":null,"sort":[1634040051000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"californias-reparations-task-force-to-hear-testimony-on-anti-black-housing-and-education-discrimination-this-week","title":"California's Reparations Task Force to Hear Testimony on Anti-Black Racism in Housing and Education Policy","publishDate":1634040051,"format":"standard","headTitle":"KQED News","labelTerm":{"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>Continuing their historic charge,\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11876194/first-in-the-us-californias-task-force-on-reparations-looks-at-harms-of-slavery\"> California’s Reparations Task Force\u003c/a>, the first in the nation, will meet this Tuesday and Wednesday to hear testimony on housing and education segregation, the impacts of environmental racism, discrimination in banking and the wealth gap.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's the fourth of at least 10 meetings as the group considers the history and impact of slavery in the state — and how best to repay Black Californians for those injustices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We're moving more towards detailing some of the contemporary crimes against Black Americans — specifically, discrimination in public and private life,\" said Kamilah Moore, a Los Angeles-based lawyer who was elected chair of the task force in June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During this week's meetings, the task force will hear from experts such as \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.uci.edu/faculty/full-time/baradaran/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">M\u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.law.uci.edu/faculty/full-time/baradaran/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">ehrsa Baradaran\u003c/a>, a University of California Irvine law professor and author of \"The Color of Money.\" Detailing racism in banking against Black Americans also is on the schedule for Wednesday. [aside postID=news_11876194,news_11841801]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to experts, the task force will listen to testimony from people with direct personal experience, like Kawika Smith, a young Black man who was a \u003ca href=\"http://www.publiccounsel.org/press_releases?id=0138\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">plaintiff in a case against the University of California system\u003c/a> arguing that the use of the tests at UC campuses essentially create a two-tier system inaccessible to some students, and “rations access to public higher education on the bases of race, privilege, and wealth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Tuesday morning panel on housing and education will include testimony from \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/tag/bobby-seale\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Bobby Seale\u003c/a>, the co-founder and former chair of the Black Panther Party for Self-Defense, as well as author and researcher Stephen Menendian, who recently published a study called the \u003ca href=\"https://belonging.berkeley.edu/roots-structural-racism\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Roots of Structural Racism Project\u003cstrong>, \u003c/strong>\u003c/a>which aims to reveal the persistence of racial residential segregation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121/members\">nine-member task force\u003c/a> has held meetings in June, July and September. But the September meetings marked the first in which witnesses presented personal and expert testimony. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Kamilah Moore, lawyer and chair of California's Reparations Task Force\"]'This is the first-in-the-nation task force. We beat the federal government in this effort.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The task force, created with the passage of \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billStatusClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB3121\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Assembly Bill 3121\u003c/a> last fall, is charged with making recommendations to the state of California on how to eliminate discrimination in existing state laws and policies, what an apology might look like as well as what a compensation package could be, and who would qualify. The text of the bill specifies special consideration for descendants of those enslaved in the United States. The task force has until July 2023 to make recommendations to the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group also is charged with determining how any potential compensation should be calculated and who would be eligible, as well as additional forms of reparations like rehabilitation or restitution. The \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121/meetings\">two-day September meetings\u003c/a> covered national and international reparations efforts, the Great Migration and political disenfranchisement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the September meetings, the task force heard from well-known experts such as \u003ca href=\"https://www.isabelwilkerson.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Isabel Wilkerson\u003c/a>, author of the award-winning book \"Caste\" and another bestseller, \"The Warmth of Other Suns\" and academics such as \u003ca href=\"https://jmparman.people.wm.edu/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">John M. Parman\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://belonging.berkeley.edu/john-powell\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">john a. powell\u003c/a>, law professor at UC Berkeley and director of the Othering and Belonging Institute. But they also heard from those who provided more personal testimony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had people come to testify like Dawn Basciano and Bertha Gorman, who is \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LZ055ilIiN4\">the poet Amanda Gorman\u003c/a>'s grandmother, to talk about their experience living in California and the discrimination that they and their families faced over time,” Moore said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gorman described how she grew up listening to the stories of enslaved people from her parents, grandparents and great-grandparents.[aside label=\"KQED's Forum on Bay Area Segregation\" link1=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101884131/how-3-decades-of-increased-segregation-in-the-bay-area-is-hurting-communities-of-color,How 3 Decades of Increased Segregation in the Bay Area Is Hurting Communities of Color\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When she came to California, she lost her first job as a babysitter when she signed up to take a test for a clerk position with the state. But she was not allowed to take the test. \"It was 1959, and I was given every imaginable excuse — they had already given the test, they lost my application,\" she said. She was never allowed to take the test. \"At every step of the way, in my growth, and in my career and in my education, I have experienced discrimination, pay inequities, sexism, [and] sexual harassment.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the personal testimonies proved powerful and brought some task force members to tears, communication between the Department of Justice staff and the task force appeared tense at times — notably, when the DOJ said they would be unable to accommodate a request for future Saturday meetings. Also, during a brief discussion of who has final say over the agenda, the task force and the DOJ did not appear to come to an agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There ought to be a few meetings that fit the schedule of the oppressed,\" vice-chair Dr. \u003ca href=\"https://naacp.org/people/rev-amos-brown\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Amos C. Brown\u003c/a> said during the meeting. \"Not for us, but for the sake of the people.\" Brown has been a pastor at San Francisco's Third Baptist Church since 1976.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The DOJ told KQED in an email on Monday that these questions would be addressed in the updates portion of the task force meeting, but emphasized that the DOJ is taking direction from the task force itself.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Bertha Gorman\"]'At every step of the way, in my growth, and in my career and in my education, I have experienced discrimination, pay inequities, sexism, [and] sexual harassment.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite some minor administrative hiccups, and the plethora of testimony and information to sift through, Moore is optimistic. \"This is the first-in-the-nation task force. We beat the federal government in this effort,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/media/task-force-notice-agenda-101221-101321.pdf\">full agenda is available\u003c/a>, and all meetings are open to the public. Moore said she welcomes the public both to attend the online meetings and participate in the public comment period. \"We definitely encourage public comment. It informs our work so much,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After this week, the next scheduled meetings will be held in December.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"California's Reparations Task Force meets again this week to continue hearing testimony on the history and impact of slavery in the state.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1673647960,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":21,"wordCount":1051},"headData":{"title":"California's Reparations Task Force to Hear Testimony on Anti-Black Racism in Housing and Education Policy | KQED","description":"California's Reparations Task Force meets again this week to continue hearing testimony on the history and impact of slavery in the state.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"California's Reparations Task Force to Hear Testimony on Anti-Black Racism in Housing and Education Policy","datePublished":"2021-10-12T12:00:51.000Z","dateModified":"2023-01-13T22:12:40.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"path":"/news/11891771/californias-reparations-task-force-to-hear-testimony-on-anti-black-housing-and-education-discrimination-this-week","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Continuing their historic charge,\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11876194/first-in-the-us-californias-task-force-on-reparations-looks-at-harms-of-slavery\"> California’s Reparations Task Force\u003c/a>, the first in the nation, will meet this Tuesday and Wednesday to hear testimony on housing and education segregation, the impacts of environmental racism, discrimination in banking and the wealth gap.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's the fourth of at least 10 meetings as the group considers the history and impact of slavery in the state — and how best to repay Black Californians for those injustices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We're moving more towards detailing some of the contemporary crimes against Black Americans — specifically, discrimination in public and private life,\" said Kamilah Moore, a Los Angeles-based lawyer who was elected chair of the task force in June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During this week's meetings, the task force will hear from experts such as \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.uci.edu/faculty/full-time/baradaran/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">M\u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.law.uci.edu/faculty/full-time/baradaran/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">ehrsa Baradaran\u003c/a>, a University of California Irvine law professor and author of \"The Color of Money.\" Detailing racism in banking against Black Americans also is on the schedule for Wednesday. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11876194,news_11841801","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to experts, the task force will listen to testimony from people with direct personal experience, like Kawika Smith, a young Black man who was a \u003ca href=\"http://www.publiccounsel.org/press_releases?id=0138\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">plaintiff in a case against the University of California system\u003c/a> arguing that the use of the tests at UC campuses essentially create a two-tier system inaccessible to some students, and “rations access to public higher education on the bases of race, privilege, and wealth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Tuesday morning panel on housing and education will include testimony from \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/tag/bobby-seale\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Bobby Seale\u003c/a>, the co-founder and former chair of the Black Panther Party for Self-Defense, as well as author and researcher Stephen Menendian, who recently published a study called the \u003ca href=\"https://belonging.berkeley.edu/roots-structural-racism\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Roots of Structural Racism Project\u003cstrong>, \u003c/strong>\u003c/a>which aims to reveal the persistence of racial residential segregation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121/members\">nine-member task force\u003c/a> has held meetings in June, July and September. But the September meetings marked the first in which witnesses presented personal and expert testimony. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"'This is the first-in-the-nation task force. We beat the federal government in this effort.'","name":"pullquote","attributes":{"named":{"size":"medium","align":"right","citation":"Kamilah Moore, lawyer and chair of California's Reparations Task Force","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The task force, created with the passage of \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billStatusClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB3121\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Assembly Bill 3121\u003c/a> last fall, is charged with making recommendations to the state of California on how to eliminate discrimination in existing state laws and policies, what an apology might look like as well as what a compensation package could be, and who would qualify. The text of the bill specifies special consideration for descendants of those enslaved in the United States. The task force has until July 2023 to make recommendations to the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group also is charged with determining how any potential compensation should be calculated and who would be eligible, as well as additional forms of reparations like rehabilitation or restitution. The \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121/meetings\">two-day September meetings\u003c/a> covered national and international reparations efforts, the Great Migration and political disenfranchisement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the September meetings, the task force heard from well-known experts such as \u003ca href=\"https://www.isabelwilkerson.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Isabel Wilkerson\u003c/a>, author of the award-winning book \"Caste\" and another bestseller, \"The Warmth of Other Suns\" and academics such as \u003ca href=\"https://jmparman.people.wm.edu/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">John M. Parman\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://belonging.berkeley.edu/john-powell\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">john a. powell\u003c/a>, law professor at UC Berkeley and director of the Othering and Belonging Institute. But they also heard from those who provided more personal testimony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had people come to testify like Dawn Basciano and Bertha Gorman, who is \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LZ055ilIiN4\">the poet Amanda Gorman\u003c/a>'s grandmother, to talk about their experience living in California and the discrimination that they and their families faced over time,” Moore said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gorman described how she grew up listening to the stories of enslaved people from her parents, grandparents and great-grandparents.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"label":"KQED's Forum on Bay Area Segregation ","link1":"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101884131/how-3-decades-of-increased-segregation-in-the-bay-area-is-hurting-communities-of-color,How 3 Decades of Increased Segregation in the Bay Area Is Hurting Communities of Color"},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When she came to California, she lost her first job as a babysitter when she signed up to take a test for a clerk position with the state. But she was not allowed to take the test. \"It was 1959, and I was given every imaginable excuse — they had already given the test, they lost my application,\" she said. She was never allowed to take the test. \"At every step of the way, in my growth, and in my career and in my education, I have experienced discrimination, pay inequities, sexism, [and] sexual harassment.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the personal testimonies proved powerful and brought some task force members to tears, communication between the Department of Justice staff and the task force appeared tense at times — notably, when the DOJ said they would be unable to accommodate a request for future Saturday meetings. Also, during a brief discussion of who has final say over the agenda, the task force and the DOJ did not appear to come to an agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There ought to be a few meetings that fit the schedule of the oppressed,\" vice-chair Dr. \u003ca href=\"https://naacp.org/people/rev-amos-brown\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Amos C. Brown\u003c/a> said during the meeting. \"Not for us, but for the sake of the people.\" Brown has been a pastor at San Francisco's Third Baptist Church since 1976.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The DOJ told KQED in an email on Monday that these questions would be addressed in the updates portion of the task force meeting, but emphasized that the DOJ is taking direction from the task force itself.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"'At every step of the way, in my growth, and in my career and in my education, I have experienced discrimination, pay inequities, sexism, [and] sexual harassment.'","name":"pullquote","attributes":{"named":{"size":"medium","align":"right","citation":"Bertha Gorman","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite some minor administrative hiccups, and the plethora of testimony and information to sift through, Moore is optimistic. \"This is the first-in-the-nation task force. We beat the federal government in this effort,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/media/task-force-notice-agenda-101221-101321.pdf\">full agenda is available\u003c/a>, and all meetings are open to the public. Moore said she welcomes the public both to attend the online meetings and participate in the public comment period. \"We definitely encourage public comment. It informs our work so much,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After this week, the next scheduled meetings will be held in December.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11891771/californias-reparations-task-force-to-hear-testimony-on-anti-black-housing-and-education-discrimination-this-week","authors":["11626"],"categories":["news_18540","news_6266","news_6188","news_28250","news_8","news_13"],"tags":["news_30036","news_30038","news_18538","news_30037","news_30035","news_2923","news_22493"],"featImg":"news_11891779","label":"news"}},"programsReducer":{"possible":{"id":"possible","title":"Possible","info":"Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.","airtime":"SUN 2pm","imageSrc":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg","officialWebsiteLink":"https://www.possible.fm/","meta":{"site":"news","source":"Possible"},"link":"/radio/program/possible","subscribe":{"apple":"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/possible/id1677184070","spotify":"https://open.spotify.com/show/730YpdUSNlMyPQwNnyjp4k"}},"1a":{"id":"1a","title":"1A","info":"1A is home to the national conversation. 1A brings on great guests and frames the best debate in ways that make you think, share and engage.","airtime":"MON-THU 11pm-12am","imageSrc":"https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/1a.jpg","officialWebsiteLink":"https://the1a.org/","meta":{"site":"news","source":"npr"},"link":"/radio/program/1a","subscribe":{"npr":"https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/RBrW","apple":"https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=1188724250&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory","tuneIn":"https://tunein.com/radio/1A-p947376/","rss":"https://feeds.npr.org/510316/podcast.xml"}},"all-things-considered":{"id":"all-things-considered","title":"All Things Considered","info":"Every weekday, \u003cem>All Things Considered\u003c/em> hosts Robert Siegel, Audie Cornish, Ari Shapiro, and Kelly McEvers present the program's trademark mix of news, interviews, commentaries, reviews, and offbeat features. 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But is this once sleepy suburb ready for them?","imageSrc":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/American-Suburb-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg","officialWebsiteLink":"/news/series/american-suburb-podcast","meta":{"site":"news","source":"kqed","order":"13"},"link":"/news/series/american-suburb-podcast/","subscribe":{"npr":"https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/RBrW","apple":"https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?mt=2&id=1287748328","tuneIn":"https://tunein.com/radio/American-Suburb-p1086805/","rss":"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/american-suburb-podcast/feed/podcast","google":"https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkMzMDExODgxNjA5"}},"baycurious":{"id":"baycurious","title":"Bay Curious","tagline":"Exploring the Bay Area, one question at a time","info":"KQED’s new podcast, Bay Curious, gets to the bottom of the mysteries — both profound and peculiar — that give the Bay Area its unique identity. And we’ll do it with your help! You ask the questions. You decide what Bay Curious investigates. And you join us on the journey to find the answers.","imageSrc":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Bay-Curious-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg","imageAlt":"\"KQED Bay Curious","officialWebsiteLink":"/news/series/baycurious","meta":{"site":"news","source":"kqed","order":"4"},"link":"/podcasts/baycurious","subscribe":{"apple":"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406","npr":"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/500557090/bay-curious","rss":"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/category/bay-curious-podcast/feed/podcast","google":"https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly93dzIua3FlZC5vcmcvbmV3cy9jYXRlZ29yeS9iYXktY3VyaW91cy1wb2RjYXN0L2ZlZWQvcG9kY2FzdA","stitcher":"https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/bay-curious","spotify":"https://open.spotify.com/show/6O76IdmhixfijmhTZLIJ8k"}},"bbc-world-service":{"id":"bbc-world-service","title":"BBC World Service","info":"The day's top stories from BBC News compiled twice daily in the week, once at weekends.","airtime":"MON-FRI 9pm-10pm, TUE-FRI 1am-2am","imageSrc":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/BBC-World-Service-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg","officialWebsiteLink":"https://www.bbc.co.uk/sounds/play/live:bbc_world_service","meta":{"site":"news","source":"BBC World Service"},"link":"/radio/program/bbc-world-service","subscribe":{"apple":"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/global-news-podcast/id135067274?mt=2","tuneIn":"https://tunein.com/radio/BBC-World-Service-p455581/","rss":"https://podcasts.files.bbci.co.uk/p02nq0gn.rss"}},"code-switch-life-kit":{"id":"code-switch-life-kit","title":"Code Switch / Life Kit","info":"\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />","airtime":"SUN 9pm-10pm","imageSrc":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Code-Switch-Life-Kit-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg","meta":{"site":"radio","source":"npr"},"link":"/radio/program/code-switch-life-kit","subscribe":{"apple":"https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/1112190608?mt=2&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory","google":"https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly93d3cubnByLm9yZy9yc3MvcG9kY2FzdC5waHA_aWQ9NTEwMzEy","spotify":"https://open.spotify.com/show/3bExJ9JQpkwNhoHvaIIuyV","rss":"https://feeds.npr.org/510312/podcast.xml"}},"commonwealth-club":{"id":"commonwealth-club","title":"Commonwealth Club of California Podcast","info":"The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.","airtime":"THU 10pm, FRI 1am","imageSrc":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg","officialWebsiteLink":"https://www.commonwealthclub.org/podcasts","meta":{"site":"news","source":"Commonwealth Club of California"},"link":"/radio/program/commonwealth-club","subscribe":{"apple":"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/commonwealth-club-of-california-podcast/id976334034?mt=2","google":"https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw","tuneIn":"https://tunein.com/radio/Commonwealth-Club-of-California-p1060/"}},"considerthis":{"id":"considerthis","title":"Consider This","tagline":"Make sense of the day","info":"Make sense of the day. Every weekday afternoon, Consider This helps you consider the major stories of the day in less than 15 minutes, featuring the reporting and storytelling resources of NPR. 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And you join us on the journey to find the answers.\r\n\u003cbr />\r\n\u003cspan class=\"alignleft\">\u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/id1172473406\">\u003cimg width=\"75px\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/DownloadOniTunes_100x100.png\">\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://goo.gl/app/playmusic?ibi=com.google.PlayMusic&isi=691797987&ius=googleplaymusic&link=https://play.google.com/music/m/Ipi2mc5aqfen4nr2daayiziiyuy?t%3DBay_Curious\">\u003cimg width=\"75px\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Google_Play_100x100.png\">\u003c/a>\u003c/span>\u003c/div>\r\n\u003c/aside> \r\n\u003ch2>What's your question?\u003c/h2>\r\n\u003cdiv id=\"huxq6\" class=\"curiosity-module\" data-pym-src=\"//modules.wearehearken.com/kqed/curiosity_modules/133\">\u003c/div>\r\n\u003cscript src=\"//assets.wearehearken.com/production/thirdparty/p.m.js\">\u003c/script>\r\n\u003ch2>Bay Curious monthly newsletter\u003c/h2>\r\nWe're launching it soon! \u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSdEtzbyNbSQkRHCCAkKhoGiAl3Bd0zWxhk0ZseJ1KH_o_ZDjQ/viewform\" target=\"_blank\">Sign up\u003c/a> so you don't miss it when it drops.\r\n","featImg":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/BayCuriousLogoFinal01-e1493662037229.png","headData":{"title":"Bay Curious Archives | KQED News","description":"A podcast exploring the Bay Area one question at a time KQED’s Bay Curious gets to the bottom of the mysteries — both profound and peculiar — that give the Bay Area its unique identity. 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