En un parque infantil de San Francisco, el 22 de noviembre de 2021, Deisy Ramírez reflexiona sobre cómo encontró seguridad aquí después de huir del cautiverio en Guatemala. (Tyche Hendricks/KQED)
Deisy Ramírez se despertó antes del amanecer el día de su audiencia final de asilo el pasado noviembre. Estaba temblando de nervios, pero se levantó y se preparó una taza de té para calmarse. Su destino estaba en manos de uno de los jueces de inmigración más duros de San Francisco.
Ramírez y su abogado se habían preparado tres veces para que ella declarara, pero cada vez, la audiencia programada se pospuso debido a la pandemia del COVID-19. Revisar lo que había vivido cada vez seguía siendo algo desgarrador.
Ramírez, de 24 años, creció en el altiplano rural de la provincia de San Marcos, en Guatemala. Es una de ocho hijos, y dijo que su padre a menudo golpeaba a su madre y maltrataba a sus hijas. Cuando Ramírez tenía 14 años, dijo, su padre la vendió a Ernesto y Eugenia Cinto, los propietarios de un bar donde él solía beber. Estaba a 30 minutos a pie de su casa.
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Esta familia la aprisionó, exigiendo que cocinara, limpiara y sirviera a los clientes del bar sin pagarle. Dijo que fue obligada a mantener una relación sexual con el hijo de la pareja, Dembler Cinto, de 18 años, que la golpeaba y violaba habitualmente. Este engendró sus dos hijos.
"Me trataron como una esclava", dijo. "Estuve muy asustada todo el tiempo".
Ramírez es una de las miles de personas que buscan protección frente a la violencia de género en un sistema de asilo estadounidense que fue eviscerado durante la presidencia de Donald Trump y que solo ha sido restaurado parcialmente por el presidente Joe Biden.
El gobierno de Biden se está preparando para levantar el Título 42, la normativa de salud pública que se desplegó en marzo de 2020 al comienzo de la pandemia para expulsar a los solicitantes de asilo en las fronteras de los Estados Unidos. Pero el presidente Biden aún no ha cumplido su promesa de aclarar los motivos por los que las personas pueden solicitar asilo.
Hace más de un año, el presidente prometió una pauta que detallaría quién puede ser considerado miembro de un "grupo social particular" (enlace sólo en inglés), una categoría de asilo ambigua que proviene de una convención internacional de refugiados de 1951. Los defensores de inmigrantes esperan que la nueva definición incluya a las personas que han sufrido violencia de género, y afirman que el retraso está poniendo a mujeres como Ramírez, que han huido de la persecución infligida específicamente por ser mujeres, en riesgo de sufrir más violencia.
En 2019, cuando Ramírez tenía 21 años, logró escapar de Guatemala con sus hijos, que entonces tenían 3 y 5 años.
Mónica Valencia, su abogada del Centro Legal, reforzó la solicitud de asilo de Ramírez con más de 500 páginas de documentos, incluyendo informes sobre las condiciones del país y declaraciones juradas de expertos.
Pero mientras se preparaba para ir al tribunal la tensa madrugada del 17 de noviembre, Ramírez sabía que tendría que contar su historia en voz alta y pedir protección al juez Joseph Park.
Park fue nombrado juez en 2017 por el entonces fiscal general Jeff Sessions. En sus primeros tres años como juez, Park denegó casi el 87% de los casos de asilo que se le presentaron (enlace sólo en inglés), mucho más que la tasa promedio de denegación del 67% a nivel nacional.
Según la ley de asilo estadounidense, Ramírez tendría que convencer a Park de tener un temor bien fundado a la persecución en Guatemala por uno de los cinco motivos: raza, religión, nacionalidad, opinión política o pertenecer a un grupo social determinado, y además tendría que demostrar que su gobierno tuvo responsabilidad en esta persecución o no la había protegido.
Valencia presentó el testimonio de un experto en el caso de Ramírez, demostrando que la violencia doméstica, la violación, el feminicidio (enlace sólo en inglés) y el matrimonio forzado, incluyendo a los padres que venden a sus hijas para que se casen a temprana edad, son prácticas comunes en Guatemala y se tratan con impunidad.
Ella basó el caso en parte en un fallo anterior, conocido como Matter of ARCG (enlace sólo en inglés), el cual catalogó a las mujeres guatemaltecas que huían de la violencia doméstica como miembros de un grupo social particular con motivos para solicitar asilo. Pero ese argumento iba en contra de la manera en que se interpretó la ley de asilo durante el mandato de Trump.
"Antes se pensaba que las cosas que le ocurrían a la gente en la intimidad de sus hogares no eran motivo de preocupación para los derechos humanos", dijo Karen Musalo, directora del Centro de Estudios de Género y Refugiados de la Facultad de Derecho de la Universidad de California Hastings. "Así que las mujeres podían morir quemadas, golpeadas y asesinadas".
Pero desde la década de los 80, la comprensión de los derechos humanos ha evolucionado para reconocer que "los derechos de las mujeres son derechos humanos y los gobiernos tienen la responsabilidad de proteger los derechos humanos de sus ciudadanos", dijo Musalo.
"La idea de protección a refugiados es que la comunidad internacional proteja a las personas cuando su gobierno les falla", añadió.
Sin embargo, las decisiones jurídicas sobre el asilo aún pueden verse influidas por las inclinaciones políticas de futuros gobiernos. Esto se debe a que los tribunales de inmigración no son independientes del Departamento de Justicia, y además, el gobierno aún no define claramente (enlace sólo en inglés) la categoría de asilo, "grupo social particular". Está mal definida.
En su segunda semana en el cargo, Biden emitió una orden ejecutiva (enlace sólo en inglés) en la que prometía revisar, en un plazo de seis meses, si las protecciones estadounidenses para las personas que huyen de la violencia doméstica o de las bandas criminales son "coherentes con las normas internacionales." La orden también prometía una nueva norma (enlace sólo en inglés), en un plazo de nueve meses, para definir "grupo social particular".
Pero más de un año después, la revisión y la norma no están a la vista, y los solicitantes de asilo como Deisy Ramírez se enfrentan a una situación turbia en los tribunales de inmigración, mientras los jueces se enfrentan a una acumulación de casos agravada por la pandemia.
El retraso en la definición de los motivos de asilo, al igual que el retraso de Biden en terminar la aplicación del Título 42 en la frontera, refleja una tensión entre aquellos en la administración que quieren impulsar posiciones humanitarias, y aquellos que temen que el retroceso de las políticas restrictivas de la era de Trump podría perjudicar a los demócratas en las elecciones intermedias al Congreso, dijo Musalo.
Revivir el trauma en los tribunales
Ramírez se preparaba para su día en el tribunal, no seguía estas sutilezas legales y políticas. Sólo sabía que ella y sus hijos habían sufrido horrores en Guatemala y que habían huido a los Estados Unidos en busca de seguridad.
"Fue la decisión más difícil que he tomado", dijo. "Pensé, '¿Qué voy a hacer si me encuentran? Me van a matar, y podrían matar a los niños, podrían hacerles daño, podrían venderlos'".
La mañana de su audiencia, Ramírez se puso una falda larga y floreada, se peinó su pelo castaño que le llegaba hasta la cintura y consiguió que la llevaran al juzgado ubicado en el centro de San Francisco. Pasó por el detector de metales y tomó el ascensor hasta el cuarto piso. El tribunal estaba vacío, salvo por dos abogados y un asistente de su equipo jurídico. Ramírez también me había permitido asistir a esta sensible audiencia que cambiaría su vida.
Un empleado inició un enlace de vídeo que conectaría al juez y al intérprete del tribunal, y marcó la línea telefónica para el fiscal del Servicio de Inmigración y Control de Aduanas de Estados Unidos (ICE, por sus siglas en inglés). Luego volvió a caminar por el pasillo vacío hacia su oficina.
El revestimiento de madera color marrón de las paredes de la sala estaba rayado y arañado. En el respaldo de uno de los bancos de madera para espectadores, alguien había grabado las palabras "amor" y "feliz".
Park apareció en un gran monitor de vídeo y explicó el procedimiento. Su voz estaba distorsionada, como si hablara desde el fondo de una piscina, pero cuando la intérprete repetía sus palabras en español, su voz era clara.
Durante la siguiente hora y media, Valencia guió a Ramírez a través de su desgarrador testimonio.
"¿Por qué cree que su padre la vendió a la familia Cinto?", preguntó Valencia.
"Mi padre me dijo que nosotras, como mujeres, no valíamos nada", respondió Ramírez. "Y que le pertenecíamos como su propiedad".
"¿Estás casada con Dembler Cinto?", preguntó Valencia.
"No. Cuando tenía 14 años me obligaron a estar con él", dijo Ramírez. "Sus padres me dijeron, cuando mi padre me dejó, que sería su mujer".
"¿Qué tipo de palabras usaba cuando abusaba de ti?", preguntó Valencia.
"Dijo que las mujeres habían nacido para servir a los hombres", respondió Ramírez, con la voz quebrada. "Dijo que yo era una puta y que era su esclava".
"¿Alguna vez hubo marcas físicas en tu cuerpo?", preguntó la abogada.
"Sí, cada vez que me hacía daño tenía moretones en las piernas y en los brazos, en la cintura y en la cara", respondió Ramírez. "Me sangraba la nariz y la boca".
Ramírez describió años de servidumbre forzada, lenguaje degradante y palizas y violaciones regulares. Dijo que se le exigía que llevara poca ropa cuando trabajaba en el bar, donde los hombres le tocaban el cuerpo. En algunas ocasiones, dijo, llegaron agentes de policía y bebieron en el bar.
"Podían ver que era una niña de 14 años que estaba golpeada”, dijo Ramírez. "Y nunca intentaron ayudar".
Además, nunca había visto a la policía ayudar a las mujeres maltratadas. Cuando Ramírez aún vivía en su casa, dijo que su madre había acudido a la policía tras recibir una paliza sangrienta de su padre, pero los agentes dijeron que era un asunto doméstico y no intervinieron, al igual que ignoraron a otras mujeres del barrio que sufrían abusos.
Ramírez dijo que normalmente la encerraban en la casa y que Dembler Cinto la amenazaba con que si alguna vez le contaba a alguien sobre el trato que recibía o intentaba irse, la mataría y le haría daño a los niños.
El relato de las experiencias traumáticas fue agotador. Para ayudarla a mantenerse firme, me dijo Ramírez más tarde, Valencia le había enseñado ejercicios de respiración.
"Siempre terminaba nuestras conversaciones con un ejercicio para que yo supiera que estaba en un lugar seguro", dijo Ramírez. "Sus palabras me ayudaron mucho".
"Son técnicas de enraizamiento para volver a tu cuerpo", dijo Valencia, que practica la meditación.
Ramírez dijo que la práctica la ayudó a reunir el valor para contar su historia en el tribunal. Pero su mayor valor lo encontró tres años antes, cuando escapó de la familia Cinto.
La fuga
Fueron sus hijas, Stefany y Alexis, quienes le dieron la fuerza para liberarse, dijo. Cuando pasaron de ser bebés a niños, su padre se volvió cada vez más abusivo, azotándolas con un cinturón.
"Era muy difícil ver cómo les pegaba, cómo les hablaba", dijo. "No quería que sufrieran lo mismo que yo, porque eso te deja cicatrices, realmente, para toda la vida".
Mientras sus hijas crecían, Ramírez también se transformó de ser una adolescente a una mujer. Una mañana vio su oportunidad y la aprovechó.
"Me dije: 'Es hoy. Si no lo intento hoy, ¿entonces cuándo?'", dijo.
Ese día de febrero del 2019, dijo que Dembler Cinto y su padre habían salido a comprar licor para surtir el bar y su madre estaba de compras. Con una hora rara a solas, Ramírez dijo que tomó un fajo de dinero en efectivo de Dembler, agarró a las niñas y se subieron a una camioneta que tenía una ruta diaria que conducía a los pobladores a Coatepeque, una ciudad más grande ubicada a 40 minutos de distancia.
"A partir de ahí, mi idea era llegar a México. Porque si me quedo en Guatemala, me van a encontrar más rápido", me dijo.
Al principio, Ramírez tenía mucho miedo de hablar con la gente. Tocaba las puertas y se ofrecía a lavar la ropa a cambio de comida o dinero. A veces, ella y las niñas dormían en las estaciones de autobús bajo tan sólo con una cobija. Pero también conocieron a extraños amables que les ayudaron, y Ramírez dijo que se dió cuenta de que había gente en la que podía confiar.
Ramírez compró un teléfono móvil y llamó a su madre. Era la primera vez que hablaban en años, y se enteró de que varios de sus hermanos se habían trasladado a San Francisco, huyendo de la violencia en su país en cuanto pudieron salir.
"Mi madre me dio el número de mi hermana porque sabía que necesitaba ayuda", dijo.
Así que Ramírez se fue rumbo a la frontera entre Estados Unidos y México, y cuando llegó allí, les dio el número de teléfono de su hermana a los agentes fronterizos.
"Mi hermana les dijo que tenía una habitación donde mis hijas y yo podíamos quedarnos. Fue como si se cayera el cielo, porque realmente no tenía ni idea de lo que iba a hacer", dijo Ramírez. "Pero ella nos abrió las puertas. Y luego me ayudó a encontrar trabajo y a empezar a estabilizarme".
Asilo concedido
Al concluir la audiencia de asilo, Valencia se centró en unos últimos puntos cruciales para probar su caso ante el juez.
"¿Alguna vez pidió ayuda?", preguntó la abogada.
"No", dijo Ramírez. "Tenía miedo de que si volvía a casa, mi padre me llevaría de nuevo con la familia Cinto. Decía que eran mis dueños".
Ramírez explicó que no tenía ninguna base para confiar en que las autoridades locales la protegerían, y que no creía que pudiera estar segura en ningún lugar de Guatemala.
"En Guatemala se trata mal a las mujeres", dijo Ramírez.
La fiscal del ICE, Juliet Boss, dijo que no iba a interrogar a Ramírez, lo cual sorprendió a Valencia
"Ella ha cubierto todo", dijo Boss al juez.
Dijo que si Ramírez ganaba su caso, el gobierno no apelaría. Esto concuerda con las directrices de la administración Biden (enlace sólo en inglés) del año pasado, en las que se pedía a los abogados del ICE que usaran su discreción para decidir a quién procesar, pero no era lo que el equipo del Centro Legal esperaba de los normalmente agresivos fiscales del ICE.
Luego llegó el turno del juez. Ramírez y sus abogados miraron el monitor de vídeo en el que Park estaba sentado con su toga negra. De los 40 jueces del tribunal de San Francisco, sabían que él era uno de los menos propensos a conceder el asilo. Si Ramírez perdía, podría ser deportada.
"Señora, hemos escuchado su testimonio", dijo Park. "El tribunal ha determinado que usted es elegible y merece asilo a discreción del tribunal. Así que usted y sus hijos serán asilados en los Estados Unidos".
Tras un agradecimiento de Ramírez y unas cuantas formalidades, la señal de vídeo se apagó. Ramírez y sus abogados se quedaron solos en la sala. Se levantaron y se abrazaron. Todos lloraron.
"Gracias, gracias, gracias", dijo Ramírez. "Son realmente personas muy especiales".
Las mujeres recogieron sus abrigos, sus documentos y pasaron por delante de los guardias de seguridad y salieron a la calle. Mientras se dirigían a una cafetería Peet's cercana para celebrarlo, comenzaron a charlar.
"Estaba nerviosa por este juez", dijo Valencia. "El caso de Deisy es el más fuerte de asilo que he argumentado, pero él tiene fama de ser duro".
Y añadió: "Nunca había estado frente a un fiscal del ICE que se negara a interrogar”.
En el mostrador, Ramírez pidió un chocolate caliente con crema batida.
Era el tercer caso de asilo que el equipo de Centro Legal ganaba en sólo cuatro días, dijo la colega de Valencia, Abby Sullivan Engen, y probablemente el resultado de las interpretaciones más generosas de la ley de asilo por parte de la administración Biden.
Unas semanas más tarde, otra clienta, también una mujer que huía de la violencia de género en Guatemala, obtuvo el asilo de un juez de inmigración de San Francisco igualmente duro.
Iris Diéguez declaró que estuvo casada con un policía guatemalteco que la violó y amenazó y que, cuando consiguió una orden de alejamiento, los compañeros de su marido se negaban a hacer cumplir la orden.
La jueza Julie Nelson reconoció que Diéguez debía haberse sentido frustrada ya que llevaba esperando su día en el tribunal desde el 2013.
"Pero", le dijo a Engen, la abogada, "puede funcionar a su favor, dados los cambios en la ley".
Al concluir la audiencia, Nelson explicó su razonamiento a Diéguez.
"Usted ha argumentado que fue perjudicada porque formaba parte del grupo social de mujeres guatemaltecas... sí encuentro que es un grupo social particular reconocible, basado en la ley", dijo. "Y sí encuentro que usted testificó de manera creíble que [su esposo] y otros la trataron de la manera en que lo hicieron debido a su animadversión hacia las mujeres guatemaltecas y a usted como mujer guatemalteca".
Entonces Nelson concedió asilo a Diéguez y a su hija.
Ramírez y Diéguez tienen ahora la seguridad de saber que pueden vivir permanentemente en los Estados Unidos. Pero los defensores dicen que hay demasiados solicitantes de asilo que se quedan sin saber cuáles son sus posibilidades de protección, porque el gobierno de Biden no ha emitido la norma que prometió en febrero de 2021 para aclarar los motivos de asilo basados en la pertenencia a un "grupo social particular".
"Creo que será más claro para los solicitantes y será más claro para los adjudicatarios", dijo Musalo. "Hará que las cosas funcionen mejor".
Una mejor vida en San Francisco
Ahora que ya tiene asilo, y pronto una tarjeta de residencia que la establece como residente permanente en los Estados Unidos, Ramírez puede evaluar la nueva vida que está construyendo para su familia.
Me reuní con ella unos días después de la audiencia de asilo en su casa del distrito Bayview de San Francisco, y nos dirigimos a un parque cercano.
Mientras caminábamos por la calle bajo el sol otoñal, Stefany y Alexis, que ahora tienen 8 y 6 años, brincaban por delante. Las niñas se detuvieron para admirar una procesión de hormigas que escalaban por el tronco de un árbol, y luego se echaron a correr cuando llegamos al parque infantil.
Más en español
"Son inseparables", dijo Ramírez. "No sé si es por lo que han pasado, pero lo hacen todo juntas".
Mientras caminábamos, Ramírez empujaba un cochecito (también conocido como una carriola). Sus hijas tienen ahora una hermanita, Irma. Nos sentamos en un banco del parque, y ella rebotaba a la bebé sobre sus piernas y me contó cómo conoció al padre de Irma.
En San Francisco, Ramírez comenzó a asistir a la iglesia de su hermana. Allí conoció a otros guatemaltecos, entre ellos a Cristian Aguilar, un joven que había sido compañero de juegos de su infancia en su pueblo de San José Chibuj. Ramírez dice que Aguilar se convirtió en un amigo de confianza. Con el tiempo, su vínculo se convirtió en amor y se casaron.
"Al principio fue muy difícil", dijo. "Pero siempre me dio una sensación de seguridad. Y es maravilloso con mis hijas. Se sienten muy cómodas con él".
Aguilar trabaja como mensajero médico, llevando sangre entre hospitales y clínicas. El costo de la vida en San Francisco es elevado, pero se las arreglan compartiendo la casa de cuatro dormitorios con sus padres y hermanos, lo que hace que el hogar sea de 10 personas.
Esperan tener su lugar propio algún día, y Ramírez, que sólo estudió hasta el séptimo grado en Guatemala, espera eventualmente volver a la escuela y encontrar un buen trabajo. Sabe que en éste país es difícil mantener a una familia con un solo ingreso.
Por ahora, sin embargo, Ramírez está enfocada en recuperarse. Ha acudido a un psicólogo y está estableciendo relaciones con sus hermanos y su madre, que, según ella, sigue sufriendo abusos en su país. Ramírez no ha hablado con su padre, así que quizá nunca sepa por qué la vendió a los Cinto. Tal vez fue una forma de cubrir su cuenta de bar, dijo. Sólo quiere dejar todo atrás.
Lo más importante para Ramírez es el bienestar de sus hijos, y sabe que eso está relacionado con su propia condición de mujer.
"Aquí, en Estados Unidos, las mujeres son libres, son iguales, pueden hacer cualquier cosa", dijo. "Aquí tengo oportunidades que serían imposibles en Guatemala. Y mi hija, mis hijos, estarán seguros aquí".
Las lleva al parque infantil casi todos los días.
"Quiero que sus mentes estén en paz para que puedan disfrutar de su infancia", dijo. "Porque sólo se es niño una vez en la vida. Y creo que merecen ser felices".
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We take a close look and hear what’s driving high electricity prices in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"We take a close look and hear what's driving high electricity prices in the state.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1714762385,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":3,"wordCount":87},"headData":{"title":"California PUC Considers New Fixed Charge for Electricity | KQED","description":"We take a close look and hear what's driving high electricity prices in the state.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"Article","headline":"California PUC Considers New Fixed Charge for Electricity","datePublished":"2024-05-02T22:13:39.000Z","dateModified":"2024-05-03T18:53:05.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}},"audioUrl":"https://www.podtrac.com/pts/redirect.mp3/pdst.fm/e/chrt.fm/track/G6C7C3/traffic.megaphone.fm/KQINC8195160969.mp3?updated=1714762491","airdate":1714755600,"forumGuests":[{"name":"Ben Christopher","bio":"reporter, CalMatters"},{"name":"Loretta Lynch","bio":"former President, California Public Utilities Commission"}],"sticky":false,"excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/forum/2010101905607/california-puc-considers-new-fixed-charge-for-electricity","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Beginning as early as next year you might see a new fixed monthly charge of up to $24 on your electric bill. That’s if the California Public Utilities Commission approves a proposal to rework how we pay for power. The CPUC, which is taking a vote next week, says that the new charge would lower electricity costs for many Californians. But the reality is more complicated. We take a close look and hear what’s driving high electricity prices in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/forum/2010101905607/california-puc-considers-new-fixed-charge-for-electricity","authors":["227"],"categories":["forum_165"],"featImg":"forum_2010101905611","label":"forum"},"news_11984845":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11984845","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11984845","found":true},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"pro-palestinian-protests-on-california-college-campuses-what-are-students-demanding","title":"Pro-Palestinian Protests on California College Campuses: What Are Students Demanding?","publishDate":1714734006,"format":"standard","headTitle":"Pro-Palestinian Protests on California College Campuses: What Are Students Demanding? | KQED","labelTerm":{"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>Just weeks before summer break, as most students are wrapping up their semesters or preparing for graduation, pro-Palestinian protests and encampments have sprung up on scores of college campuses across California — as they have throughout the country. While most protests have remained peaceful, a handful of campuses around the state have been rocked in recent days by sweeping law enforcement crackdowns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The encampments have been part of a movement that has spread quickly across the country following the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/04/18/1245642588/nypd-breaks-up-pro-palestinian-protest-at-columbia-university\">New York Police Department’s \u003c/a>first attempted crackdown, in mid-April, of a student demonstration at Columbia University in New York.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that we really are at a moment that feels historic in a way that student organizing hasn’t in quite a few years,” Angus Johnston, a historian and advocate of American student movements, said earlier this week \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101905545/whats-next-for-pro-palestinian-campus-protests\">on KQED’s \u003cem>Forum\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. “It really was not until Columbia’s crackdown that we saw this explosion of defiance on campuses, whose number is increasing every single day at this point. That is a pace of acceleration that we haven’t seen in a very, very long time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#A\">Why are students protesting?\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#B\">Where are the protests happening?\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#C\">What do protesters want universities to divest from?\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#D\">How are colleges responding to the protests?\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#E\">Have there been previous divestment campaigns?\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"A\">\u003c/a>Why are students protesting?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While specific goals vary by campus, Johnston said there have been four general demands that student protesters across the country have made of their academic institutions:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Divest from all financial holdings — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11984140/growing-protests-over-the-israel-hamas-war-puts-spotlight-on-college-endowments\">often through their endowments\u003c/a> — in companies that have ties to Israel or contribute to Israel’s military.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Institute an academic boycott of Israel, including ending all research with Israeli universities that have military ties and canceling studying abroad programs in the country.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Increase transparency about its involvement and connection — financial or academic — to the Israeli military and other institutions.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Offer amnesty to student protesters who have been arrested or received academic discipline.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Malak Afaneh, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982697/confrontation-at-uc-berkeley-law-school-deans-home-highlights-campus-tensions\">a third-year UC Berkeley law student \u003c/a>and\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101905545/whats-next-for-pro-palestinian-campus-protests\"> co-president of Law Students for Justice in Palestine\u003c/a>, told \u003cem>Forum\u003c/em> that protesters also want the university to officially acknowledge the situation “in Palestine \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/un-expert-says-israel-has-committed-genocide-gaza-calls-arms-embargo-2024-03-26/\">as a genocide\u003c/a> because they’ve failed to do so.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11984645 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240423-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-09-KQED-1020x680.jpg']Israel’s siege of Gaza has been raging for nearly seven months. Israeli forces have killed over 34,000 Palestinians in retaliation for Hamas’ Oct. 7 attack on Israel, in which militants killed some 1,200 people and took 240 hostages, according to Gazan and Israeli authorities, respectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Israel’s attacks have displaced some \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/israel-hamas-war-news-04-30-2024-f5e14fd176d69f9c4e23b48f3ab5af6a#:~:text=The%20war%20in%20Gaza%20has,to%20the%20brink%20of%20famine.\">80% of Gaza’s 2.3 million\u003c/a> residents, and the United Nations has rung the alarm about \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/un-chief-says-incremental-progress-toward-averting-gaza-famine-2024-04-30/\">a possible famine in the northern part of the enclave\u003c/a>. The Biden administration has mostly been \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/04/24/world/middleeast/israel-us-aid.html\">unwavering in its support of Israel\u003c/a>. Although Biden has more recently demanded that Israel implement new steps to protect civilians and aid workers — and urged its leaders to seek a cease-fire agreement — he has also consistently supported efforts to continue sending huge amounts of military aid to the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gaza/\">\u003cem>Follow KQED’s coverage of the war\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, and read about the history of the decades-long conflict in NPR’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/series/1205445976/middle-east-crisis\">\u003cem>‘Middle East crisis — explained’ series\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"B\">\u003c/a>Where are the protests happening?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As of May 2, there are at least 14 pro-Palestinian encampments on college campuses throughout California. They include multiple campuses in the Bay Area, such as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11984403/sfsu-pro-palestinian-encampment-established-as-students-rally-for-divestment\">San Francisco State University\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11984203/pro-palestinian-protests-sweep-california-college-campuses-amid-israel-hamas-war\">Stanford University\u003c/a>, UC Berkeley, Sonoma State University and the University of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Pro-Palestinian protests on California college campuses\" aria-label=\"Map\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-BxKrr\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/BxKrr/17/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"650\" height=\"845\" data-external=\"1\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most encampments have been established in central campus locations. At UC Berkeley’s encampment, which began last week, there are now nearly 100 tents — occupied by students, alums and faculty — sprawled in front of Sproul Hall, a center of student life on campus. (Some campuses have also seen counterprotests by supporters of Israel, such as a recent demonstration at UCLA that received \u003ca href=\"https://dailybruin.com/2024/04/27/counter-protests-of-ucla-encampment-raise-over-50000-on-gofundme\">thousands of dollars of support on GoFundMe\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pro-Palestinian student protests have largely been peaceful, noted Johnston, the historian, adding that some people inaccurately view the student protesters of the 1960s as more “disciplined” than their counterparts today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would say that in terms of tactics, the students of 2024 are much more restrained than \u003ca href=\"https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1525/j.ctt1pp8w8\">the students of 1968, ’69, ’70,”\u003c/a> Johnston said. “They haven’t been engaging in battles with police. We’ve seen only a few building takeovers. We’ve seen very little property destruction.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"C\">\u003c/a>What do protesters want universities to divest from?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Afaneh explained that divestment should include “any of the university’s endowments, any of their partnerships, that are in partnership with institutions complicit in this genocide — whether it be weapons, arms manufacturers, and things like that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Calls for divestment from companies linked to Israel — a key strategy in the global \u003ca href=\"https://bdsmovement.net/what-is-bds\">Boycott, Divest, Sanction\u003c/a> (BDS) movement — is nothing new among student activists \u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/23924319/israel-palestine-apartheid-meaning-history-debate\">fighting for the rights of Palestinians\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984515\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984515\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SFSU-GAZA-RALLY-MD-10-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SFSU-GAZA-RALLY-MD-10-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SFSU-GAZA-RALLY-MD-10-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SFSU-GAZA-RALLY-MD-10-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SFSU-GAZA-RALLY-MD-10-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SFSU-GAZA-RALLY-MD-10-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SFSU-GAZA-RALLY-MD-10-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco State University student Zinaib I. speaks at a rally outside the student center on April 30. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In fact, UC Berkeley’s student government passed \u003ca href=\"https://www.dailycal.org/archives/uc-student-association-votes-to-divest-from-companies-allegedly-violating-palestinian-rights/article_c2874bba-98af-5771-b3a2-4c92c5ba6271.html\">a resolution calling for similar divestment actions in 2015\u003c/a>. The prevalence of such activism has even led to \u003ca href=\"https://www.eastbaytimes.com/2024/04/28/an-obscure-california-law-may-prevent-action-on-protesters-calls-for-divestment-from-israel/#:~:text=The%20law%20forbids%20the%20award,known%20by%20the%20acronym%20BDS.\">anti-boycott laws\u003c/a> in California and other states — legislation condemned\u003ca href=\"https://www.hrw.org/news/2019/04/23/us-states-use-anti-boycott-laws-punish-responsible-businesses\"> by Human Rights Watch\u003c/a> — that has \u003ca href=\"https://theintercept.com/2018/11/22/israel-boycott-canary-mission-blacklist/\">landed some students on blacklists\u003c/a>, potentially affecting their future employment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the main companies activists have targeted include \u003ca href=\"https://www.dailycal.org/archives/uc-student-association-votes-to-divest-from-companies-allegedly-violating-palestinian-rights/article_c2874bba-98af-5771-b3a2-4c92c5ba6271.html\">General Electric, Boeing, Caterpillar, Google and Hewlett-Packard\u003c/a>, all of which, they say, \u003ca href=\"https://www.amnestyusa.org/no-weapons-for-war-crimes/\">profiteer from Israel’s war crimes\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Johnston, the Vietnam War student protests revealed “a web of relationships between universities, the government, the national security state, the military-industrial complex. [And] when those relationships were revealed, the pressure to draw them back became intense.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yousuf Abubakr, a UC Berkeley student studying mechanical engineering, said big \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/sanfrancisco/news/pro-palestinian-protesters-block-entrances-to-lockheed-martin-facility-in-sunnyvale/\">defense contractors like Lockheed Martin\u003c/a> and Boeing often attend engineering career fairs on campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’d be great to get engineering students more aware of the companies and their position in this genocide and ethnic cleansing,” he told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"D\">\u003c/a>How are colleges responding to the protests?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Reactions from colleges have varied significantly across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>UCLA \u003c/strong>declared its pro-Palestinian encampments \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-04-30/ucla-moves-to-shut-down-pro-palestinian-encampment-as-unlawful\">“unlawful”\u003c/a> Tuesday evening, saying students face possible suspension or expulsion, with \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/pplscitycouncil/status/1785203795645063207?s=46&t=7BBzFwo6eYLzJIVfAlumEQ\">videos showing police in riot gear on campus\u003c/a>. On April 30, UCLA’s independent student newspaper reported that \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/dailybruin/status/1785549519989735509?s=46&t=7BBzFwo6eYLzJIVfAlumEQ\">pro-Israel supporters were tearing down pro-Palestinian encampment\u003c/a> barricades, clashing with protesters and allegedly setting off fireworks. The \u003cem>LA Times \u003c/em>reported that security guards \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-04-30/ucla-moves-to-shut-down-pro-palestinian-encampment-as-unlawful\">watching the scene did not intervene\u003c/a>. Classes were \u003ca href=\"https://bso.ucla.edu/\">canceled the next day\u003c/a> and UC President Michael V. Drake ordered an independent review of the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Early on Thursday morning, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-05-01/la-me-ucla-camp-police\">more than 200 protesters were arrested\u003c/a> as police in riot gear clashed with them and dismantled the encampment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984868\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984868\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/AP24123593377542-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/AP24123593377542-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/AP24123593377542-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/AP24123593377542-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/AP24123593377542-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/AP24123593377542-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/AP24123593377542-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/AP24123593377542-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Police advance on pro-Palestinian demonstrators on the UCLA campus Thursday, May 2, 2024, in Los Angeles. \u003ccite>(Ethan Swope/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At \u003cstrong>UC Riverside\u003c/strong> on Friday, pro-Palestinian student protesters said they had reached an agreement with university leaders and \u003ca href=\"https://riversiderecord.org/student-protesters-ucr-administration-reach-agreement-to-end-encampment/\">announced their encampment would be coming down\u003c/a>. As part of the \u003ca href=\"https://documents.ucr.edu/chancellor/May_3_ammended-agreement.pdf\">agreement, signed by its chancellor\u003c/a>, UC Riverside pledged to form a task force of students and faculty to explore the potential removal of the university’s endowment from the UC Investment Office’s management.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At \u003cstrong>Cal Poly Humboldt\u003c/strong>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-04-30/cal-poly-humboldt\">students last week took over an administrative building\u003c/a>. On Thursday, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/us-world/article/cal-poly-humboldt-police-declare-demonstration-19429921.php\">some 300 officers in riot gear arrested 35 protesters\u003c/a>, including \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/E__C___/status/1785353134828839383\">an assistant professor\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/04/30/nyregion/california-poly-humboldt-protests-arrests.html\">ending the building takeover\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At\u003cstrong> Stanford University\u003c/strong>, officials have repeatedly warned student protesters in encampments that they are violating campus policies and may face suspension. The school \u003ca href=\"https://stanforddaily.com/2024/04/30/stanford-forwards-encampment-photo-to-fbi/\">also recently sent a photo to the FBI\u003c/a> of an unidentified person at the encampment with a green headband resembling those worn by Hamas, according to \u003cem>The Stanford Daily\u003c/em>, the school’s independent student newspaper\u003cstrong>. \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003cstrong>University of Southern California \u003c/strong>made headlines in mid-April when the administration announced \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2024/04/19/us/usc-cancels-outside-speakers-2024-commencement/index.html#:~:text=The%20University%20of%20Southern%20California%20announced%20it's%20calling%20off%20appearances,what%20it%20called%20security%20concerns.\">it was canceling the commencement speech\u003c/a> of its Muslim valediction — who has previously expressed pro-Palestinian views — citing safety concerns. Following the Columbia protests, a large group of students set up a campus encampment last week. On April 24, social media \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/now/video/lapd-marches-towards-usc-protesters-209660485756\">videos\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/education/pro-palestinian-demonstrators-usc-campus-israel-hamas-protest#how-effective-is-this-form-of-protest\">news coverage\u003c/a> showing the Los Angeles Police Department marching toward campus and arresting \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-04-24/usc-pro-palestinian-encampment\">nearly a hundred students\u003c/a> drew national attention. On April 25, the school announced it was\u003ca href=\"https://commencement.usc.edu/2024/04/25/commencement-update-april-25-2024/\"> canceling its main graduation ceremony\u003c/a>. Earlier this week, the university’s president met with pro-Palestine students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most schools in California where protests are happening, however, have so far allowed them to proceed without disruption as long as they are conducted peacefully. \u003cstrong>SFSU\u003c/strong> spokesperson Kent Bravo said the school has long honored the right of community members to peacefully protest \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11984403/sfsu-pro-palestinian-encampment-established-as-students-rally-for-divestment\">“while preserving a safe campus environment.”\u003cbr>\n\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Sacramento State\u003c/strong> President Luke Woods extended approval for the pro-Palestinian encampment on that school’s campus. “Our job is not to squash free speech,” Wood said, the \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/thestatehornet/status/1785473239214669939?s=46&t=7BBzFwo6eYLzJIVfAlumEQ\">student newspaper, \u003cem>The State Hornet, reported \u003c/em>on X\u003c/a>. “Our job is to protect safety.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Irvine Mayor Farrah N. Khan took preemptive action and \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/bencamach0/status/1785056654444404887?s=46&t=7BBzFwo6eYLzJIVfAlumEQ\">released a statement\u003c/a> asking the city’s police to “stand down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I will not tolerate any violence to students’ rights to peacefully assemble and protest,” Khan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At \u003cstrong>UC Berkeley’s \u003c/strong>growing encampment, there has so far been virtually no police intervention, which is in sharp contrast to what’s transpired at UCLA. Dan Mogulof, an administration spokesperson, told \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101905545/whats-next-for-pro-palestinian-campus-protests\">\u003cem>KQED’s Forum\u003c/em>\u003c/a> that the University of California changed its policy on responding to “non-violent political protests” after \u003ca href=\"https://www.dailydemocrat.com/2021/11/18/10-years-later-uc-davis-implements-change-following-pepper-spraying-incident/\">the 2012 Occupy Wall Street movement, during which an officer pepper-sprayed a group of UC Davis protesters\u003c/a>. The new policy, he said, stipulates that school officials should no longer call in law enforcement preemptively but only “when there’s a clear, imminent threat to the campus, to life safety and to the safety of the campus community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11984625 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240501_MAYDAYRALLY-27-GC-KQED-1020x680.jpg']“What we’re seeing around the country, bringing in law enforcement can have unintended consequences and can make the matter worse,” Mogulof said. “But there’s another level. We must, at the same time, be prepared to respond to individual or isolated incidents of alleged criminal behavior, harassment, or discrimination.” (He added that police are investigating an alleged incident in which a Jewish law student, who was also interviewed on the \u003cem>Forum\u003c/em> show, said he was punched while filming at a pro-Palestinian rally.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday, according to the \u003cem>Daily Cal, \u003c/em>Berkeley’s independent student newspaper, the university’s administration had \u003ca href=\"https://www.dailycal.org/featured/uc-berkeley-administration-begins-negotiations-with-free-palestine-encampment/article_3da3ceee-082c-11ef-96a5-5750ec0f7ab4.html\">“begun negotiations”\u003c/a> with the encampment protesters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, UC President Michael V. Drake said in a statement on Tuesday, “The University of California campuses will work with students, faculty and staff to make space available and do all we can to protect these protests and demonstrations.” But he added that “Disruptive unlawful protests that violate the rights of our fellow citizens are unacceptable and cannot be tolerated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the \u003cem>LA Times\u003c/em>, Drake did not specify what behavior he found disruptive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that one of the things that’s really distinctive about this moment is that — [and] it has been true for quite a while — that student dissent and student protest around the issue of Israel and Palestine has been more likely to be met with suppressive tactics from administrators and police, than a lot of other kinds of protest,” added Johnston, the historian.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Few schools have met with student protesters to discuss divestment options so far. Some have said their investments mainly consist of large mutual funds rather than holdings in individual companies, which they say \u003ca href=\"https://www.ajc.com/news/atlanta-news/calls-to-divest-from-israel-part-of-campus-protests-thats-not-easy-to-do-experts-say/4FBKI3MFFVBY3K65FYNLDRLD4A/\">makes divestment decisions far more complicated\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stanford University wrote in an email to KQED that the school’s board makes divestment decisions of trustees. “In 2015, the Board declined a proposal to divest of certain companies doing business in Israel,” it said. “The Board has not received another formal divestment petition on this subject, and its 2015 decision remains in place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984510\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984510\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-STANFORDGAZAPROTEST-011-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-STANFORDGAZAPROTEST-011-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-STANFORDGAZAPROTEST-011-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-STANFORDGAZAPROTEST-011-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-STANFORDGAZAPROTEST-011-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-STANFORDGAZAPROTEST-011-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-STANFORDGAZAPROTEST-011-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pro-Palestinian demonstrators march through the Stanford University campus in Palo Alto on April 25, calling for the university to divest from Israel. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"E\">\u003c/a>Have there been previous divestment campaigns?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Divestment campaigns have been pursued for decades by activists fighting for various human rights and environmental causes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s “not unusual at all for that to be a strategy that goes on for decades before winning full fruition,” Johnston said. For example, climate activists have long pushed for \u003ca href=\"https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2024/4/29/apartheid-to-fossil-fuels-columbias-history-of-divestment-before-gaza\">universities to divest from fossil fuel companies\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2006, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ucsf.edu/news/2006/03/101734/uc-regents-vote-divest-companies-business-ties-sudanese-government\">the University of California Board of Regents voted to divest\u003c/a> “from several companies involved in significant business activities that provide revenue to the Sudanese government to continue acts of genocide in Darfur” — an \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-2006-apr-09-me-ucsudan9-story.html\">outcome largely credited to student protesters\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The University of California has taken a principled stand against the tragedy in Sudan by severing its financial connections from those nine companies who aid the genocide and by lending its voice to those calling for peace in the region,” Gerald L. Parsky, chairman of the board, said \u003ca href=\"https://www.ucsf.edu/news/2006/03/101734/uc-regents-vote-divest-companies-business-ties-sudanese-government\">at the time\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And perhaps most famously — and drawing the clearest parallels to today’s protests — are the anti-apartheid protests of the mid-1980s, when activists demanded universities and other institutions divest from companies that did business with South Africa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>South Africa’s apartheid was \u003ca href=\"https://history.state.gov/milestones/1989-1992/apartheid\">an institutional system under an all-white government that enforced racial segregation\u003c/a> in \u003ca href=\"https://au.int/en/auhrm-project-focus-area-apartheid\">almost all aspects of life\u003c/a>, a racist system \u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/23924319/israel-palestine-apartheid-meaning-history-debate\">that some human rights groups\u003c/a> say mirrors Israel’s treatment of Palestinians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11984403,news_11984203,news_11830384\"]In 1985, after the University of California initially refused to divest from companies that did business with South Africa, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/perspectives/201312110735/thank-you-mr-mandela\">students at UC Berkeley and other campuses \u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.lib.berkeley.edu/visit/bancroft/oral-history-center/projects/managing-protest\">protested for six weeks\u003c/a>, staging sit-ins, camp-outs, and teach-ins about the apartheid regime. During this time, \u003ca href=\"https://www.lib.berkeley.edu/visit/bancroft/oral-history-center/projects/managing-protest\">hundreds of students were detained by police\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/04/30/1248088063/divest-divestment-university-college-protesters-campus-israel-gaza-invasion\">The pressure campaign\u003c/a> prompted \u003ca href=\"https://www.lib.berkeley.edu/visit/bancroft/oral-history-center/projects/managing-protest\">the University of California \u003c/a>the following year to reverse course and dump some $3 billion of its investments in companies linked to South Africa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johnston, the historian, noted that, contrary to popular belief, the anti-apartheid movement didn’t suddenly emerge in the 1980s. Although that’s when it came to a head, he said, the movement actually began in the 1950s and had been building momentum for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The other thing that I think is really important to remember is — as somebody who was on campus in the late 1980s — very few of us expected the kinds of changes that we saw in South Africa to happen as quickly as they did,” Johnston added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The transition of the South African country from apartheid to a multiracial democracy,” he said, “is one that happened in no small part as a result of economic, political and cultural pressure from outside.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Sarah Hossaini, Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman, Matthew Green, and Alexis Madrigal contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story has been updated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"Thousands of California college students and their supporters have joined encampments on campuses large and small across the state, demanding their schools divest from companies that do business with Israel.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1714780438,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":true,"iframeSrcs":["https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/BxKrr/17/"],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":54,"wordCount":2649},"headData":{"title":"Pro-Palestinian Protests on California College Campuses: What Are Students Demanding? | KQED","description":"Thousands of California college students and their supporters have joined encampments on campuses large and small across the state, demanding their schools divest from companies that do business with Israel.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Pro-Palestinian Protests on California College Campuses: What Are Students Demanding?","datePublished":"2024-05-03T11:00:06.000Z","dateModified":"2024-05-03T23:53:58.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"sticky":false,"nprStoryId":"kqed-11984845","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11984845/pro-palestinian-protests-on-california-college-campuses-what-are-students-demanding","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Just weeks before summer break, as most students are wrapping up their semesters or preparing for graduation, pro-Palestinian protests and encampments have sprung up on scores of college campuses across California — as they have throughout the country. While most protests have remained peaceful, a handful of campuses around the state have been rocked in recent days by sweeping law enforcement crackdowns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The encampments have been part of a movement that has spread quickly across the country following the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/04/18/1245642588/nypd-breaks-up-pro-palestinian-protest-at-columbia-university\">New York Police Department’s \u003c/a>first attempted crackdown, in mid-April, of a student demonstration at Columbia University in New York.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that we really are at a moment that feels historic in a way that student organizing hasn’t in quite a few years,” Angus Johnston, a historian and advocate of American student movements, said earlier this week \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101905545/whats-next-for-pro-palestinian-campus-protests\">on KQED’s \u003cem>Forum\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. “It really was not until Columbia’s crackdown that we saw this explosion of defiance on campuses, whose number is increasing every single day at this point. That is a pace of acceleration that we haven’t seen in a very, very long time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#A\">Why are students protesting?\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#B\">Where are the protests happening?\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#C\">What do protesters want universities to divest from?\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#D\">How are colleges responding to the protests?\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#E\">Have there been previous divestment campaigns?\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"A\">\u003c/a>Why are students protesting?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While specific goals vary by campus, Johnston said there have been four general demands that student protesters across the country have made of their academic institutions:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Divest from all financial holdings — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11984140/growing-protests-over-the-israel-hamas-war-puts-spotlight-on-college-endowments\">often through their endowments\u003c/a> — in companies that have ties to Israel or contribute to Israel’s military.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Institute an academic boycott of Israel, including ending all research with Israeli universities that have military ties and canceling studying abroad programs in the country.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Increase transparency about its involvement and connection — financial or academic — to the Israeli military and other institutions.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Offer amnesty to student protesters who have been arrested or received academic discipline.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Malak Afaneh, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982697/confrontation-at-uc-berkeley-law-school-deans-home-highlights-campus-tensions\">a third-year UC Berkeley law student \u003c/a>and\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101905545/whats-next-for-pro-palestinian-campus-protests\"> co-president of Law Students for Justice in Palestine\u003c/a>, told \u003cem>Forum\u003c/em> that protesters also want the university to officially acknowledge the situation “in Palestine \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/un-expert-says-israel-has-committed-genocide-gaza-calls-arms-embargo-2024-03-26/\">as a genocide\u003c/a> because they’ve failed to do so.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11984645","hero":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240423-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-09-KQED-1020x680.jpg","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Israel’s siege of Gaza has been raging for nearly seven months. Israeli forces have killed over 34,000 Palestinians in retaliation for Hamas’ Oct. 7 attack on Israel, in which militants killed some 1,200 people and took 240 hostages, according to Gazan and Israeli authorities, respectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Israel’s attacks have displaced some \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/israel-hamas-war-news-04-30-2024-f5e14fd176d69f9c4e23b48f3ab5af6a#:~:text=The%20war%20in%20Gaza%20has,to%20the%20brink%20of%20famine.\">80% of Gaza’s 2.3 million\u003c/a> residents, and the United Nations has rung the alarm about \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/un-chief-says-incremental-progress-toward-averting-gaza-famine-2024-04-30/\">a possible famine in the northern part of the enclave\u003c/a>. The Biden administration has mostly been \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/04/24/world/middleeast/israel-us-aid.html\">unwavering in its support of Israel\u003c/a>. Although Biden has more recently demanded that Israel implement new steps to protect civilians and aid workers — and urged its leaders to seek a cease-fire agreement — he has also consistently supported efforts to continue sending huge amounts of military aid to the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gaza/\">\u003cem>Follow KQED’s coverage of the war\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, and read about the history of the decades-long conflict in NPR’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/series/1205445976/middle-east-crisis\">\u003cem>‘Middle East crisis — explained’ series\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"B\">\u003c/a>Where are the protests happening?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As of May 2, there are at least 14 pro-Palestinian encampments on college campuses throughout California. They include multiple campuses in the Bay Area, such as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11984403/sfsu-pro-palestinian-encampment-established-as-students-rally-for-divestment\">San Francisco State University\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11984203/pro-palestinian-protests-sweep-california-college-campuses-amid-israel-hamas-war\">Stanford University\u003c/a>, UC Berkeley, Sonoma State University and the University of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Pro-Palestinian protests on California college campuses\" aria-label=\"Map\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-BxKrr\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/BxKrr/17/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"650\" height=\"845\" data-external=\"1\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most encampments have been established in central campus locations. At UC Berkeley’s encampment, which began last week, there are now nearly 100 tents — occupied by students, alums and faculty — sprawled in front of Sproul Hall, a center of student life on campus. (Some campuses have also seen counterprotests by supporters of Israel, such as a recent demonstration at UCLA that received \u003ca href=\"https://dailybruin.com/2024/04/27/counter-protests-of-ucla-encampment-raise-over-50000-on-gofundme\">thousands of dollars of support on GoFundMe\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pro-Palestinian student protests have largely been peaceful, noted Johnston, the historian, adding that some people inaccurately view the student protesters of the 1960s as more “disciplined” than their counterparts today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would say that in terms of tactics, the students of 2024 are much more restrained than \u003ca href=\"https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1525/j.ctt1pp8w8\">the students of 1968, ’69, ’70,”\u003c/a> Johnston said. “They haven’t been engaging in battles with police. We’ve seen only a few building takeovers. We’ve seen very little property destruction.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"C\">\u003c/a>What do protesters want universities to divest from?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Afaneh explained that divestment should include “any of the university’s endowments, any of their partnerships, that are in partnership with institutions complicit in this genocide — whether it be weapons, arms manufacturers, and things like that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Calls for divestment from companies linked to Israel — a key strategy in the global \u003ca href=\"https://bdsmovement.net/what-is-bds\">Boycott, Divest, Sanction\u003c/a> (BDS) movement — is nothing new among student activists \u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/23924319/israel-palestine-apartheid-meaning-history-debate\">fighting for the rights of Palestinians\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984515\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984515\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SFSU-GAZA-RALLY-MD-10-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SFSU-GAZA-RALLY-MD-10-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SFSU-GAZA-RALLY-MD-10-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SFSU-GAZA-RALLY-MD-10-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SFSU-GAZA-RALLY-MD-10-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SFSU-GAZA-RALLY-MD-10-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SFSU-GAZA-RALLY-MD-10-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco State University student Zinaib I. speaks at a rally outside the student center on April 30. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In fact, UC Berkeley’s student government passed \u003ca href=\"https://www.dailycal.org/archives/uc-student-association-votes-to-divest-from-companies-allegedly-violating-palestinian-rights/article_c2874bba-98af-5771-b3a2-4c92c5ba6271.html\">a resolution calling for similar divestment actions in 2015\u003c/a>. The prevalence of such activism has even led to \u003ca href=\"https://www.eastbaytimes.com/2024/04/28/an-obscure-california-law-may-prevent-action-on-protesters-calls-for-divestment-from-israel/#:~:text=The%20law%20forbids%20the%20award,known%20by%20the%20acronym%20BDS.\">anti-boycott laws\u003c/a> in California and other states — legislation condemned\u003ca href=\"https://www.hrw.org/news/2019/04/23/us-states-use-anti-boycott-laws-punish-responsible-businesses\"> by Human Rights Watch\u003c/a> — that has \u003ca href=\"https://theintercept.com/2018/11/22/israel-boycott-canary-mission-blacklist/\">landed some students on blacklists\u003c/a>, potentially affecting their future employment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the main companies activists have targeted include \u003ca href=\"https://www.dailycal.org/archives/uc-student-association-votes-to-divest-from-companies-allegedly-violating-palestinian-rights/article_c2874bba-98af-5771-b3a2-4c92c5ba6271.html\">General Electric, Boeing, Caterpillar, Google and Hewlett-Packard\u003c/a>, all of which, they say, \u003ca href=\"https://www.amnestyusa.org/no-weapons-for-war-crimes/\">profiteer from Israel’s war crimes\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Johnston, the Vietnam War student protests revealed “a web of relationships between universities, the government, the national security state, the military-industrial complex. [And] when those relationships were revealed, the pressure to draw them back became intense.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yousuf Abubakr, a UC Berkeley student studying mechanical engineering, said big \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/sanfrancisco/news/pro-palestinian-protesters-block-entrances-to-lockheed-martin-facility-in-sunnyvale/\">defense contractors like Lockheed Martin\u003c/a> and Boeing often attend engineering career fairs on campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’d be great to get engineering students more aware of the companies and their position in this genocide and ethnic cleansing,” he told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"D\">\u003c/a>How are colleges responding to the protests?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Reactions from colleges have varied significantly across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>UCLA \u003c/strong>declared its pro-Palestinian encampments \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-04-30/ucla-moves-to-shut-down-pro-palestinian-encampment-as-unlawful\">“unlawful”\u003c/a> Tuesday evening, saying students face possible suspension or expulsion, with \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/pplscitycouncil/status/1785203795645063207?s=46&t=7BBzFwo6eYLzJIVfAlumEQ\">videos showing police in riot gear on campus\u003c/a>. On April 30, UCLA’s independent student newspaper reported that \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/dailybruin/status/1785549519989735509?s=46&t=7BBzFwo6eYLzJIVfAlumEQ\">pro-Israel supporters were tearing down pro-Palestinian encampment\u003c/a> barricades, clashing with protesters and allegedly setting off fireworks. The \u003cem>LA Times \u003c/em>reported that security guards \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-04-30/ucla-moves-to-shut-down-pro-palestinian-encampment-as-unlawful\">watching the scene did not intervene\u003c/a>. Classes were \u003ca href=\"https://bso.ucla.edu/\">canceled the next day\u003c/a> and UC President Michael V. Drake ordered an independent review of the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Early on Thursday morning, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-05-01/la-me-ucla-camp-police\">more than 200 protesters were arrested\u003c/a> as police in riot gear clashed with them and dismantled the encampment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984868\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984868\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/AP24123593377542-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/AP24123593377542-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/AP24123593377542-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/AP24123593377542-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/AP24123593377542-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/AP24123593377542-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/AP24123593377542-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/AP24123593377542-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Police advance on pro-Palestinian demonstrators on the UCLA campus Thursday, May 2, 2024, in Los Angeles. \u003ccite>(Ethan Swope/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At \u003cstrong>UC Riverside\u003c/strong> on Friday, pro-Palestinian student protesters said they had reached an agreement with university leaders and \u003ca href=\"https://riversiderecord.org/student-protesters-ucr-administration-reach-agreement-to-end-encampment/\">announced their encampment would be coming down\u003c/a>. As part of the \u003ca href=\"https://documents.ucr.edu/chancellor/May_3_ammended-agreement.pdf\">agreement, signed by its chancellor\u003c/a>, UC Riverside pledged to form a task force of students and faculty to explore the potential removal of the university’s endowment from the UC Investment Office’s management.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At \u003cstrong>Cal Poly Humboldt\u003c/strong>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-04-30/cal-poly-humboldt\">students last week took over an administrative building\u003c/a>. On Thursday, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/us-world/article/cal-poly-humboldt-police-declare-demonstration-19429921.php\">some 300 officers in riot gear arrested 35 protesters\u003c/a>, including \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/E__C___/status/1785353134828839383\">an assistant professor\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/04/30/nyregion/california-poly-humboldt-protests-arrests.html\">ending the building takeover\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At\u003cstrong> Stanford University\u003c/strong>, officials have repeatedly warned student protesters in encampments that they are violating campus policies and may face suspension. The school \u003ca href=\"https://stanforddaily.com/2024/04/30/stanford-forwards-encampment-photo-to-fbi/\">also recently sent a photo to the FBI\u003c/a> of an unidentified person at the encampment with a green headband resembling those worn by Hamas, according to \u003cem>The Stanford Daily\u003c/em>, the school’s independent student newspaper\u003cstrong>. \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003cstrong>University of Southern California \u003c/strong>made headlines in mid-April when the administration announced \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2024/04/19/us/usc-cancels-outside-speakers-2024-commencement/index.html#:~:text=The%20University%20of%20Southern%20California%20announced%20it's%20calling%20off%20appearances,what%20it%20called%20security%20concerns.\">it was canceling the commencement speech\u003c/a> of its Muslim valediction — who has previously expressed pro-Palestinian views — citing safety concerns. Following the Columbia protests, a large group of students set up a campus encampment last week. On April 24, social media \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/now/video/lapd-marches-towards-usc-protesters-209660485756\">videos\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/education/pro-palestinian-demonstrators-usc-campus-israel-hamas-protest#how-effective-is-this-form-of-protest\">news coverage\u003c/a> showing the Los Angeles Police Department marching toward campus and arresting \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-04-24/usc-pro-palestinian-encampment\">nearly a hundred students\u003c/a> drew national attention. On April 25, the school announced it was\u003ca href=\"https://commencement.usc.edu/2024/04/25/commencement-update-april-25-2024/\"> canceling its main graduation ceremony\u003c/a>. Earlier this week, the university’s president met with pro-Palestine students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most schools in California where protests are happening, however, have so far allowed them to proceed without disruption as long as they are conducted peacefully. \u003cstrong>SFSU\u003c/strong> spokesperson Kent Bravo said the school has long honored the right of community members to peacefully protest \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11984403/sfsu-pro-palestinian-encampment-established-as-students-rally-for-divestment\">“while preserving a safe campus environment.”\u003cbr>\n\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Sacramento State\u003c/strong> President Luke Woods extended approval for the pro-Palestinian encampment on that school’s campus. “Our job is not to squash free speech,” Wood said, the \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/thestatehornet/status/1785473239214669939?s=46&t=7BBzFwo6eYLzJIVfAlumEQ\">student newspaper, \u003cem>The State Hornet, reported \u003c/em>on X\u003c/a>. “Our job is to protect safety.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Irvine Mayor Farrah N. Khan took preemptive action and \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/bencamach0/status/1785056654444404887?s=46&t=7BBzFwo6eYLzJIVfAlumEQ\">released a statement\u003c/a> asking the city’s police to “stand down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I will not tolerate any violence to students’ rights to peacefully assemble and protest,” Khan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At \u003cstrong>UC Berkeley’s \u003c/strong>growing encampment, there has so far been virtually no police intervention, which is in sharp contrast to what’s transpired at UCLA. Dan Mogulof, an administration spokesperson, told \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101905545/whats-next-for-pro-palestinian-campus-protests\">\u003cem>KQED’s Forum\u003c/em>\u003c/a> that the University of California changed its policy on responding to “non-violent political protests” after \u003ca href=\"https://www.dailydemocrat.com/2021/11/18/10-years-later-uc-davis-implements-change-following-pepper-spraying-incident/\">the 2012 Occupy Wall Street movement, during which an officer pepper-sprayed a group of UC Davis protesters\u003c/a>. The new policy, he said, stipulates that school officials should no longer call in law enforcement preemptively but only “when there’s a clear, imminent threat to the campus, to life safety and to the safety of the campus community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11984625","hero":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240501_MAYDAYRALLY-27-GC-KQED-1020x680.jpg","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“What we’re seeing around the country, bringing in law enforcement can have unintended consequences and can make the matter worse,” Mogulof said. “But there’s another level. We must, at the same time, be prepared to respond to individual or isolated incidents of alleged criminal behavior, harassment, or discrimination.” (He added that police are investigating an alleged incident in which a Jewish law student, who was also interviewed on the \u003cem>Forum\u003c/em> show, said he was punched while filming at a pro-Palestinian rally.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday, according to the \u003cem>Daily Cal, \u003c/em>Berkeley’s independent student newspaper, the university’s administration had \u003ca href=\"https://www.dailycal.org/featured/uc-berkeley-administration-begins-negotiations-with-free-palestine-encampment/article_3da3ceee-082c-11ef-96a5-5750ec0f7ab4.html\">“begun negotiations”\u003c/a> with the encampment protesters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, UC President Michael V. Drake said in a statement on Tuesday, “The University of California campuses will work with students, faculty and staff to make space available and do all we can to protect these protests and demonstrations.” But he added that “Disruptive unlawful protests that violate the rights of our fellow citizens are unacceptable and cannot be tolerated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the \u003cem>LA Times\u003c/em>, Drake did not specify what behavior he found disruptive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that one of the things that’s really distinctive about this moment is that — [and] it has been true for quite a while — that student dissent and student protest around the issue of Israel and Palestine has been more likely to be met with suppressive tactics from administrators and police, than a lot of other kinds of protest,” added Johnston, the historian.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Few schools have met with student protesters to discuss divestment options so far. Some have said their investments mainly consist of large mutual funds rather than holdings in individual companies, which they say \u003ca href=\"https://www.ajc.com/news/atlanta-news/calls-to-divest-from-israel-part-of-campus-protests-thats-not-easy-to-do-experts-say/4FBKI3MFFVBY3K65FYNLDRLD4A/\">makes divestment decisions far more complicated\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stanford University wrote in an email to KQED that the school’s board makes divestment decisions of trustees. “In 2015, the Board declined a proposal to divest of certain companies doing business in Israel,” it said. “The Board has not received another formal divestment petition on this subject, and its 2015 decision remains in place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984510\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984510\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-STANFORDGAZAPROTEST-011-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-STANFORDGAZAPROTEST-011-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-STANFORDGAZAPROTEST-011-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-STANFORDGAZAPROTEST-011-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-STANFORDGAZAPROTEST-011-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-STANFORDGAZAPROTEST-011-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240425-STANFORDGAZAPROTEST-011-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pro-Palestinian demonstrators march through the Stanford University campus in Palo Alto on April 25, calling for the university to divest from Israel. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"E\">\u003c/a>Have there been previous divestment campaigns?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Divestment campaigns have been pursued for decades by activists fighting for various human rights and environmental causes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s “not unusual at all for that to be a strategy that goes on for decades before winning full fruition,” Johnston said. For example, climate activists have long pushed for \u003ca href=\"https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2024/4/29/apartheid-to-fossil-fuels-columbias-history-of-divestment-before-gaza\">universities to divest from fossil fuel companies\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2006, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ucsf.edu/news/2006/03/101734/uc-regents-vote-divest-companies-business-ties-sudanese-government\">the University of California Board of Regents voted to divest\u003c/a> “from several companies involved in significant business activities that provide revenue to the Sudanese government to continue acts of genocide in Darfur” — an \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-2006-apr-09-me-ucsudan9-story.html\">outcome largely credited to student protesters\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The University of California has taken a principled stand against the tragedy in Sudan by severing its financial connections from those nine companies who aid the genocide and by lending its voice to those calling for peace in the region,” Gerald L. Parsky, chairman of the board, said \u003ca href=\"https://www.ucsf.edu/news/2006/03/101734/uc-regents-vote-divest-companies-business-ties-sudanese-government\">at the time\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And perhaps most famously — and drawing the clearest parallels to today’s protests — are the anti-apartheid protests of the mid-1980s, when activists demanded universities and other institutions divest from companies that did business with South Africa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>South Africa’s apartheid was \u003ca href=\"https://history.state.gov/milestones/1989-1992/apartheid\">an institutional system under an all-white government that enforced racial segregation\u003c/a> in \u003ca href=\"https://au.int/en/auhrm-project-focus-area-apartheid\">almost all aspects of life\u003c/a>, a racist system \u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/23924319/israel-palestine-apartheid-meaning-history-debate\">that some human rights groups\u003c/a> say mirrors Israel’s treatment of Palestinians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"label":"Related Stories ","postid":"news_11984403,news_11984203,news_11830384"},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In 1985, after the University of California initially refused to divest from companies that did business with South Africa, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/perspectives/201312110735/thank-you-mr-mandela\">students at UC Berkeley and other campuses \u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.lib.berkeley.edu/visit/bancroft/oral-history-center/projects/managing-protest\">protested for six weeks\u003c/a>, staging sit-ins, camp-outs, and teach-ins about the apartheid regime. During this time, \u003ca href=\"https://www.lib.berkeley.edu/visit/bancroft/oral-history-center/projects/managing-protest\">hundreds of students were detained by police\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/04/30/1248088063/divest-divestment-university-college-protesters-campus-israel-gaza-invasion\">The pressure campaign\u003c/a> prompted \u003ca href=\"https://www.lib.berkeley.edu/visit/bancroft/oral-history-center/projects/managing-protest\">the University of California \u003c/a>the following year to reverse course and dump some $3 billion of its investments in companies linked to South Africa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johnston, the historian, noted that, contrary to popular belief, the anti-apartheid movement didn’t suddenly emerge in the 1980s. Although that’s when it came to a head, he said, the movement actually began in the 1950s and had been building momentum for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The other thing that I think is really important to remember is — as somebody who was on campus in the late 1980s — very few of us expected the kinds of changes that we saw in South Africa to happen as quickly as they did,” Johnston added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The transition of the South African country from apartheid to a multiracial democracy,” he said, “is one that happened in no small part as a result of economic, political and cultural pressure from outside.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Sarah Hossaini, Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman, Matthew Green, and Alexis Madrigal contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story has been updated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11984845/pro-palestinian-protests-on-california-college-campuses-what-are-students-demanding","authors":["11867"],"categories":["news_8"],"tags":["news_34008","news_27626","news_6631","news_33333","news_33647"],"featImg":"news_11984867","label":"news"},"forum_2010101905617":{"type":"posts","id":"forum_2010101905617","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"forum","id":"2010101905617","found":true},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"will-the-u-s-really-ban-tiktok","title":"Will the U.S. Really Ban TikTok?","publishDate":1714761961,"format":"audio","headTitle":"Will the U.S. Really Ban TikTok? | KQED","labelTerm":{"site":"forum"},"content":"\u003cp>What’s next for TikTok? President Biden signed legislation on April 24 that would ban the popular video-sharing app unless its Chinese owner ByteDance sells to a U.S-based company. Supporters of the law say TikTok poses national security risks, warning that the Chinese government could potentially access sensitive user data or spread misinformation on the app. ByteDance says it has no intention of selling and will fight in the courts to stay in business. We’ll look at what it all could mean for TikTok and its 170 million users in the US.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"President Biden signed legislation on April 24 that would ban the popular video-sharing app unless its Chinese owner ByteDance sells to a U.S-based company. We’ll look at what it all could mean for TikTok and its 170 million users in the US.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1714772218,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":3,"wordCount":100},"headData":{"title":"Will the U.S. Really Ban TikTok? | KQED","description":"President Biden signed legislation on April 24 that would ban the popular video-sharing app unless its Chinese owner ByteDance sells to a U.S-based company. We’ll look at what it all could mean for TikTok and its 170 million users in the US.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"Article","headline":"Will the U.S. Really Ban TikTok?","datePublished":"2024-05-03T18:46:01.000Z","dateModified":"2024-05-03T21:36:58.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}},"airdate":1715011200,"forumGuests":[{"name":"Tim Wu","bio":"professor of law, science and technology, Columbia Law School - His latest book is \"The Curse of Bigness: Antitrust in the New Gilded Age.\""},{"name":"Suzy Loftus","bio":"Head of Trust and Safety, TikTok USDS"},{"name":"Sapna Maheshwari","bio":"business reporter, New York Times - covering TikTok and emerging media."},{"name":"Vivian Xue","bio":"TikTok creator; CEO, Pamper Nail Gallery - based in San Francisco."}],"sticky":false,"excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/forum/2010101905617/will-the-u-s-really-ban-tiktok","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>What’s next for TikTok? President Biden signed legislation on April 24 that would ban the popular video-sharing app unless its Chinese owner ByteDance sells to a U.S-based company. Supporters of the law say TikTok poses national security risks, warning that the Chinese government could potentially access sensitive user data or spread misinformation on the app. ByteDance says it has no intention of selling and will fight in the courts to stay in business. We’ll look at what it all could mean for TikTok and its 170 million users in the US.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/forum/2010101905617/will-the-u-s-really-ban-tiktok","authors":["3239"],"categories":["forum_165"],"featImg":"forum_2010101905620","label":"forum"},"forum_2010101905623":{"type":"posts","id":"forum_2010101905623","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"forum","id":"2010101905623","found":true},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"gaza-war-ceasefire-talks-continue-as-israel-threatens-rafah-invasion","title":"Gaza War Ceasefire Talks Continue as Israel Threatens Rafah Invasion","publishDate":1714775837,"format":"audio","headTitle":"Gaza War Ceasefire Talks Continue as Israel Threatens Rafah Invasion | KQED","labelTerm":{"site":"forum"},"content":"\u003cp>As the war between Israel and Hamas enters its seventh month, U.S., Egyptian and Qatari mediators are awaiting a response from Hamas on a proposed ceasefire deal that calls for the release of Israeli hostages and Palestinian prisoners. But Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu warns that Israel will invade the Palestinian city Rafah – where one million displaced Gazans are seeking refuge – “with or without a deal.” We’ll look at where negotiations stand, what it would take to end the war in Gaza and what the next steps might be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"We’ll look at where negotiations stand, what it would take to end the war in Gaza and what the next steps might be.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1714775837,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":3,"wordCount":98},"headData":{"title":"Gaza War Ceasefire Talks Continue as Israel Threatens Rafah Invasion | KQED","description":"We’ll look at where negotiations stand, what it would take to end the war in Gaza and what the next steps might be.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"Article","headline":"Gaza War Ceasefire Talks Continue as Israel Threatens Rafah Invasion","datePublished":"2024-05-03T22:37:17.000Z","dateModified":"2024-05-03T22:37:17.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}},"airdate":1715014800,"forumGuests":[{"name":"Bel Trew","bio":"chief international correspondent, The Independent"},{"name":"Missy Ryan","bio":"national security correspondent, Washington Post"},{"name":"Gregg Carlstrom","bio":"Middle East correspondent, The Economist - author of \"How Long Will Israel Survive? The Threat From Within\""}],"sticky":false,"excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/forum/2010101905623/gaza-war-ceasefire-talks-continue-as-israel-threatens-rafah-invasion","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As the war between Israel and Hamas enters its seventh month, U.S., Egyptian and Qatari mediators are awaiting a response from Hamas on a proposed ceasefire deal that calls for the release of Israeli hostages and Palestinian prisoners. But Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu warns that Israel will invade the Palestinian city Rafah – where one million displaced Gazans are seeking refuge – “with or without a deal.” We’ll look at where negotiations stand, what it would take to end the war in Gaza and what the next steps might be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/forum/2010101905623/gaza-war-ceasefire-talks-continue-as-israel-threatens-rafah-invasion","authors":["243"],"categories":["forum_165"],"featImg":"forum_2010101905630","label":"forum"},"news_11984807":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11984807","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11984807","found":true},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"know-your-rights-california-protesters-legal-standing-under-the-first-amendment","title":"Know Your Rights: California Protesters' Legal Standing Under the First Amendment","publishDate":1714762853,"format":"standard","headTitle":"Know Your Rights: California Protesters’ Legal Standing Under the First Amendment | KQED","labelTerm":{"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>A huge wave of pro-Palestinian demonstrations has swept college campuses across California and the United States more broadly in the last few weeks — on the heels of protests and rallies that have taken over freeways, bridges and buildings over the last six months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These protests — especially the latest actions across college campuses — have been met in California with police presence, arrests and even the threat of further legal action against those involved. Videos last week showed \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/now/video/lapd-marches-towards-usc-protesters-209660485756\">Los Angeles police officers marching into the University of Southern California\u003c/a> to break up pro-Palestinian encampments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, California State Assemblymember Kate Sanchez introduced \u003ca href=\"https://www.courthousenews.com/california-bill-would-create-new-infraction-for-protesters-who-block-highways/\">a bill to create a new infraction\u003c/a> for obstructing highways during protests that affect emergency vehicles. In San Francisco, District Attorney Brooke Jenkins announced that she is considering \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11983413/could-protesters-who-shut-down-golden-gate-bridge-be-charged-with-false-imprisonment\">the possibility of charging a group of pro-Palestinian protesters with a felony\u003c/a> for blocking the Golden Gate Bridge, which was met with concerns from civil rights advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11975868\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11975868\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240214-GOLDEN-GATE-BRIDGE-PROTEST-JCL-01-KQED.jpg\" alt='People hold up a banner that reads \"Stop Arming Israel\" across the Golden Gate Bridge, blocking traffic.' width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240214-GOLDEN-GATE-BRIDGE-PROTEST-JCL-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240214-GOLDEN-GATE-BRIDGE-PROTEST-JCL-01-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240214-GOLDEN-GATE-BRIDGE-PROTEST-JCL-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240214-GOLDEN-GATE-BRIDGE-PROTEST-JCL-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240214-GOLDEN-GATE-BRIDGE-PROTEST-JCL-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240214-GOLDEN-GATE-BRIDGE-PROTEST-JCL-01-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pro-Palestinian protesters calling for a cease-fire in Gaza briefly block traffic on the Golden Gate Bridge on the morning of Feb. 14, 2024. \u003ccite>(Juan Carlos Lara/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Many of these protests have focused specifically on the United States’ financial support of Israel, which is now over six months into its siege of Gaza.\u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.eu/article/israel-strike-rafah-kill-13-gaza-death-toll-surpass-34000/\"> Israeli forces have killed over 34,000 Palestinians\u003c/a>, according to Gaza’s Health Ministry. This is since Hamas’ attack on Oct. 7, which killed some 1,200 people, according to the Israeli government. (\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gaza/\">Follow KQED’s coverage of the war and its impact on the Bay Area community\u003c/a>, and read more from NPR about the decades-long conflict in its \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/series/1205445976/middle-east-crisis\">Middle East crisis — explained series\u003c/a>)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Lawful protests are, by design, meant to be visible and inconvenient,” said ACLU Northern California’s legal director, Shilpi Agarwal, in response to Jenkins’ announcement of possible charges against the protesters who shut down the Golden Gate Bridge. “Lawful protests often create roadblocks or shut down streets or create traffic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Margaret Russell — an assistant law professor at Santa Clara University School — said she discussed the protests with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11984645/photos-campus-protests-grow-across-bay-area\">undergraduate and graduate students\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As the arrests and violence increase, people become fearful of what might happen to them even if they protest peacefully,” she wrote in an email to KQED. “Will they get caught up in an altercation and be arrested? Their determination to speak up is ‘chilled’ or silenced.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you choose to join a protest — about any issue you feel strongly about — what are your legal rights in California? How much does the First Amendment protect protesters, and what can protesters be arrested for? Keep reading for what to know about protesting and the law, and read our other guides to:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11821950/how-to-safely-attend-a-protest-in-the-bay-area\">Attending a rally safely in the Bay Area\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11821950/how-to-safely-attend-a-protest-in-the-bay-area\">How to film the police\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11955465/dolores-hill-bomb-legal-rights-spectator-onlooker\">Your rights as a spectator\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>And remember: If you’re unable to join a rally or protest in person for whatever reason but want to make your stance on any issue known, you always have the option to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11967439/how-can-i-call-my-representative-a-step-by-step-guide-to-the-process\">contact your elected officials to express your opinions\u003c/a>. For more information on what “call your reps” actually means, how to do it, and what to expect as a result, read our explainer: \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11967439/how-can-i-call-my-representative-a-step-by-step-guide-to-the-process\">How Can I Call My Representative? A Step-by-Step Guide to the Process\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What is the First Amendment, and what does it cover during a protest?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The First Amendment of the United States Constitution protects five basic rights: freedom of religion, freedom of speech, freedom of the press, peaceful assembly and petitioning the government. (The \u003ca href=\"https://constitution.congress.gov/constitution/amendment-1/#:~:text=Congress%20shall%20make%20no%20law,for%20a%20redress%20of%20grievances.\">text in full\u003c/a> reads: “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances.”)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California also has its own expansive free speech provisions under \u003ca href=\"https://law.justia.com/constitution/california/article-i/section-2/#:~:text=SEC.,liberty%20of%20speech%20or%20press.\">Article 1, Section 2\u003c/a> of the state’s constitution that protect and reaffirm many of these rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984815\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984815\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240415-880GazaProtest-056-BL_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240415-880GazaProtest-056-BL_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240415-880GazaProtest-056-BL_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240415-880GazaProtest-056-BL_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240415-880GazaProtest-056-BL_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240415-880GazaProtest-056-BL_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Highway Patrol officers ask for people to disperse after demonstrators shut down the southbound lanes of I-880 on the morning of April 15, 2024, in West Oakland. The protesters, engaging in a multi-city ‘economic blockade in solidarity with Palestine,’ marched from the West Oakland BART station to the 7th Street on-ramp and onto the freeway. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“These rights are all really powerful, and they protect our democracy,” said Chessie Thacher, senior attorney with ACLU NorCal’s Democracy and Civic Engagement Program. “But they’re not unlimited, and they depend on various factors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of those factors, Thacher said, include:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>When you’re speaking:\u003c/strong> Even in public spaces, the government can impose what is known as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11983413/could-protesters-who-shut-down-golden-gate-bridge-be-charged-with-false-imprisonment\">“time, place and manner restrictions” that dictate certain parameters to try to ensure safety.\u003c/a> An example, Thacher said, is that the city can prevent people from using a loud bullhorn at 2 a.m. in a city square because people may be sleeping. But they can’t stop a person from using the same bullhorn at lunch hour the next day.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Where you’re speaking: \u003c/strong>You have a lot of protections in public spaces, like a park or a sidewalk. But if you are speaking at a private location — like someone’s backyard — “you don’t have many speech protections,” Thacher said. The gray area: If you are speaking in a place that is “sort of public, like a school campus or a library,” then your rights to free speech “are somewhere in the middle,” she cautioned. “But even then, the government can’t punish you because they don’t like you.”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Who’s speaking:\u003c/strong> If you are speaking as a private citizen on your personal time about something of public concern, your speech is protected. Thacher noted, however, that speech is “a lot less protected” if, for example, you work for the government — since someone may think you are speaking \u003cem>for \u003c/em>the government, and “the government has the right to decide its speech for itself,” she said. This can also happen when a teacher or a police officer is a speaker, and people may assume they are speaking on behalf of their workplace.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>What does the First Amendment \u003cem>not \u003c/em>cover when it comes to protesting?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Thacher said there were some misconceptions about the First Amendment to keep in mind:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>It does not mean freedom from consequences:\u003c/strong> While the First Amendment prohibits the government from punishing you for your speech, “it doesn’t protect you from actions that a private employer might take because of your speech,” Thacher said. “It doesn’t protect you from receiving feedback from people about what you’re saying.”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>It does not protect the \u003c/strong>\u003ca href=\"https://freeexpression.usc.edu/activism/hecklers-veto/\">\u003cstrong>“heckler’s veto”\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>:\u003c/strong> Meaning that under the First Amendment, within some boundaries, you don’t have the right to shut down another person’s right to speak. For example, this could include yelling louder than another speaker so that other people cannot hear them.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>It does not protect against \u003c/strong>\u003ca href=\"https://pressbooks.pub/civillibertiescasesandmaterials/chapter/fighting-words-and-hate-speech/#:~:text=True%20threats%20involve%20speech%20that,a%20speaker%20against%20another%20individual.\">\u003cstrong>true threats\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>, incitement, fighting words or harassment.\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The First Amendment also does not protect against \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.georgetown.edu/icap/wp-content/uploads/sites/32/2020/12/Law-enforcement-First-Amendment-Guidance.pdf\">“violent or unlawful conduct, even if the person engaging in it intends to express an idea.” \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Where are places where your rights are strongest?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The First Amendment, Thacher said, dates back to a time when locations like marketplaces were considered to be “the centerpiece of a community” — “so public spaces like town squares, sidewalks and other highly visible, publicly-owned pieces of property that are open to the public are where you have the most rights to free speech.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984439\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984439\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SFSU-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-09-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SFSU-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-09-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SFSU-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-09-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SFSU-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-09-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SFSU-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-09-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SFSU-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-09-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SFSU-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-09-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco State University students rally outside the Cesar Chavez Student Center on Monday, calling on the university to disclose its financial ties to Israel and divest from weapons manufacturers. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The only thing people’s rights can be subjected to in public spaces is the reasonable time, place and manner restrictions mentioned above. Those restrictions also must be “content-neutral,” meaning it cannot be specific to your speech, Thacher said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, she added that it is a “totally different equation” if you are at someone’s house — since you are there at the invitation of the property owner, not the government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Places where the public is invited at certain times, such as a public library or a public school cafeteria, are in-between spaces sometimes called a “limited public forum,” and “any restrictions of speech there must be viewpoint-neutral and reasonable in light of the forum’s purpose,” Thacher said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What does the law say about campuses?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Legal experts have interpreted the First Amendment to mean that \u003ca href=\"https://stanfordmag.org/contents/what-the-law-says-about-campus-free-speech\">\u003cem>public \u003c/em>institutions are restricted from punishing speech\u003c/a>. However, California also has \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/codes_displaySection.xhtml?lawCode=EDC§ionNum=94367.\">Leonard’s Law\u003c/a> that \u003ca href=\"https://freeexpression.usc.edu/about-freedom-of-expression-at-usc/leonard-law/\">“prohibits private universities from making or enforcing a rule that subjects an enrolled student to disciplinary sanctions solely on the basis of speech protected by the First Amendment,” \u003c/a>according to the University of Southern California’s website.[aside postID=news_11984625 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240501_MAYDAYRALLY-27-GC-KQED-1020x680.jpg']Dan Mogulof, assistant vice chancellor of public affairs at UC Berkeley \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101905545/whats-next-for-pro-palestinian-campus-protests\">told KQED Forum on Tuesday \u003c/a>that the University of California had changed its policy on responding to “non-violent political protests” after \u003ca href=\"https://www.dailydemocrat.com/2021/11/18/10-years-later-uc-davis-implements-change-following-pepper-spraying-incident/\">the 2012 Occupy Wall Street movement in which an officer pepper-sprayed a group of UC Davis protesters\u003c/a>. (UC Davis\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/politics/joegarofoli/article/UC-Davis-pepper-spray-officer-awarded-38-000-4920773.php\"> settled a federal lawsuit\u003c/a> with the students, paying around $1 million to the affected protesters.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That policy requires us not to call in law enforcement preemptively, and only when there’s a clear, imminent threat to the campus, to life, safety and to the safety of the campus community,” Mogulof said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What about protesting on roads?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Bridges and highways are considered open public spaces — and public forums — but they are subject to safety and traffic issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There can be civil disobedience. That could be a way of advocating for a cause, but it’s not protected First Amendment right to do that because the public and the government can have a compelling interest in making sure that those roadways and spaces are open and safe,” Thacher said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, she noted that, in her opinion, “a lot of the times, the justification of public safety gets overused to punish protesters and speakers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What can protesters actually be arrested for?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“If you are looking to exercise your right to free speech lawfully and peacefully, you should not be arrested,” Thacher said. “But sometimes things happen.”[aside postID=news_11984645 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240423-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-09-KQED-1020x680.jpg']People at protests may be arrested under suspicion of any crime, but here are some of the most common reasons:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Unlawful assembly\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Failure to disperse\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Disturbing the peace\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Resisting arrest\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Trespassing\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Vandalism\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Property destruction\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Disruption to traffic and safety of vehicles\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Thacher explained there is a scale from infraction, misdemeanor and felony:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Infraction: \u003c/strong>This can be something like a traffic ticket. There’s no jail time.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Misdemeanor:\u003c/strong> An offense that can be punishable by up to one year in jail.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Felony:\u003c/strong> This can be more than one year in prison.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>What happens to a person after they’re arrested depends on the case, Thacher said. A person could be given a citation to appear at a later court date or be given a ticket for an infraction. They may need to sign the ticket, saying there is no need to take them into custody because they promised to appear in court. A person could also be taken into custody at the police department and booked into jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you are detained and the police say you’re not free to leave, you still don’t have to give a statement or submit or answer any questions,” said Rachel Lederman, an attorney with Partnership for Civil Justice Fund and with the Center for Protest Law and Litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If police are seeking to question you when you’re under arrest when you’re taken into the jail, you will have to answer some basic booking questions,” Lederman told KQED in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11955465/dolores-hill-bomb-legal-rights-spectator-onlooker\">2023 after San Francisco police arrested over a hundred people — most of whom were minors — at an annual “hill bomb” event\u003c/a>. “But you don’t have to answer questions about the incident that has led to your arrest.” She said people may not want to give statements or interviews until they consult an attorney (\u003ca href=\"https://www.justia.com/criminal/procedure/miranda-rights/right-to-silence/#:~:text=The%20Fifth%20Amendment%20states%20that,or%20shortly%20after%20an%20arrest.\">invoking your right to remain silent\u003c/a>).\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Do you have to comply with a police officer’s orders during a protest?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If a police officer asks for your ID during a protest:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, if you are not being arrested, you do not need to show your ID or give your name to a police officer when asked for it — “although sometimes it’s a judgment call about whether that might arouse suspicion,” Lederman said. \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/know-your-rights/immigrants-rights#:~:text=You%20have%20the%20right%20to,against%20you%20in%20immigration%20court.\">Officers in California can’t also ask about your immigration status\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, “non-drivers cannot be lawfully arrested solely for refusing to provide identification to a police officer,” Thacher said. “But we do know of instances where police officers make the arrest anyway,” she warned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984654\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984654\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240501_MAYDAYRALLY-25-GC-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240501_MAYDAYRALLY-25-GC-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240501_MAYDAYRALLY-25-GC-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240501_MAYDAYRALLY-25-GC-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240501_MAYDAYRALLY-25-GC-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240501_MAYDAYRALLY-25-GC-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240501_MAYDAYRALLY-25-GC-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jim Martinez, also known as the protest cheerleader, shouts at the May Day rally during International Worker’s Day in the Mission on Wednesday, May 1, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If a police officer asks you to move during a protest:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It depends, Thacher said. Some things people should note at the scene include: Why is the officer asking you to leave, and how are they asking you to leave? Do people have the ability to comply with the order, and can you do it reasonably without being put at risk of getting hurt? Are they asking you to move, and you don’t have time to move because it is such a packed crowd?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The officers have the right to ask you to move in certain circumstances, like for public safety … [or] if there’s traffic violations starting to happen,” she said. But “the police can’t ask you to leave and then immediately turn around and arrest you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Penal Code states that \u003ca href=\"https://law.justia.com/codes/california/code-pen/part-1/title-11/section-409/#:~:text=Previous%20Next-,409.,is%20guilty%20of%20a%20misdemeanor.\">“[e]very person remaining present at the place of any riot, rout, or unlawful assembly, after the same has been lawfully warned to disperse … is guilty of a misdemeanor”\u003c/a> and that also \u003ca href=\"https://codes.findlaw.com/ca/penal-code/pen-sect-148/?DCMP=google:ppc:TRLNA:21219027752:697523562873:161386574133&HBX_PK=&sid=9061275&source=google~ppc&tsid=latlppc&gad_source=5&gclid=EAIaIQobChMI9oapzZDrhQMVfM7CBB2dhAdrEAAYASAAEgLSGvD_BwE\">anyone who “willfully resists, delays, or obstructs” an officer in the line of duty can be punished\u003c/a> by a fine and/or imprisonment.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What should you do if you think a police officer violated your rights at a protest?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Thacher said \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11871364/recording-the-police-what-to-know-and-how-to-stay-safe-doing-it\">people should take note and record details\u003c/a> about encounters with officers, especially when people believe their rights may be violated, such as an officer calling people to disperse in a tightly packed crowd. Some things a person should make note of include:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>The time and date\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The location\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The officer’s badge numbers and names\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Patrol car numbers\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>How often it was said \u003cem>where \u003c/em>you were directed to go\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>“All of that stuff can be important when you’re trying to go back and understand what happened to you,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If someone thinks their rights have been violated, they can take their notes and footage to a legal expert to understand the situation more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Russell, the Santa Clara University School assistant professor, said that if you are a student on a public or private college campus, file a grievance with the school’s relevant office and provide specific details of what happened. Russel said people should also contact their local ACLU’s advice line to provide details. If one can afford legal counsel, groups like the National Lawyers Guild can assist protesters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Think about what your goal is as a protester, and protect yourself accordingly,” she wrote in an email, adding that reputable groups to learn about your rights include one’s local ACLU, Amnesty International and the NAACP. “Educate yourself about civil disobedience and protest rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>When does lawful protest become ‘civil disobedience,’ and why do protesters choose this?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Civil disobedience is “the refusal to comply with lawful orders as a form of protest,” Thacher said. For example, when an officer calls for dispersal and people do not move, that is when it goes from protected speech to an act of civil disobedience. It is also \u003ca href=\"https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/civil-disobedience/\">non-violent\u003c/a> by its nature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the most well-known examples of civil disobedience is the 1950s demonstrations by Martin Luther King Jr. during the civil rights movement, which frequently \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/magazine/2022/02/26/history-tying-up-traffic-civil-rights-00011825\">involved blocking roads and highways\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11975873\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11975873\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240214-GOLDEN-GATE-BRIDGE-PROTEST-JCL-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240214-GOLDEN-GATE-BRIDGE-PROTEST-JCL-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240214-GOLDEN-GATE-BRIDGE-PROTEST-JCL-02-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240214-GOLDEN-GATE-BRIDGE-PROTEST-JCL-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240214-GOLDEN-GATE-BRIDGE-PROTEST-JCL-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240214-GOLDEN-GATE-BRIDGE-PROTEST-JCL-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240214-GOLDEN-GATE-BRIDGE-PROTEST-JCL-02-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters block traffic on the Golden Gate Bridge on Feb. 14, 2024. \u003ccite>(Juan Carlos Lara/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“People can choose to practice civil disobedience as a peaceful form of political protest,” Thacher said. “They can mix that with other activities that are protected by the First Amendment, such as lawful assemblies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seth Morrison from the Bay Area chapter of Jewish Voice for Peace told \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11967439/how-can-i-call-my-representative-a-step-by-step-guide-to-the-process\">KQED in 2023\u003c/a> that he would advise would-be protesters contemplating civil disobedience to “consider it carefully and think about the pros and cons … But if you and a good group of people are deeply committed to an issue — if you’ve done your research and if you have tried through normal channels and not gotten a response — civil disobedience is something you should think about.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thacher said that while the First Amendment \u003cem>may \u003c/em>not protect activities like blocking a bridge as the goal of the protest, this kind of action could be an effective act of civil disobedience nonetheless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of times protests and civil disobedience can be put under the same umbrella of ‘civil unrest,’ and then everyone thinks it’s all the same thing,” she said. “But protest and exercising your right to demonstrate and peacefully assemble is protected.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/amadrigal\">Alexis Madrigal\u003c/a> contributed to this story. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"In California, protesters have legal rights protected by the First Amendment, but understanding what actions may lead to arrest is essential when participating in protests on various issues.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1714777826,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":50,"wordCount":3156},"headData":{"title":"Know Your Rights: California Protesters' Legal Standing Under the First Amendment | KQED","description":"In California, protesters have legal rights protected by the First Amendment, but understanding what actions may lead to arrest is essential when participating in protests on various issues.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Know Your Rights: California Protesters' Legal Standing Under the First Amendment","datePublished":"2024-05-03T19:00:53.000Z","dateModified":"2024-05-03T23:10:26.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"sticky":false,"nprStoryId":"kqed-11984807","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11984807/know-your-rights-california-protesters-legal-standing-under-the-first-amendment","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A huge wave of pro-Palestinian demonstrations has swept college campuses across California and the United States more broadly in the last few weeks — on the heels of protests and rallies that have taken over freeways, bridges and buildings over the last six months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These protests — especially the latest actions across college campuses — have been met in California with police presence, arrests and even the threat of further legal action against those involved. Videos last week showed \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/now/video/lapd-marches-towards-usc-protesters-209660485756\">Los Angeles police officers marching into the University of Southern California\u003c/a> to break up pro-Palestinian encampments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, California State Assemblymember Kate Sanchez introduced \u003ca href=\"https://www.courthousenews.com/california-bill-would-create-new-infraction-for-protesters-who-block-highways/\">a bill to create a new infraction\u003c/a> for obstructing highways during protests that affect emergency vehicles. In San Francisco, District Attorney Brooke Jenkins announced that she is considering \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11983413/could-protesters-who-shut-down-golden-gate-bridge-be-charged-with-false-imprisonment\">the possibility of charging a group of pro-Palestinian protesters with a felony\u003c/a> for blocking the Golden Gate Bridge, which was met with concerns from civil rights advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11975868\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11975868\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240214-GOLDEN-GATE-BRIDGE-PROTEST-JCL-01-KQED.jpg\" alt='People hold up a banner that reads \"Stop Arming Israel\" across the Golden Gate Bridge, blocking traffic.' width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240214-GOLDEN-GATE-BRIDGE-PROTEST-JCL-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240214-GOLDEN-GATE-BRIDGE-PROTEST-JCL-01-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240214-GOLDEN-GATE-BRIDGE-PROTEST-JCL-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240214-GOLDEN-GATE-BRIDGE-PROTEST-JCL-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240214-GOLDEN-GATE-BRIDGE-PROTEST-JCL-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240214-GOLDEN-GATE-BRIDGE-PROTEST-JCL-01-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pro-Palestinian protesters calling for a cease-fire in Gaza briefly block traffic on the Golden Gate Bridge on the morning of Feb. 14, 2024. \u003ccite>(Juan Carlos Lara/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Many of these protests have focused specifically on the United States’ financial support of Israel, which is now over six months into its siege of Gaza.\u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.eu/article/israel-strike-rafah-kill-13-gaza-death-toll-surpass-34000/\"> Israeli forces have killed over 34,000 Palestinians\u003c/a>, according to Gaza’s Health Ministry. This is since Hamas’ attack on Oct. 7, which killed some 1,200 people, according to the Israeli government. (\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gaza/\">Follow KQED’s coverage of the war and its impact on the Bay Area community\u003c/a>, and read more from NPR about the decades-long conflict in its \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/series/1205445976/middle-east-crisis\">Middle East crisis — explained series\u003c/a>)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Lawful protests are, by design, meant to be visible and inconvenient,” said ACLU Northern California’s legal director, Shilpi Agarwal, in response to Jenkins’ announcement of possible charges against the protesters who shut down the Golden Gate Bridge. “Lawful protests often create roadblocks or shut down streets or create traffic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Margaret Russell — an assistant law professor at Santa Clara University School — said she discussed the protests with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11984645/photos-campus-protests-grow-across-bay-area\">undergraduate and graduate students\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As the arrests and violence increase, people become fearful of what might happen to them even if they protest peacefully,” she wrote in an email to KQED. “Will they get caught up in an altercation and be arrested? Their determination to speak up is ‘chilled’ or silenced.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you choose to join a protest — about any issue you feel strongly about — what are your legal rights in California? How much does the First Amendment protect protesters, and what can protesters be arrested for? Keep reading for what to know about protesting and the law, and read our other guides to:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11821950/how-to-safely-attend-a-protest-in-the-bay-area\">Attending a rally safely in the Bay Area\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11821950/how-to-safely-attend-a-protest-in-the-bay-area\">How to film the police\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11955465/dolores-hill-bomb-legal-rights-spectator-onlooker\">Your rights as a spectator\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>And remember: If you’re unable to join a rally or protest in person for whatever reason but want to make your stance on any issue known, you always have the option to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11967439/how-can-i-call-my-representative-a-step-by-step-guide-to-the-process\">contact your elected officials to express your opinions\u003c/a>. For more information on what “call your reps” actually means, how to do it, and what to expect as a result, read our explainer: \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11967439/how-can-i-call-my-representative-a-step-by-step-guide-to-the-process\">How Can I Call My Representative? A Step-by-Step Guide to the Process\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What is the First Amendment, and what does it cover during a protest?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The First Amendment of the United States Constitution protects five basic rights: freedom of religion, freedom of speech, freedom of the press, peaceful assembly and petitioning the government. (The \u003ca href=\"https://constitution.congress.gov/constitution/amendment-1/#:~:text=Congress%20shall%20make%20no%20law,for%20a%20redress%20of%20grievances.\">text in full\u003c/a> reads: “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances.”)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California also has its own expansive free speech provisions under \u003ca href=\"https://law.justia.com/constitution/california/article-i/section-2/#:~:text=SEC.,liberty%20of%20speech%20or%20press.\">Article 1, Section 2\u003c/a> of the state’s constitution that protect and reaffirm many of these rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984815\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984815\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240415-880GazaProtest-056-BL_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240415-880GazaProtest-056-BL_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240415-880GazaProtest-056-BL_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240415-880GazaProtest-056-BL_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240415-880GazaProtest-056-BL_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240415-880GazaProtest-056-BL_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Highway Patrol officers ask for people to disperse after demonstrators shut down the southbound lanes of I-880 on the morning of April 15, 2024, in West Oakland. The protesters, engaging in a multi-city ‘economic blockade in solidarity with Palestine,’ marched from the West Oakland BART station to the 7th Street on-ramp and onto the freeway. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“These rights are all really powerful, and they protect our democracy,” said Chessie Thacher, senior attorney with ACLU NorCal’s Democracy and Civic Engagement Program. “But they’re not unlimited, and they depend on various factors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of those factors, Thacher said, include:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>When you’re speaking:\u003c/strong> Even in public spaces, the government can impose what is known as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11983413/could-protesters-who-shut-down-golden-gate-bridge-be-charged-with-false-imprisonment\">“time, place and manner restrictions” that dictate certain parameters to try to ensure safety.\u003c/a> An example, Thacher said, is that the city can prevent people from using a loud bullhorn at 2 a.m. in a city square because people may be sleeping. But they can’t stop a person from using the same bullhorn at lunch hour the next day.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Where you’re speaking: \u003c/strong>You have a lot of protections in public spaces, like a park or a sidewalk. But if you are speaking at a private location — like someone’s backyard — “you don’t have many speech protections,” Thacher said. The gray area: If you are speaking in a place that is “sort of public, like a school campus or a library,” then your rights to free speech “are somewhere in the middle,” she cautioned. “But even then, the government can’t punish you because they don’t like you.”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Who’s speaking:\u003c/strong> If you are speaking as a private citizen on your personal time about something of public concern, your speech is protected. Thacher noted, however, that speech is “a lot less protected” if, for example, you work for the government — since someone may think you are speaking \u003cem>for \u003c/em>the government, and “the government has the right to decide its speech for itself,” she said. This can also happen when a teacher or a police officer is a speaker, and people may assume they are speaking on behalf of their workplace.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>What does the First Amendment \u003cem>not \u003c/em>cover when it comes to protesting?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Thacher said there were some misconceptions about the First Amendment to keep in mind:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>It does not mean freedom from consequences:\u003c/strong> While the First Amendment prohibits the government from punishing you for your speech, “it doesn’t protect you from actions that a private employer might take because of your speech,” Thacher said. “It doesn’t protect you from receiving feedback from people about what you’re saying.”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>It does not protect the \u003c/strong>\u003ca href=\"https://freeexpression.usc.edu/activism/hecklers-veto/\">\u003cstrong>“heckler’s veto”\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>:\u003c/strong> Meaning that under the First Amendment, within some boundaries, you don’t have the right to shut down another person’s right to speak. For example, this could include yelling louder than another speaker so that other people cannot hear them.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>It does not protect against \u003c/strong>\u003ca href=\"https://pressbooks.pub/civillibertiescasesandmaterials/chapter/fighting-words-and-hate-speech/#:~:text=True%20threats%20involve%20speech%20that,a%20speaker%20against%20another%20individual.\">\u003cstrong>true threats\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>, incitement, fighting words or harassment.\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The First Amendment also does not protect against \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.georgetown.edu/icap/wp-content/uploads/sites/32/2020/12/Law-enforcement-First-Amendment-Guidance.pdf\">“violent or unlawful conduct, even if the person engaging in it intends to express an idea.” \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Where are places where your rights are strongest?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The First Amendment, Thacher said, dates back to a time when locations like marketplaces were considered to be “the centerpiece of a community” — “so public spaces like town squares, sidewalks and other highly visible, publicly-owned pieces of property that are open to the public are where you have the most rights to free speech.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984439\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984439\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SFSU-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-09-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SFSU-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-09-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SFSU-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-09-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SFSU-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-09-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SFSU-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-09-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SFSU-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-09-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SFSU-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-09-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco State University students rally outside the Cesar Chavez Student Center on Monday, calling on the university to disclose its financial ties to Israel and divest from weapons manufacturers. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The only thing people’s rights can be subjected to in public spaces is the reasonable time, place and manner restrictions mentioned above. Those restrictions also must be “content-neutral,” meaning it cannot be specific to your speech, Thacher said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, she added that it is a “totally different equation” if you are at someone’s house — since you are there at the invitation of the property owner, not the government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Places where the public is invited at certain times, such as a public library or a public school cafeteria, are in-between spaces sometimes called a “limited public forum,” and “any restrictions of speech there must be viewpoint-neutral and reasonable in light of the forum’s purpose,” Thacher said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What does the law say about campuses?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Legal experts have interpreted the First Amendment to mean that \u003ca href=\"https://stanfordmag.org/contents/what-the-law-says-about-campus-free-speech\">\u003cem>public \u003c/em>institutions are restricted from punishing speech\u003c/a>. However, California also has \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/codes_displaySection.xhtml?lawCode=EDC§ionNum=94367.\">Leonard’s Law\u003c/a> that \u003ca href=\"https://freeexpression.usc.edu/about-freedom-of-expression-at-usc/leonard-law/\">“prohibits private universities from making or enforcing a rule that subjects an enrolled student to disciplinary sanctions solely on the basis of speech protected by the First Amendment,” \u003c/a>according to the University of Southern California’s website.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11984625","hero":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240501_MAYDAYRALLY-27-GC-KQED-1020x680.jpg","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Dan Mogulof, assistant vice chancellor of public affairs at UC Berkeley \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101905545/whats-next-for-pro-palestinian-campus-protests\">told KQED Forum on Tuesday \u003c/a>that the University of California had changed its policy on responding to “non-violent political protests” after \u003ca href=\"https://www.dailydemocrat.com/2021/11/18/10-years-later-uc-davis-implements-change-following-pepper-spraying-incident/\">the 2012 Occupy Wall Street movement in which an officer pepper-sprayed a group of UC Davis protesters\u003c/a>. (UC Davis\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/politics/joegarofoli/article/UC-Davis-pepper-spray-officer-awarded-38-000-4920773.php\"> settled a federal lawsuit\u003c/a> with the students, paying around $1 million to the affected protesters.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That policy requires us not to call in law enforcement preemptively, and only when there’s a clear, imminent threat to the campus, to life, safety and to the safety of the campus community,” Mogulof said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What about protesting on roads?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Bridges and highways are considered open public spaces — and public forums — but they are subject to safety and traffic issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There can be civil disobedience. That could be a way of advocating for a cause, but it’s not protected First Amendment right to do that because the public and the government can have a compelling interest in making sure that those roadways and spaces are open and safe,” Thacher said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, she noted that, in her opinion, “a lot of the times, the justification of public safety gets overused to punish protesters and speakers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What can protesters actually be arrested for?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“If you are looking to exercise your right to free speech lawfully and peacefully, you should not be arrested,” Thacher said. “But sometimes things happen.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11984645","hero":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240423-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-09-KQED-1020x680.jpg","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>People at protests may be arrested under suspicion of any crime, but here are some of the most common reasons:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Unlawful assembly\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Failure to disperse\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Disturbing the peace\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Resisting arrest\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Trespassing\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Vandalism\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Property destruction\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Disruption to traffic and safety of vehicles\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Thacher explained there is a scale from infraction, misdemeanor and felony:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Infraction: \u003c/strong>This can be something like a traffic ticket. There’s no jail time.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Misdemeanor:\u003c/strong> An offense that can be punishable by up to one year in jail.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Felony:\u003c/strong> This can be more than one year in prison.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>What happens to a person after they’re arrested depends on the case, Thacher said. A person could be given a citation to appear at a later court date or be given a ticket for an infraction. They may need to sign the ticket, saying there is no need to take them into custody because they promised to appear in court. A person could also be taken into custody at the police department and booked into jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you are detained and the police say you’re not free to leave, you still don’t have to give a statement or submit or answer any questions,” said Rachel Lederman, an attorney with Partnership for Civil Justice Fund and with the Center for Protest Law and Litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If police are seeking to question you when you’re under arrest when you’re taken into the jail, you will have to answer some basic booking questions,” Lederman told KQED in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11955465/dolores-hill-bomb-legal-rights-spectator-onlooker\">2023 after San Francisco police arrested over a hundred people — most of whom were minors — at an annual “hill bomb” event\u003c/a>. “But you don’t have to answer questions about the incident that has led to your arrest.” She said people may not want to give statements or interviews until they consult an attorney (\u003ca href=\"https://www.justia.com/criminal/procedure/miranda-rights/right-to-silence/#:~:text=The%20Fifth%20Amendment%20states%20that,or%20shortly%20after%20an%20arrest.\">invoking your right to remain silent\u003c/a>).\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Do you have to comply with a police officer’s orders during a protest?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If a police officer asks for your ID during a protest:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, if you are not being arrested, you do not need to show your ID or give your name to a police officer when asked for it — “although sometimes it’s a judgment call about whether that might arouse suspicion,” Lederman said. \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/know-your-rights/immigrants-rights#:~:text=You%20have%20the%20right%20to,against%20you%20in%20immigration%20court.\">Officers in California can’t also ask about your immigration status\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, “non-drivers cannot be lawfully arrested solely for refusing to provide identification to a police officer,” Thacher said. “But we do know of instances where police officers make the arrest anyway,” she warned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984654\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984654\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240501_MAYDAYRALLY-25-GC-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240501_MAYDAYRALLY-25-GC-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240501_MAYDAYRALLY-25-GC-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240501_MAYDAYRALLY-25-GC-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240501_MAYDAYRALLY-25-GC-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240501_MAYDAYRALLY-25-GC-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240501_MAYDAYRALLY-25-GC-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jim Martinez, also known as the protest cheerleader, shouts at the May Day rally during International Worker’s Day in the Mission on Wednesday, May 1, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If a police officer asks you to move during a protest:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It depends, Thacher said. Some things people should note at the scene include: Why is the officer asking you to leave, and how are they asking you to leave? Do people have the ability to comply with the order, and can you do it reasonably without being put at risk of getting hurt? Are they asking you to move, and you don’t have time to move because it is such a packed crowd?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The officers have the right to ask you to move in certain circumstances, like for public safety … [or] if there’s traffic violations starting to happen,” she said. But “the police can’t ask you to leave and then immediately turn around and arrest you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Penal Code states that \u003ca href=\"https://law.justia.com/codes/california/code-pen/part-1/title-11/section-409/#:~:text=Previous%20Next-,409.,is%20guilty%20of%20a%20misdemeanor.\">“[e]very person remaining present at the place of any riot, rout, or unlawful assembly, after the same has been lawfully warned to disperse … is guilty of a misdemeanor”\u003c/a> and that also \u003ca href=\"https://codes.findlaw.com/ca/penal-code/pen-sect-148/?DCMP=google:ppc:TRLNA:21219027752:697523562873:161386574133&HBX_PK=&sid=9061275&source=google~ppc&tsid=latlppc&gad_source=5&gclid=EAIaIQobChMI9oapzZDrhQMVfM7CBB2dhAdrEAAYASAAEgLSGvD_BwE\">anyone who “willfully resists, delays, or obstructs” an officer in the line of duty can be punished\u003c/a> by a fine and/or imprisonment.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What should you do if you think a police officer violated your rights at a protest?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Thacher said \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11871364/recording-the-police-what-to-know-and-how-to-stay-safe-doing-it\">people should take note and record details\u003c/a> about encounters with officers, especially when people believe their rights may be violated, such as an officer calling people to disperse in a tightly packed crowd. Some things a person should make note of include:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>The time and date\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The location\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The officer’s badge numbers and names\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Patrol car numbers\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>How often it was said \u003cem>where \u003c/em>you were directed to go\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>“All of that stuff can be important when you’re trying to go back and understand what happened to you,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If someone thinks their rights have been violated, they can take their notes and footage to a legal expert to understand the situation more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Russell, the Santa Clara University School assistant professor, said that if you are a student on a public or private college campus, file a grievance with the school’s relevant office and provide specific details of what happened. Russel said people should also contact their local ACLU’s advice line to provide details. If one can afford legal counsel, groups like the National Lawyers Guild can assist protesters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Think about what your goal is as a protester, and protect yourself accordingly,” she wrote in an email, adding that reputable groups to learn about your rights include one’s local ACLU, Amnesty International and the NAACP. “Educate yourself about civil disobedience and protest rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>When does lawful protest become ‘civil disobedience,’ and why do protesters choose this?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Civil disobedience is “the refusal to comply with lawful orders as a form of protest,” Thacher said. For example, when an officer calls for dispersal and people do not move, that is when it goes from protected speech to an act of civil disobedience. It is also \u003ca href=\"https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/civil-disobedience/\">non-violent\u003c/a> by its nature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the most well-known examples of civil disobedience is the 1950s demonstrations by Martin Luther King Jr. during the civil rights movement, which frequently \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/magazine/2022/02/26/history-tying-up-traffic-civil-rights-00011825\">involved blocking roads and highways\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11975873\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11975873\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240214-GOLDEN-GATE-BRIDGE-PROTEST-JCL-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240214-GOLDEN-GATE-BRIDGE-PROTEST-JCL-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240214-GOLDEN-GATE-BRIDGE-PROTEST-JCL-02-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240214-GOLDEN-GATE-BRIDGE-PROTEST-JCL-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240214-GOLDEN-GATE-BRIDGE-PROTEST-JCL-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240214-GOLDEN-GATE-BRIDGE-PROTEST-JCL-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240214-GOLDEN-GATE-BRIDGE-PROTEST-JCL-02-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters block traffic on the Golden Gate Bridge on Feb. 14, 2024. \u003ccite>(Juan Carlos Lara/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“People can choose to practice civil disobedience as a peaceful form of political protest,” Thacher said. “They can mix that with other activities that are protected by the First Amendment, such as lawful assemblies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seth Morrison from the Bay Area chapter of Jewish Voice for Peace told \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11967439/how-can-i-call-my-representative-a-step-by-step-guide-to-the-process\">KQED in 2023\u003c/a> that he would advise would-be protesters contemplating civil disobedience to “consider it carefully and think about the pros and cons … But if you and a good group of people are deeply committed to an issue — if you’ve done your research and if you have tried through normal channels and not gotten a response — civil disobedience is something you should think about.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thacher said that while the First Amendment \u003cem>may \u003c/em>not protect activities like blocking a bridge as the goal of the protest, this kind of action could be an effective act of civil disobedience nonetheless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of times protests and civil disobedience can be put under the same umbrella of ‘civil unrest,’ and then everyone thinks it’s all the same thing,” she said. “But protest and exercising your right to demonstrate and peacefully assemble is protected.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/amadrigal\">Alexis Madrigal\u003c/a> contributed to this story. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11984807/know-your-rights-california-protesters-legal-standing-under-the-first-amendment","authors":["11867"],"categories":["news_31795","news_8"],"tags":["news_32707","news_18538","news_34008","news_4750","news_23960","news_6631","news_33333","news_745"],"featImg":"news_11984510","label":"news"},"news_11984830":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11984830","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11984830","found":true},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"california-forever-shells-out-2m-in-campaign-to-build-city-from-scratch","title":"California Forever Shells out $2M in Campaign to Build City from Scratch","publishDate":1714754572,"format":"standard","headTitle":"California Forever Shells out $2M in Campaign to Build City from Scratch | KQED","labelTerm":{"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>California Forever spent some $2 million in the first three months of the year on its campaign to convince voters it should be allowed to build a city from scratch in Eastern Solano County, newly released campaign finance records show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That money includes funds it has budgeted but has yet to pay out to contractors and around $1 million of in-kind contributions. The company has thus far been the sole contributor to its campaign, according to the records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When he\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11972769/not-just-a-crazy-idea-california-forever-releases-ballot-details-for-new-bay-area-city\"> introduced the initiative\u003c/a> in January, California Forever CEO Jan Sramek promised to spend “as much [money] as we need to win.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The filings show California Forever has so far spent the largest portion of its money — more than $330,000 — on firms hired to collect the more than 20,400 signatures it submitted to the Solano County Registrar’s Office \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11984408/billionaire-backed-bid-for-new-solano-county-city-is-closer-to-november-ballot\">earlier this week\u003c/a>. More than $200,000 went toward campaign workers’ salaries, and nearly $210,000 was spent on campaign websites and emails.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the payments also show more than $238,000 paid to consultant firms headed by highly connected political campaigners, including several former strategists and aides to Gov. Gavin Newsom and the wife of a current Fairfield councilmember.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"California Forever's Campaign Payments\" aria-label=\"Pie Chart\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-oaHsx\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/oaHsx/2/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"width: 0; min-width: 100% !important; border: none;\" height=\"850\" data-external=\"1\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For a countywide ballot initiative, the spending is “robust,” said political and election lawyer Bradley Hertz, but “not terribly over the top.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If it were LA County, for example, with 5 million voters, [the budget] would be at least five or 10 times this amount to gather signatures and get the necessary publicity going,” Hertz said. “The big money needs to be spent at this stage for signature gathering.”[aside postID=news_11984656 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/14289_transform-1440x960.jpg']A representative from California Forever did not comment on its spending, but said the team is “feeling good” and that the company will have more updates on its plan in the coming week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company is relying on several high-profile political strategists to get initiative to the November election, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/03/14/legislative-affairs-secretary-angie-wei-to-depart-new-legislative-affairs-secretary-appointed/\">Angie Wei\u003c/a>, a former legislative aide to Newsom; \u003ca href=\"https://www.rodriguezstrategies.com/\">Matt Rodriguez\u003c/a>, who worked with the governor in 2022 to oppose Proposition 30; and \u003ca href=\"https://www.themediacompany.llc/\">Brian Brokaw\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://brianbrokaw.com/bio/\">Dan Newman\u003c/a>, two longtime campaign advisers to Newsom. Brokaw also served as Vice President Kamala Harris’s former campaign manager when she ran for Attorney General in 2010.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Forever also paid Sue Vaccaro, wife of Fairfield Councilmember Rick Vaccaro, $4,000 for campaign consulting. Councilmember Vacarro has not responded to KQED’s request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"California Forever Campaign Payments\" aria-label=\"Column Chart\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-yF2wI\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/yF2wI/1/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"width: 0; min-width: 100% !important; border: none;\" height=\"614\" data-external=\"1\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Registrar’s Office is now verifying California Forever’s submitted signatures. If they all check out, the Registrar will pass the initiative along to the Solano County Board of Supervisors, which must decide whether to approve it outright or put it to voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Mitch Mashburn, a critic of the plan, said Wednesday that if the initiative qualifies for the election, he would call for a special report assessing the proposed city’s impacts, both positive and negative. But Hertz suspected California Forever has accounted for the added delay this report would require. The supervisors have until Aug. 9 to vote to place the initiative on the November ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The next set of campaign finance reports is due by the end of July. Paul Mitchell, owner of polling firm Redistricting Partners, said California Forever’s spending on getting the ballot measure to voters is likely a drop in the bucket compared to what it will take to build the proposed city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Just because it gets passed by voters isn’t going to build a house,” Mitchell said. “[The amount spent so far] is not an enormous sum for what they’re looking to do, and it’s probably not going to break records.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"The billionaire-backed company promised to spend big bucks in its plan to build a new city in Eastern Solano County. So far, it’s doing just that, according to newly released campaign finance records.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1714777743,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":true,"iframeSrcs":["https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/oaHsx/2/","https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/yF2wI/1/"],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":17,"wordCount":655},"headData":{"title":"California Forever Shells out $2M in Campaign to Build City from Scratch | KQED","description":"The billionaire-backed company promised to spend big bucks in its plan to build a new city in Eastern Solano County. So far, it’s doing just that, according to newly released campaign finance records.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"California Forever Shells out $2M in Campaign to Build City from Scratch","datePublished":"2024-05-03T16:42:52.000Z","dateModified":"2024-05-03T23:09:03.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"sticky":false,"nprStoryId":"kqed-11984830","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11984830/california-forever-shells-out-2m-in-campaign-to-build-city-from-scratch","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California Forever spent some $2 million in the first three months of the year on its campaign to convince voters it should be allowed to build a city from scratch in Eastern Solano County, newly released campaign finance records show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That money includes funds it has budgeted but has yet to pay out to contractors and around $1 million of in-kind contributions. The company has thus far been the sole contributor to its campaign, according to the records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When he\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11972769/not-just-a-crazy-idea-california-forever-releases-ballot-details-for-new-bay-area-city\"> introduced the initiative\u003c/a> in January, California Forever CEO Jan Sramek promised to spend “as much [money] as we need to win.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The filings show California Forever has so far spent the largest portion of its money — more than $330,000 — on firms hired to collect the more than 20,400 signatures it submitted to the Solano County Registrar’s Office \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11984408/billionaire-backed-bid-for-new-solano-county-city-is-closer-to-november-ballot\">earlier this week\u003c/a>. More than $200,000 went toward campaign workers’ salaries, and nearly $210,000 was spent on campaign websites and emails.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the payments also show more than $238,000 paid to consultant firms headed by highly connected political campaigners, including several former strategists and aides to Gov. Gavin Newsom and the wife of a current Fairfield councilmember.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"California Forever's Campaign Payments\" aria-label=\"Pie Chart\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-oaHsx\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/oaHsx/2/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"width: 0; min-width: 100% !important; border: none;\" height=\"850\" data-external=\"1\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For a countywide ballot initiative, the spending is “robust,” said political and election lawyer Bradley Hertz, but “not terribly over the top.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If it were LA County, for example, with 5 million voters, [the budget] would be at least five or 10 times this amount to gather signatures and get the necessary publicity going,” Hertz said. “The big money needs to be spent at this stage for signature gathering.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11984656","hero":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/12/14289_transform-1440x960.jpg","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>A representative from California Forever did not comment on its spending, but said the team is “feeling good” and that the company will have more updates on its plan in the coming week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company is relying on several high-profile political strategists to get initiative to the November election, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/03/14/legislative-affairs-secretary-angie-wei-to-depart-new-legislative-affairs-secretary-appointed/\">Angie Wei\u003c/a>, a former legislative aide to Newsom; \u003ca href=\"https://www.rodriguezstrategies.com/\">Matt Rodriguez\u003c/a>, who worked with the governor in 2022 to oppose Proposition 30; and \u003ca href=\"https://www.themediacompany.llc/\">Brian Brokaw\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://brianbrokaw.com/bio/\">Dan Newman\u003c/a>, two longtime campaign advisers to Newsom. Brokaw also served as Vice President Kamala Harris’s former campaign manager when she ran for Attorney General in 2010.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Forever also paid Sue Vaccaro, wife of Fairfield Councilmember Rick Vaccaro, $4,000 for campaign consulting. Councilmember Vacarro has not responded to KQED’s request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"California Forever Campaign Payments\" aria-label=\"Column Chart\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-yF2wI\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/yF2wI/1/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"width: 0; min-width: 100% !important; border: none;\" height=\"614\" data-external=\"1\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Registrar’s Office is now verifying California Forever’s submitted signatures. If they all check out, the Registrar will pass the initiative along to the Solano County Board of Supervisors, which must decide whether to approve it outright or put it to voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Mitch Mashburn, a critic of the plan, said Wednesday that if the initiative qualifies for the election, he would call for a special report assessing the proposed city’s impacts, both positive and negative. But Hertz suspected California Forever has accounted for the added delay this report would require. The supervisors have until Aug. 9 to vote to place the initiative on the November ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The next set of campaign finance reports is due by the end of July. Paul Mitchell, owner of polling firm Redistricting Partners, said California Forever’s spending on getting the ballot measure to voters is likely a drop in the bucket compared to what it will take to build the proposed city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Just because it gets passed by voters isn’t going to build a house,” Mitchell said. “[The amount spent so far] is not an enormous sum for what they’re looking to do, and it’s probably not going to break records.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11984830/california-forever-shells-out-2m-in-campaign-to-build-city-from-scratch","authors":["11672"],"categories":["news_6266","news_8"],"tags":["news_18538","news_33689","news_1775","news_21358","news_23938"],"featImg":"news_11984981","label":"news"},"news_11984739":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11984739","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11984739","found":true},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"saying-goodbye-to-asiasf-new-state-mushroom-farm-workers-buy-mobile-home-park","title":"Saying Goodbye to AsiaSF; New State Mushroom; Farm Workers Buy Mobile Home Park","publishDate":1714762821,"format":"standard","headTitle":"Saying Goodbye to AsiaSF; New State Mushroom; Farm Workers Buy Mobile Home Park | KQED","labelTerm":{},"content":"\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/the-california-report-magazine/id1314750545?mt=2\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Listen to this and more in-depth storytelling by subscribing to The California Report Magazine podcast.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"routes-Site-routes-Post-Title-__Title__title\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11984363/im-gonna-miss-it-inside-one-of-asiasfs-last-live-cabarets-in-the-soma\">‘I’m Gonna Miss It’: Inside One of AsiaSF’s Last Live Cabarets in the SoMa\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Famous for showcasing transgender performers for more than a quarter century, AsiaSF, the beloved San Francisco restaurant and club, closed its doors this week. Reporter Wilma Consul went to one of the final shows at AsiaSF, and tells us how the groundbreaking venue became a place where people from all over the world could find joy and authenticity.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>\u003cspan dir=\"auto\">Hunting for California’s New State Mushroom\u003c/span>\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California has had a state flower and state animal for awhile now, but this year we finally got an official state mushroom. KQED’s Danielle Venton takes us foraging to try to find the Golden Chanterelle.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"routes-Site-routes-Post-Title-__Title__title\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11977464/to-fight-rising-rents-these-fresno-county-residents-bought-their-mobile-home-park\">To Fight Rising Rents, These Fresno County Residents Bought Their Mobile Home Park\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In Fresno County, a group of farmworkers living in a mobile home park did something that might seem impossible in a time of rising housing costs: They bought the park from their corporate landlords. The California Report’s Madi Bolanos tells us how they did it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":null,"status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1714768564,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":6,"wordCount":201},"headData":{"title":"Saying Goodbye to AsiaSF; New State Mushroom; Farm Workers Buy Mobile Home Park | KQED","description":"Listen to this and more in-depth storytelling by subscribing to The California Report Magazine podcast. ‘I’m Gonna Miss It’: Inside One of AsiaSF’s Last Live Cabarets in the SoMa Famous for showcasing transgender performers for more than a quarter century, AsiaSF, the beloved San Francisco restaurant and club, closed its doors this week. Reporter Wilma Consul went to one of the final shows at AsiaSF, and tells us how the groundbreaking venue became a place where people from all over the world could find joy and authenticity. Hunting for California's New State Mushroom California has had a state flower and","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Saying Goodbye to AsiaSF; New State Mushroom; Farm Workers Buy Mobile Home Park","datePublished":"2024-05-03T19:00:21.000Z","dateModified":"2024-05-03T20:36:04.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"source":"The California Report Magazine","sourceUrl":"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/tcrmag/ ","audioUrl":"https://www.podtrac.com/pts/redirect.mp3/chrt.fm/track/G6C7C3/traffic.megaphone.fm/KQINC2557955843.mp3?updated=1714611932","sticky":false,"nprStoryId":"kqed-11984739","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11984739/saying-goodbye-to-asiasf-new-state-mushroom-farm-workers-buy-mobile-home-park","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/the-california-report-magazine/id1314750545?mt=2\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Listen to this and more in-depth storytelling by subscribing to The California Report Magazine podcast.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"routes-Site-routes-Post-Title-__Title__title\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11984363/im-gonna-miss-it-inside-one-of-asiasfs-last-live-cabarets-in-the-soma\">‘I’m Gonna Miss It’: Inside One of AsiaSF’s Last Live Cabarets in the SoMa\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Famous for showcasing transgender performers for more than a quarter century, AsiaSF, the beloved San Francisco restaurant and club, closed its doors this week. Reporter Wilma Consul went to one of the final shows at AsiaSF, and tells us how the groundbreaking venue became a place where people from all over the world could find joy and authenticity.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>\u003cspan dir=\"auto\">Hunting for California’s New State Mushroom\u003c/span>\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California has had a state flower and state animal for awhile now, but this year we finally got an official state mushroom. KQED’s Danielle Venton takes us foraging to try to find the Golden Chanterelle.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"routes-Site-routes-Post-Title-__Title__title\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11977464/to-fight-rising-rents-these-fresno-county-residents-bought-their-mobile-home-park\">To Fight Rising Rents, These Fresno County Residents Bought Their Mobile Home Park\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In Fresno County, a group of farmworkers living in a mobile home park did something that might seem impossible in a time of rising housing costs: They bought the park from their corporate landlords. The California Report’s Madi Bolanos tells us how they did it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11984739/saying-goodbye-to-asiasf-new-state-mushroom-farm-workers-buy-mobile-home-park","authors":["236"],"programs":["news_72","news_26731"],"categories":["news_21291"],"tags":["news_5438","news_20004","news_126","news_23013","news_33987"],"featImg":"news_11984346","label":"source_news_11984739"},"news_11984363":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11984363","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11984363","found":true},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"im-gonna-miss-it-inside-one-of-asiasfs-last-live-cabarets-in-the-soma","title":"‘I’m Gonna Miss It’: Inside One of AsiaSF’s Last Live Cabarets in SoMa","publishDate":1714746697,"format":"standard","headTitle":"‘I’m Gonna Miss It’: Inside One of AsiaSF’s Last Live Cabarets in SoMa | KQED","labelTerm":{},"content":"\u003cp>They’re called the Ladies of AsiaSF.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a recent Sunday night, they danced and sashayed on the bar counter-turned stage of this cabaret and restaurant while the crowd clapped, snapped and whistled. The ladies lip-synched and emoted songs by Rihanna, Madonna and Beyoncé. And just like those pop icons, they’re known only by their first names.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It embraced me like nobody else. It gave me a place to be who I really am,” Karmina said while folding napkins before the guests arrived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For more than a quarter century, AsiaSF has been a pioneer in supporting and showcasing transgender performers like Karmina.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She started working at AsiaSF in 2000 while volunteering for the Asian HIV-AIDS educational group called the Rice Girls. Living as a gay man before, Karmina said, “It never crossed my mind that I could live my authentic life … Karmina was born here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in February, the beloved San Francisco institution announced it was closing its doors on March 31, the Transgender Day of Visibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984346\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984346\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240426-ASIASF-018-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240426-ASIASF-018-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240426-ASIASF-018-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240426-ASIASF-018-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240426-ASIASF-018-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240426-ASIASF-018-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240426-ASIASF-018-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jasmine (left) and Karmina perform at AsiaSF in San Francisco on April 26, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The news jolted the city’s LGBTQ+ community and generated overwhelming support for the club. AsiaSF had to add dates and show times that kept the venue open until April 28.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we made the announcement, the community has come forth,” said Larry Hashbarger, founder and CEO of AsiaSF, in his office behind the club in San Francisco’s South of Market neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, it wasn’t enough to save the iconic institution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The whole nightlife scene has changed dramatically since COVID, so the dynamics of running a nighttime business has been challenged,” Hashbarger said. He added he was ready to retire and, along with his co-owners, decided it was time to close the shop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984352\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984352\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240426-ASIASF-036-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240426-ASIASF-036-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240426-ASIASF-036-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240426-ASIASF-036-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240426-ASIASF-036-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240426-ASIASF-036-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240426-ASIASF-036-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Kimmy (left) and Larry Hashbarger, founder and CEO of AsiaSF, watch performances at the dinner theatre in San Francisco on April 26, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But Hashbarger said that since news of the closure became public, every show sold out. For the last three months, Asia SF has operated like it did in its heyday. And on the night I attended the show, the club was packed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I spoke with Blaire after she got ready for the performance. At first, Blaire came off as shy and somewhat reserved. She transitioned during her teens, so by the time she got to AsiaSF at 24, she said she felt confident in her identity. But she spent a decade doing hair and had never performed before. Now, eight years later, she’s a pro.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Learning how to perform has been, more so, learning how to embrace myself on the stage,” said Blaire, who served as emcee that night. She pumped up the crowd, no longer as bashful as she first seemed. And with every prompt to cheer, the room got hyped, ready to embrace their favorite ladies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984347\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984347\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240426-ASIASF-025-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240426-ASIASF-025-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240426-ASIASF-025-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240426-ASIASF-025-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240426-ASIASF-025-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240426-ASIASF-025-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240426-ASIASF-025-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Blair performs at Asia SF in San Francisco on April 26, 2024. The SoMa restaurant and cabaret, starring transgender women, closed its doors on April 28, 2024, after 26 years. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Besides the performances, audience engagement was one of AsiaSF’s specialties. On intermissions and at the end of the shows, the performers mingled with guests as they served drinks and closed tabs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While most dinner shows offer salads and pastas, AsiaSF took pride in its California-Asian fusion menu, a three-course meal of dishes like tamarind chicken satay, blackened tuna sashimi, orange lamb, “baby got back” ribs and green tea cheesecake. Signature cocktails bore the personalities of the performers: Karmina’s Kiss, Blair’s Temptation and Gia’s Espresso Martini.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AsiaSF opened in April 1998, when the dot-com industry was just bubbling in San Francisco. The city was home to a handful of venues like The Motherlode, Finnochio’s and The Stud that featured what was then called “drag shows.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984348\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984348\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240426-ASIASF-027-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240426-ASIASF-027-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240426-ASIASF-027-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240426-ASIASF-027-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240426-ASIASF-027-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240426-ASIASF-027-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240426-ASIASF-027-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gia performs at AsiaSF in San Francisco on April 26, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Inspired by his travels to Thailand, where Hashbarger saw transgender women performing, he had a flash of inspiration. He decided to bring a piece of Southeast Asia to San Francisco — hence, AsiaSF. Co-founder Skip Young worked as an investment and advertising executive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we first opened, the word transgender wasn’t even in our vocabulary. AsiaSF evolved with the language,” Hashbarger said.[aside postID=news_11981253 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240217-OAKLAND-QUEER-SPACES-KSM-04-KQED-1920x1280-1-1020x680.jpg']Karmina said words like “drag,” “transvestites,” “TG,” “transsexuals” and “gender illusionists” were used to describe the performers. “For the latter part of our existence, they called it cabaret. For us, it’s just [the] AsiaSF experience.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the years, AsiaSF has stayed true to its mission of bringing love and diversity to the city. When it finally closed, it marked a 26-year legacy as a haven for transgender women and a place that touched and transformed lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hashbarger said AsiaSF will continue as a pop-up performance troupe beyond the walls of its San Francisco home. But employees said the club’s closure is heartbreaking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s scary. It’s sad. I don’t know what I’ll be doing after this,” said Violet, who at 25 is the youngest and last-hired performer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many staff, like Karmina, have worked here almost as long as AsiaSF has been open. It became a family — the same feeling they wanted the audience to leave with.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The whole essence of AsiaSF is, like, we connect with people, hosting their parties,” she said. “They cheer for us. It validates who you are. I’m gonna miss it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"As one of the Bay Area’s most iconic clubs, AsiaSF has proudly showcased and supported transgender performers for the past 26 years. KQED captured one of its last live shows before it permanently closed.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1714777786,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":25,"wordCount":1010},"headData":{"title":"‘I’m Gonna Miss It’: Inside One of AsiaSF’s Last Live Cabarets in SoMa | KQED","description":"As one of the Bay Area’s most iconic clubs, AsiaSF has proudly showcased and supported transgender performers for the past 26 years. KQED captured one of its last live shows before it permanently closed.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"‘I’m Gonna Miss It’: Inside One of AsiaSF’s Last Live Cabarets in SoMa","datePublished":"2024-05-03T14:31:37.000Z","dateModified":"2024-05-03T23:09:46.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"source":"The California Report Magzine ","sourceUrl":"https://www.kqed.org/californiareportmagazine","audioUrl":"https://traffic.omny.fm/d/clips/0af137ef-751e-4b19-a055-aaef00d2d578/ffca7e9f-6831-41c5-bcaf-aaef00f5a073/0d35bfd5-708c-49d3-994b-b16400102ae9/audio.mp3","sticky":false,"nprByline":"Wilma B. Consul","nprStoryId":"kqed-11984363","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","showOnAuthorArchivePages":"No","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11984363/im-gonna-miss-it-inside-one-of-asiasfs-last-live-cabarets-in-the-soma","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>They’re called the Ladies of AsiaSF.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a recent Sunday night, they danced and sashayed on the bar counter-turned stage of this cabaret and restaurant while the crowd clapped, snapped and whistled. The ladies lip-synched and emoted songs by Rihanna, Madonna and Beyoncé. And just like those pop icons, they’re known only by their first names.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It embraced me like nobody else. It gave me a place to be who I really am,” Karmina said while folding napkins before the guests arrived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For more than a quarter century, AsiaSF has been a pioneer in supporting and showcasing transgender performers like Karmina.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She started working at AsiaSF in 2000 while volunteering for the Asian HIV-AIDS educational group called the Rice Girls. Living as a gay man before, Karmina said, “It never crossed my mind that I could live my authentic life … Karmina was born here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in February, the beloved San Francisco institution announced it was closing its doors on March 31, the Transgender Day of Visibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984346\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984346\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240426-ASIASF-018-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240426-ASIASF-018-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240426-ASIASF-018-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240426-ASIASF-018-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240426-ASIASF-018-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240426-ASIASF-018-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240426-ASIASF-018-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jasmine (left) and Karmina perform at AsiaSF in San Francisco on April 26, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The news jolted the city’s LGBTQ+ community and generated overwhelming support for the club. AsiaSF had to add dates and show times that kept the venue open until April 28.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we made the announcement, the community has come forth,” said Larry Hashbarger, founder and CEO of AsiaSF, in his office behind the club in San Francisco’s South of Market neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, it wasn’t enough to save the iconic institution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The whole nightlife scene has changed dramatically since COVID, so the dynamics of running a nighttime business has been challenged,” Hashbarger said. He added he was ready to retire and, along with his co-owners, decided it was time to close the shop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984352\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984352\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240426-ASIASF-036-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240426-ASIASF-036-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240426-ASIASF-036-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240426-ASIASF-036-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240426-ASIASF-036-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240426-ASIASF-036-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240426-ASIASF-036-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Kimmy (left) and Larry Hashbarger, founder and CEO of AsiaSF, watch performances at the dinner theatre in San Francisco on April 26, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But Hashbarger said that since news of the closure became public, every show sold out. For the last three months, Asia SF has operated like it did in its heyday. And on the night I attended the show, the club was packed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I spoke with Blaire after she got ready for the performance. At first, Blaire came off as shy and somewhat reserved. She transitioned during her teens, so by the time she got to AsiaSF at 24, she said she felt confident in her identity. But she spent a decade doing hair and had never performed before. Now, eight years later, she’s a pro.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Learning how to perform has been, more so, learning how to embrace myself on the stage,” said Blaire, who served as emcee that night. She pumped up the crowd, no longer as bashful as she first seemed. And with every prompt to cheer, the room got hyped, ready to embrace their favorite ladies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984347\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984347\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240426-ASIASF-025-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240426-ASIASF-025-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240426-ASIASF-025-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240426-ASIASF-025-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240426-ASIASF-025-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240426-ASIASF-025-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240426-ASIASF-025-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Blair performs at Asia SF in San Francisco on April 26, 2024. The SoMa restaurant and cabaret, starring transgender women, closed its doors on April 28, 2024, after 26 years. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Besides the performances, audience engagement was one of AsiaSF’s specialties. On intermissions and at the end of the shows, the performers mingled with guests as they served drinks and closed tabs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While most dinner shows offer salads and pastas, AsiaSF took pride in its California-Asian fusion menu, a three-course meal of dishes like tamarind chicken satay, blackened tuna sashimi, orange lamb, “baby got back” ribs and green tea cheesecake. Signature cocktails bore the personalities of the performers: Karmina’s Kiss, Blair’s Temptation and Gia’s Espresso Martini.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AsiaSF opened in April 1998, when the dot-com industry was just bubbling in San Francisco. The city was home to a handful of venues like The Motherlode, Finnochio’s and The Stud that featured what was then called “drag shows.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984348\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984348\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240426-ASIASF-027-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240426-ASIASF-027-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240426-ASIASF-027-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240426-ASIASF-027-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240426-ASIASF-027-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240426-ASIASF-027-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240426-ASIASF-027-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gia performs at AsiaSF in San Francisco on April 26, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Inspired by his travels to Thailand, where Hashbarger saw transgender women performing, he had a flash of inspiration. He decided to bring a piece of Southeast Asia to San Francisco — hence, AsiaSF. Co-founder Skip Young worked as an investment and advertising executive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we first opened, the word transgender wasn’t even in our vocabulary. AsiaSF evolved with the language,” Hashbarger said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11981253","hero":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240217-OAKLAND-QUEER-SPACES-KSM-04-KQED-1920x1280-1-1020x680.jpg","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Karmina said words like “drag,” “transvestites,” “TG,” “transsexuals” and “gender illusionists” were used to describe the performers. “For the latter part of our existence, they called it cabaret. For us, it’s just [the] AsiaSF experience.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the years, AsiaSF has stayed true to its mission of bringing love and diversity to the city. When it finally closed, it marked a 26-year legacy as a haven for transgender women and a place that touched and transformed lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hashbarger said AsiaSF will continue as a pop-up performance troupe beyond the walls of its San Francisco home. But employees said the club’s closure is heartbreaking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s scary. It’s sad. I don’t know what I’ll be doing after this,” said Violet, who at 25 is the youngest and last-hired performer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many staff, like Karmina, have worked here almost as long as AsiaSF has been open. It became a family — the same feeling they wanted the audience to leave with.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The whole essence of AsiaSF is, like, we connect with people, hosting their parties,” she said. “They cheer for us. It validates who you are. I’m gonna miss it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11984363/im-gonna-miss-it-inside-one-of-asiasfs-last-live-cabarets-in-the-soma","authors":["byline_news_11984363"],"programs":["news_72","news_26731"],"categories":["news_8"],"tags":["news_19133","news_32662","news_27626","news_20004","news_24608","news_38"],"featImg":"news_11984349","label":"source_news_11984363"},"news_11984496":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11984496","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11984496","found":true},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"bay-area-beaches-with-wheelchair-rentals","title":"How Wheelchair Rentals Can Open Up Bay Area Beaches (and Where to Find Them)","publishDate":1714734051,"format":"standard","headTitle":"How Wheelchair Rentals Can Open Up Bay Area Beaches (and Where to Find Them) | KQED","labelTerm":{"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>Bonnie Lewkowicz recalls her first time ever trying a motorized beach wheelchair on the sands of Mission Beach down in San Diego — over 15 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It kind of was like I was riding my chariot. It was bright yellow, so it really stood out,” said Lewkowicz, program manager at Bay Area Outreach and Recreation Program. “But people weren’t staring at me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The feeling of being “just another person on the beach,” she said, was “really kind of revelatory for me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewkowicz has worked for more than forty years advocating for accessibility in sports and outdoor recreation for people with disabilities and is the creator of \u003ca href=\"https://accessnca.org/\">Access Northern California\u003c/a>, a site that promotes accessible trails in the region. And motorized beach wheelchairs like the one Lewkowicz describes are an example of an all-terrain wheelchair designed for disabled people to use out in nature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of these all-terrain wheelchairs are highly sophisticated and use the same type of technology that tanks use in their designs. “You have chairs that climb mountains,” Lewkowicz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recently, she tested an all-terrain \u003ca href=\"https://freedomtrax.com/\">Freedom Trax\u003c/a> wheelchair, which enabled her to take the stairs directly down to the beach for the first time in over 50 years. “It didn’t prevent me from getting onto the beach — and then going wherever I wanted to, and just be[ing] on the beach like everyone else, and under my own power,” she said. “It was indescribable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What to bear in mind when looking for a beach wheelchair rental\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Beaches can be challenging to make accessible, Lewkowicz said. Designing a wheelchair for the beach is not an easy task, which makes the resulting equipment very expensive to own as an individual — and even more so for a motorized one. “But they sure offer a greater amount of independence,” Lewkowicz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By contrast, manual — non-motorized — wheelchairs can be more affordable but bring drawbacks. They’re not always easy to push on the beach, Lewkowicz said, and require a second person to assist with pushing the chair. For example, “Two elderly people that have mobility disabilities … might not be able to push one another,” Lewkowicz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, manual beach wheelchairs can offer large wheels meant to tackle the sandy terrain and specialized handles to make this pushing easier. While beaches in the Bay Area do not yet offer motorized beach wheelchairs for rent, you can still find many areas where manual wheelchairs are available — usually for free.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewkowicz said that this kind of adaptive equipment “doesn’t have to be so narrowly thought of that it’s just for someone that has a permanent disability.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Maybe you’re recovering from hip surgery or something, and you’re an avid beachgoer [who wants] to get on the beach while you’re recovering,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Exploring the Golden Gate with a wheelchair rental\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At Golden Gate National Recreation Area (GGNRA), \u003ca href=\"https://www.coastal.ca.gov/access/beach-wheelchairs.html\">the beach wheelchair program began thanks to a donation from the California Coastal Commission\u003c/a>. “The donation was to purchase a beach wheelchair and make it free to individuals visiting the park. And after 15 years, our program has grown over time, and it’s a very popular program,” said Richard De La O, accessibility program manager at GGNRA, Muir Woods National Monument and Fort Point National Historic Site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/goga/planyourvisit/beach-wheelchairs.htm\">GGNRA offers beach wheelchairs as a free service to visitors throughout the park\u003c/a>. Wheelchairs are kept in lockers on-site at Stinson Beach, Muir Beach, Rodeo Beach, Baker Beach and Crissy Field’s East Beach. They can also be picked up from the GGNRA headquarters building at Fort Mason for use elsewhere in the park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To reserve a wheelchair, you can email the accessibility team at goga_accessibility@nps.gov with your name, phone number and the location within the park that you’ll be visiting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, seasonal beach mats are available at Rodeo Beach and Crissy Field’s East Beach — to provide a surface that’s easier for a wheelchair to navigate at the entrance of each beach. (\u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/goga/planyourvisit/beach-wheelchairs.htm\">Read more information about wheelchairs and beach mats at GGNRA\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Where can I rent or borrow a beach wheelchair in the Bay Area?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Here’s a list of beaches that offer beach wheelchair reservations in the Bay Area, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.coastal.ca.gov/access/beach-wheelchairs.html\">California Coastal Commission.\u003c/a> Ways to reserve a wheelchair can greatly differ from place to place, so be sure you’ve made the right arrangements for the spot you’re heading to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>City and County of San Francisco\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Baker Beach, San Francisco.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Ocean Beach, San Francisco\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>East Beach, Crissy Field, San Francisco\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Fort Mason, San Francisco\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/goga/planyourvisit/beach-wheelchairs.htm\">Reserve a chair ahead of time\u003c/a> to pick up from Fort Mason and drive to other San Francisco beaches. Email goga_accessibility@nps.gov or call 415-561-4700.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>San Mateo County\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Francis Beach\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Half Moon Bay State Beach\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Two manual wheelchairs are available free of charge from the entrance kiosk upon request. Call 650-726-8821 or \u003ca href=\"https://access.parks.ca.gov/parkinfo.asp?park=100&type=0\">find more information online\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alameda County\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Crown Memorial State Beach, Alameda\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Wheelchairs are available on a first-come, first-served basis. They require an assistant to push and are not intended to enter the water. To arrange for the use of a chair, call the Crab Cove Visitors Center at 510-544-3187 or the Crown Beach park office at 888-27-2757, option 3, ext. 4522. Arrangements will be made to bring the chair out to the beach. It takes approximately 15 minutes to prepare the chair. Staff will give a brief orientation to the chair and arrange a time for the chair to be returned. For more information, call 510-544-3187 or \u003ca href=\"https://www.ebparks.org/parks/crown-beach\">find more details online\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marin County\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/pore/planyourvisit/beach-wheelchairs.htm\">Drakes Beach, Point Reyes National Seashore\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Schoonmaker Point Marina, Sausalito. Contact Environmental Traveling Companions to reserve a chair: 415-474-7662 x13 or email kayak@etctrips.org\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Rodeo Beach, Headlands Visitor Center, Ft. Barry: The chair must be reserved ahead of time. To reserve and find more information, call 415-331-1540 or 415-561-4700 or email goga_accessibility@nps.gov.\u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/goga/planyourvisit/beach-wheelchairs.htm\"> Read more information online.\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Muir Beach: The chair must be reserved ahead of time. To reserve and find more information, call 415-331-1540 or 415-561-4700 or email goga_accessibility@nps.gov. \u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/goga/planyourvisit/beach-wheelchairs.htm\">Read more information online.\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>China Camp State Park, San Rafael: Two beach wheelchairs are available on a first-come, first-served basis. They can be checked out from the China Camp Village cafe at 100 China Camp Village Road, San Rafael, open Saturday and Sunday except during winter months. For further information, contact Friends of China Camp at info@friendsofchinacamp.org or 415-456-0766.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Heart’s Desire Beach, Tomales Bay: A wheelchair is available year-round and is secured in the parking area at Heart’s Desire Beach. Visitors need to contact staff in advance to request the wheelchair and complete the waiver form. Call the Tomales Bay office at 415-669-1140 and leave a message regarding the chair, or email Nicholas Turner at Nicholas.Turner@parks.ca.gov or Michael Stockinger at Michael.Stockinger@parks.ca.gov.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Stinson Beach: For more information, call 415-561-4700 or \u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/goga/planyourvisit/beach-wheelchairs.htm\">find more details online.\u003c/a> To reserve a chair ahead of time, email goga_accessibility@nps.gov.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sonoma County\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Doran Beach Regional Park, Bodega Bay: All-terrain wheelchairs are available for free use on a first-come, first-served basis. Parks staff will assist with the check-out/check-in process. Please inquire with park staff at the entry station. \u003ca href=\"https://parks.sonomacounty.ca.gov/visit/find-a-park/doran-regional-park\">Find more information online\u003c/a> or contact Sonoma County Regional Park’s Accessibility and Inclusivity Manager Nubia Padilla, at nubia.padilla@sonoma-county.org.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Bodega Dunes Campground: For availability, call 707-875-3483 and\u003ca href=\"http://access.parks.ca.gov/parkinfo.asp?park=65&type=0\"> find more details online.\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Wright’s Beach Campground, Sonoma: A beach wheelchair is available on a first-come, first-serve basis. For more information, call 707-875-3483 or \u003ca href=\"https://wheelingcalscoast.org/site.php?site=94\">find details online.\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Fort Ross State Historic Park, Jenner: A beach wheelchair is available from the visitor center. \u003ca href=\"https://access.parks.ca.gov/parkinfo.asp?park=63&type=4\">Find more information online\u003c/a> or call 707-847-3437.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Gualala Point Regional Park, Sonoma: At the visitor center, available on a first-come, first-served basis. On-site park staff will assist with the check-out/check-in process. \u003ca href=\"https://parks.sonomacounty.ca.gov/visit/find-a-park/gualala-point-regional-park\">Find more information online\u003c/a> or call 707-785-2377.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"A growing number of beaches around the Bay Area now offer free wheelchair rentals for disabled residents to use. Here’s where to find them and how they work.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1714771876,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":26,"wordCount":1427},"headData":{"title":"How Wheelchair Rentals Can Open Up Bay Area Beaches (and Where to Find Them) | KQED","description":"A growing number of beaches around the Bay Area now offer free wheelchair rentals for disabled residents to use. Here’s where to find them and how they work.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"How Wheelchair Rentals Can Open Up Bay Area Beaches (and Where to Find Them)","datePublished":"2024-05-03T11:00:51.000Z","dateModified":"2024-05-03T21:31:16.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"sticky":false,"nprStoryId":"kqed-11984496","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11984496/bay-area-beaches-with-wheelchair-rentals","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Bonnie Lewkowicz recalls her first time ever trying a motorized beach wheelchair on the sands of Mission Beach down in San Diego — over 15 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It kind of was like I was riding my chariot. It was bright yellow, so it really stood out,” said Lewkowicz, program manager at Bay Area Outreach and Recreation Program. “But people weren’t staring at me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The feeling of being “just another person on the beach,” she said, was “really kind of revelatory for me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewkowicz has worked for more than forty years advocating for accessibility in sports and outdoor recreation for people with disabilities and is the creator of \u003ca href=\"https://accessnca.org/\">Access Northern California\u003c/a>, a site that promotes accessible trails in the region. And motorized beach wheelchairs like the one Lewkowicz describes are an example of an all-terrain wheelchair designed for disabled people to use out in nature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of these all-terrain wheelchairs are highly sophisticated and use the same type of technology that tanks use in their designs. “You have chairs that climb mountains,” Lewkowicz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recently, she tested an all-terrain \u003ca href=\"https://freedomtrax.com/\">Freedom Trax\u003c/a> wheelchair, which enabled her to take the stairs directly down to the beach for the first time in over 50 years. “It didn’t prevent me from getting onto the beach — and then going wherever I wanted to, and just be[ing] on the beach like everyone else, and under my own power,” she said. “It was indescribable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What to bear in mind when looking for a beach wheelchair rental\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Beaches can be challenging to make accessible, Lewkowicz said. Designing a wheelchair for the beach is not an easy task, which makes the resulting equipment very expensive to own as an individual — and even more so for a motorized one. “But they sure offer a greater amount of independence,” Lewkowicz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By contrast, manual — non-motorized — wheelchairs can be more affordable but bring drawbacks. They’re not always easy to push on the beach, Lewkowicz said, and require a second person to assist with pushing the chair. For example, “Two elderly people that have mobility disabilities … might not be able to push one another,” Lewkowicz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, manual beach wheelchairs can offer large wheels meant to tackle the sandy terrain and specialized handles to make this pushing easier. While beaches in the Bay Area do not yet offer motorized beach wheelchairs for rent, you can still find many areas where manual wheelchairs are available — usually for free.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewkowicz said that this kind of adaptive equipment “doesn’t have to be so narrowly thought of that it’s just for someone that has a permanent disability.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Maybe you’re recovering from hip surgery or something, and you’re an avid beachgoer [who wants] to get on the beach while you’re recovering,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Exploring the Golden Gate with a wheelchair rental\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At Golden Gate National Recreation Area (GGNRA), \u003ca href=\"https://www.coastal.ca.gov/access/beach-wheelchairs.html\">the beach wheelchair program began thanks to a donation from the California Coastal Commission\u003c/a>. “The donation was to purchase a beach wheelchair and make it free to individuals visiting the park. And after 15 years, our program has grown over time, and it’s a very popular program,” said Richard De La O, accessibility program manager at GGNRA, Muir Woods National Monument and Fort Point National Historic Site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/goga/planyourvisit/beach-wheelchairs.htm\">GGNRA offers beach wheelchairs as a free service to visitors throughout the park\u003c/a>. Wheelchairs are kept in lockers on-site at Stinson Beach, Muir Beach, Rodeo Beach, Baker Beach and Crissy Field’s East Beach. They can also be picked up from the GGNRA headquarters building at Fort Mason for use elsewhere in the park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To reserve a wheelchair, you can email the accessibility team at goga_accessibility@nps.gov with your name, phone number and the location within the park that you’ll be visiting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, seasonal beach mats are available at Rodeo Beach and Crissy Field’s East Beach — to provide a surface that’s easier for a wheelchair to navigate at the entrance of each beach. (\u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/goga/planyourvisit/beach-wheelchairs.htm\">Read more information about wheelchairs and beach mats at GGNRA\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Where can I rent or borrow a beach wheelchair in the Bay Area?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Here’s a list of beaches that offer beach wheelchair reservations in the Bay Area, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.coastal.ca.gov/access/beach-wheelchairs.html\">California Coastal Commission.\u003c/a> Ways to reserve a wheelchair can greatly differ from place to place, so be sure you’ve made the right arrangements for the spot you’re heading to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>City and County of San Francisco\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Baker Beach, San Francisco.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Ocean Beach, San Francisco\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>East Beach, Crissy Field, San Francisco\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Fort Mason, San Francisco\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/goga/planyourvisit/beach-wheelchairs.htm\">Reserve a chair ahead of time\u003c/a> to pick up from Fort Mason and drive to other San Francisco beaches. Email goga_accessibility@nps.gov or call 415-561-4700.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>San Mateo County\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Francis Beach\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Half Moon Bay State Beach\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Two manual wheelchairs are available free of charge from the entrance kiosk upon request. Call 650-726-8821 or \u003ca href=\"https://access.parks.ca.gov/parkinfo.asp?park=100&type=0\">find more information online\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alameda County\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Crown Memorial State Beach, Alameda\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Wheelchairs are available on a first-come, first-served basis. They require an assistant to push and are not intended to enter the water. To arrange for the use of a chair, call the Crab Cove Visitors Center at 510-544-3187 or the Crown Beach park office at 888-27-2757, option 3, ext. 4522. Arrangements will be made to bring the chair out to the beach. It takes approximately 15 minutes to prepare the chair. Staff will give a brief orientation to the chair and arrange a time for the chair to be returned. For more information, call 510-544-3187 or \u003ca href=\"https://www.ebparks.org/parks/crown-beach\">find more details online\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marin County\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/pore/planyourvisit/beach-wheelchairs.htm\">Drakes Beach, Point Reyes National Seashore\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Schoonmaker Point Marina, Sausalito. Contact Environmental Traveling Companions to reserve a chair: 415-474-7662 x13 or email kayak@etctrips.org\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Rodeo Beach, Headlands Visitor Center, Ft. Barry: The chair must be reserved ahead of time. To reserve and find more information, call 415-331-1540 or 415-561-4700 or email goga_accessibility@nps.gov.\u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/goga/planyourvisit/beach-wheelchairs.htm\"> Read more information online.\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Muir Beach: The chair must be reserved ahead of time. To reserve and find more information, call 415-331-1540 or 415-561-4700 or email goga_accessibility@nps.gov. \u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/goga/planyourvisit/beach-wheelchairs.htm\">Read more information online.\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>China Camp State Park, San Rafael: Two beach wheelchairs are available on a first-come, first-served basis. They can be checked out from the China Camp Village cafe at 100 China Camp Village Road, San Rafael, open Saturday and Sunday except during winter months. For further information, contact Friends of China Camp at info@friendsofchinacamp.org or 415-456-0766.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Heart’s Desire Beach, Tomales Bay: A wheelchair is available year-round and is secured in the parking area at Heart’s Desire Beach. Visitors need to contact staff in advance to request the wheelchair and complete the waiver form. Call the Tomales Bay office at 415-669-1140 and leave a message regarding the chair, or email Nicholas Turner at Nicholas.Turner@parks.ca.gov or Michael Stockinger at Michael.Stockinger@parks.ca.gov.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Stinson Beach: For more information, call 415-561-4700 or \u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/goga/planyourvisit/beach-wheelchairs.htm\">find more details online.\u003c/a> To reserve a chair ahead of time, email goga_accessibility@nps.gov.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sonoma County\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Doran Beach Regional Park, Bodega Bay: All-terrain wheelchairs are available for free use on a first-come, first-served basis. Parks staff will assist with the check-out/check-in process. Please inquire with park staff at the entry station. \u003ca href=\"https://parks.sonomacounty.ca.gov/visit/find-a-park/doran-regional-park\">Find more information online\u003c/a> or contact Sonoma County Regional Park’s Accessibility and Inclusivity Manager Nubia Padilla, at nubia.padilla@sonoma-county.org.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Bodega Dunes Campground: For availability, call 707-875-3483 and\u003ca href=\"http://access.parks.ca.gov/parkinfo.asp?park=65&type=0\"> find more details online.\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Wright’s Beach Campground, Sonoma: A beach wheelchair is available on a first-come, first-serve basis. For more information, call 707-875-3483 or \u003ca href=\"https://wheelingcalscoast.org/site.php?site=94\">find details online.\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Fort Ross State Historic Park, Jenner: A beach wheelchair is available from the visitor center. \u003ca href=\"https://access.parks.ca.gov/parkinfo.asp?park=63&type=4\">Find more information online\u003c/a> or call 707-847-3437.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Gualala Point Regional Park, Sonoma: At the visitor center, available on a first-come, first-served basis. On-site park staff will assist with the check-out/check-in process. \u003ca href=\"https://parks.sonomacounty.ca.gov/visit/find-a-park/gualala-point-regional-park\">Find more information online\u003c/a> or call 707-785-2377.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11984496/bay-area-beaches-with-wheelchair-rentals","authors":["11631"],"categories":["news_8"],"tags":["news_28002","news_32707","news_22993","news_29228","news_5648"],"featImg":"news_11984740","label":"news"},"news_11984656":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11984656","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11984656","found":true},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"california-housing-is-even-less-affordable-than-you-think-uc-berkeley-study-says","title":"California Housing Is Even Less Affordable Than You Think, UC Berkeley Study Says","publishDate":1714665606,"format":"standard","headTitle":"California Housing Is Even Less Affordable Than You Think, UC Berkeley Study Says | KQED","labelTerm":{"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>As California tries to claw its way out of its housing affordability crisis, policymakers have been asking the wrong question, according to a new study from UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://url.us.m.mimecastprotect.com/s/3YtGCn5zDjCmJQVlu9g94t?domain=ternercenter.berkeley.edu\">The study\u003c/a>, published Thursday by researchers at the Terner Center for Housing Innovation, argues the classic question — “Is a place affordable?” — should instead be supplanted with a new one: “Who can afford this place?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That might seem like a subtle distinction, said Issi Romem, co-author and founder of economics research firm, \u003ca href=\"https://metrosight.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">MetroSight\u003c/a>. But its implications are enormous.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The differences are just really stark,” Romem said. “We have been, on a grand scale, misleading ourselves with our current metrics to think they are much more affordable than they are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The problem, Romem said, is that those metrics don’t account for a simple truth: People who can’t afford rent or mortgage payments in a place often don’t live there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In other words, we’ve been saying Beverly Hills is perfectly affordable because the people who live there can afford it,” Romem said. “And we’ve been doing that for a broader geography than just Beverly Hills.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To determine whether a given county is affordable, policymakers might look at how many people earning the area’s median income can afford to rent or buy a median-priced home. A home is considered “affordable” if the household’s earners are paying no more than 30% of their income on rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To craft a new definition of affordability, Romem, and co-author, Dan Shoag looked at responses to a Census questionnaire that asked whether people felt they could afford their expenses after paying for housing costs comfortably, were doing OK, just getting by, or having difficulty. They then looked at a broader set of Census respondents’ incomes and housing costs and used that as the basis for determining the affordability of each county for all Californians, including those not living in the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://url.us.m.mimecastprotect.com/s/o_suCo2OEkuv7Jmlszepp4?domain=ternercenter.berkeley.edu\">result is an interactive map\u003c/a> that shows how many Californians could afford to live in each county — which paints a much bleaker picture of the state’s most expensive areas than had previously been shown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Take San Francisco, for example, where the median household income was close to \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/fact/table/sanfranciscocitycalifornia/PST045222\">$137,000 in 2022.\u003c/a> Under the classic definition of affordability, 67% of renters are “comfortable” or “doing OK.” However, under the definition Romem and his colleagues created, only 23% of Californians would be able to rent there either comfortably or OK.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s an idea that resonates with 31-year-old software developer Nick Fallon. Until December, when he was laid off from his job, he was making $120,000 and paying $2,650 per month in rent for a one-bedroom apartment in the Castro District. He could afford it but felt like it was impossible to save any money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t see a future where I could retire here,” Fallon said. “I don’t see a future where I could have children if I wanted them. Buying a house is completely out of the picture. Ever.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='More Housing Coverage' tag='housing']But rather than simply showing that expensive places like San Francisco are indeed expensive, the Terner Center’s new tool goes further. It allows users to add transportation and childcare costs and accounts for relative differences in incomes across counties, providing a more nuanced picture of rural areas than had previously been shown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It shows that access to public transportation makes urban areas more affordable than they might otherwise be, and rural places — where transit is scarce and incomes are relatively lower — end up being less affordable than they would otherwise seem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s something Colin Sanders experienced firsthand when he moved from Oakland to Twain Harte, a small mountain community in Tuolumne County. The 34-year-old mechanic had been splitting a master bedroom in a West Oakland home for $1,600 per month. In 2020, Sanders bought a 900-square-foot, off-grid home in Twain Harte for around $100,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although he can afford the home, Sanders said he was forced to buy a newer, more reliable truck since public transportation is nearly nonexistent, and constantly repairing an older vehicle cost him work. He travels around the county, working as a handyman and electrician, and now pays around $1,100 a month in car payments and fuel, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I really underestimated how much I’d be driving and how much I’d be spending on fuel,” Sanders said. “I’m not making much more out here than I did there (in Oakland), and I thought that it would go further, but it’s not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If policymakers chose to adopt the new definition of affordability, publicly funded affordable housing developers would consider not just the incomes of people who live in the area but also those who might want or need to live there, Romem said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would help solve a problem Teri Baldwin said she sees in her role as a kindergarten teacher and president of the Palo Alto Educators Association. The union is currently working with a developer on a project to \u003ca href=\"https://www.paloaltoonline.com/news/2023/04/21/new-housing-proposal-looks-to-aid-palo-alto-teachers/\">build affordable housing for Palo Alto teachers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A fifth of the development’s 44 apartments will be available to teachers, making between 50% to 80% of Palo Alto’s median income, which was \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/fact/table/paloaltocitycalifornia/PST045222\">$214,118 in 2022\u003c/a>. The remaining apartments will be reserved for people making between 80% and 120% of the median income. But what counts as an “affordable” rent for people within those income bands is still pretty expensive, Baldwin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s still pretty high,” she said. “It’s a high percentage of your salary going towards rent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said even this “affordable” housing is out of reach for many of the district’s support staff, who make even less than teachers. Baldwin is hoping the state can provide deeper subsidies to developers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would like the state to give incentives, more tax breaks or something like that to developers who want to help,” she said, adding the state should look at ways to build housing that doesn’t tie rents to the median income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Doing that will be difficult this year, as the state faces an \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4850#:~:text=Under%20LAO%20Revenue%20Update%2C%20Budget,budget%20was%20proposed%20in%20January.\">estimated $73 billion deficit\u003c/a>, said Matthew Schwartz, president and CEO of the California Housing Partnership, an affordable housing policy and advocacy organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deepening subsidies to make it more affordable to some will mean providing less of that housing, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s a pretty Hobbesian choice, and I don’t think most of us would be in favor of it,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state already saw affordable housing production shrink last year — dropping from more than 23,500 below-market-rate units in 2022 to just under 14,000 in 2023, \u003ca href=\"https://chpc.net/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/California-Affordable-Housing-Needs-Report-2024-1.pdf\">according to the partnership\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Remedying the situation will require more money, he said. Schwartz hopes the legislature will support Assemblymember Buffy Wicks’ proposal to put a statewide \u003ca href=\"https://a14.asmdc.org/press-releases/20230425-assemblymember-wicks-announces-aim-put-10b-housing-bond-2024-primary-ballot\">$10 billion affordable housing bond\u003c/a> on the November ballot. A separate \u003ca href=\"https://mtc.ca.gov/about-mtc/authorities/bay-area-housing-finance-authority/bay-area-affordable-housing-bond\">$10 billion to $20 billion bond measure\u003c/a> is also being proposed for the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We saw production last year decline by almost one third,” Schwartz said, adding that a big reason for that was the exhaustion of an earlier statewide affordable housing bond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Building more deeply affordable housing is not the only solution, Romem argues. Instead, he said the state should encourage developers to build more housing for people at all income levels, which will slow the growth in home prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But ensuring that the housing that gets built is actually affordable requires a different approach than one the federal government and California have taken so far, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We value what we measure, and that means that we want to be measuring the right thing,” Romem said. And that requires asking the right question, he said: “How affordable San Francisco or Beverly Hills or Los Angeles are — not just to the people who have been able to make it there — but to the people who would make it there if they could.”\u003c/p>\n\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"A few major flaws exist in defining whether housing is affordable for Californians. A new study from UC Berkeley’s Terner Center for Housing Innovation seeks to remedy that.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1714683809,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":34,"wordCount":1418},"headData":{"title":"California Housing Is Even Less Affordable Than You Think, UC Berkeley Study Says | KQED","description":"A few major flaws exist in defining whether housing is affordable for Californians. A new study from UC Berkeley’s Terner Center for Housing Innovation seeks to remedy that.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"California Housing Is Even Less Affordable Than You Think, UC Berkeley Study Says","datePublished":"2024-05-02T16:00:06.000Z","dateModified":"2024-05-02T21:03:29.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"sticky":false,"nprStoryId":"kqed-11984656","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11984656/california-housing-is-even-less-affordable-than-you-think-uc-berkeley-study-says","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As California tries to claw its way out of its housing affordability crisis, policymakers have been asking the wrong question, according to a new study from UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://url.us.m.mimecastprotect.com/s/3YtGCn5zDjCmJQVlu9g94t?domain=ternercenter.berkeley.edu\">The study\u003c/a>, published Thursday by researchers at the Terner Center for Housing Innovation, argues the classic question — “Is a place affordable?” — should instead be supplanted with a new one: “Who can afford this place?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That might seem like a subtle distinction, said Issi Romem, co-author and founder of economics research firm, \u003ca href=\"https://metrosight.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">MetroSight\u003c/a>. But its implications are enormous.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The differences are just really stark,” Romem said. “We have been, on a grand scale, misleading ourselves with our current metrics to think they are much more affordable than they are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The problem, Romem said, is that those metrics don’t account for a simple truth: People who can’t afford rent or mortgage payments in a place often don’t live there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In other words, we’ve been saying Beverly Hills is perfectly affordable because the people who live there can afford it,” Romem said. “And we’ve been doing that for a broader geography than just Beverly Hills.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To determine whether a given county is affordable, policymakers might look at how many people earning the area’s median income can afford to rent or buy a median-priced home. A home is considered “affordable” if the household’s earners are paying no more than 30% of their income on rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To craft a new definition of affordability, Romem, and co-author, Dan Shoag looked at responses to a Census questionnaire that asked whether people felt they could afford their expenses after paying for housing costs comfortably, were doing OK, just getting by, or having difficulty. They then looked at a broader set of Census respondents’ incomes and housing costs and used that as the basis for determining the affordability of each county for all Californians, including those not living in the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://url.us.m.mimecastprotect.com/s/o_suCo2OEkuv7Jmlszepp4?domain=ternercenter.berkeley.edu\">result is an interactive map\u003c/a> that shows how many Californians could afford to live in each county — which paints a much bleaker picture of the state’s most expensive areas than had previously been shown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Take San Francisco, for example, where the median household income was close to \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/fact/table/sanfranciscocitycalifornia/PST045222\">$137,000 in 2022.\u003c/a> Under the classic definition of affordability, 67% of renters are “comfortable” or “doing OK.” However, under the definition Romem and his colleagues created, only 23% of Californians would be able to rent there either comfortably or OK.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s an idea that resonates with 31-year-old software developer Nick Fallon. Until December, when he was laid off from his job, he was making $120,000 and paying $2,650 per month in rent for a one-bedroom apartment in the Castro District. He could afford it but felt like it was impossible to save any money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t see a future where I could retire here,” Fallon said. “I don’t see a future where I could have children if I wanted them. Buying a house is completely out of the picture. Ever.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"label":"More Housing Coverage ","tag":"housing"},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But rather than simply showing that expensive places like San Francisco are indeed expensive, the Terner Center’s new tool goes further. It allows users to add transportation and childcare costs and accounts for relative differences in incomes across counties, providing a more nuanced picture of rural areas than had previously been shown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It shows that access to public transportation makes urban areas more affordable than they might otherwise be, and rural places — where transit is scarce and incomes are relatively lower — end up being less affordable than they would otherwise seem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s something Colin Sanders experienced firsthand when he moved from Oakland to Twain Harte, a small mountain community in Tuolumne County. The 34-year-old mechanic had been splitting a master bedroom in a West Oakland home for $1,600 per month. In 2020, Sanders bought a 900-square-foot, off-grid home in Twain Harte for around $100,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although he can afford the home, Sanders said he was forced to buy a newer, more reliable truck since public transportation is nearly nonexistent, and constantly repairing an older vehicle cost him work. He travels around the county, working as a handyman and electrician, and now pays around $1,100 a month in car payments and fuel, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I really underestimated how much I’d be driving and how much I’d be spending on fuel,” Sanders said. “I’m not making much more out here than I did there (in Oakland), and I thought that it would go further, but it’s not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If policymakers chose to adopt the new definition of affordability, publicly funded affordable housing developers would consider not just the incomes of people who live in the area but also those who might want or need to live there, Romem said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would help solve a problem Teri Baldwin said she sees in her role as a kindergarten teacher and president of the Palo Alto Educators Association. The union is currently working with a developer on a project to \u003ca href=\"https://www.paloaltoonline.com/news/2023/04/21/new-housing-proposal-looks-to-aid-palo-alto-teachers/\">build affordable housing for Palo Alto teachers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A fifth of the development’s 44 apartments will be available to teachers, making between 50% to 80% of Palo Alto’s median income, which was \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/fact/table/paloaltocitycalifornia/PST045222\">$214,118 in 2022\u003c/a>. The remaining apartments will be reserved for people making between 80% and 120% of the median income. But what counts as an “affordable” rent for people within those income bands is still pretty expensive, Baldwin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s still pretty high,” she said. “It’s a high percentage of your salary going towards rent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said even this “affordable” housing is out of reach for many of the district’s support staff, who make even less than teachers. Baldwin is hoping the state can provide deeper subsidies to developers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would like the state to give incentives, more tax breaks or something like that to developers who want to help,” she said, adding the state should look at ways to build housing that doesn’t tie rents to the median income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Doing that will be difficult this year, as the state faces an \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4850#:~:text=Under%20LAO%20Revenue%20Update%2C%20Budget,budget%20was%20proposed%20in%20January.\">estimated $73 billion deficit\u003c/a>, said Matthew Schwartz, president and CEO of the California Housing Partnership, an affordable housing policy and advocacy organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deepening subsidies to make it more affordable to some will mean providing less of that housing, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s a pretty Hobbesian choice, and I don’t think most of us would be in favor of it,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state already saw affordable housing production shrink last year — dropping from more than 23,500 below-market-rate units in 2022 to just under 14,000 in 2023, \u003ca href=\"https://chpc.net/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/California-Affordable-Housing-Needs-Report-2024-1.pdf\">according to the partnership\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Remedying the situation will require more money, he said. Schwartz hopes the legislature will support Assemblymember Buffy Wicks’ proposal to put a statewide \u003ca href=\"https://a14.asmdc.org/press-releases/20230425-assemblymember-wicks-announces-aim-put-10b-housing-bond-2024-primary-ballot\">$10 billion affordable housing bond\u003c/a> on the November ballot. A separate \u003ca href=\"https://mtc.ca.gov/about-mtc/authorities/bay-area-housing-finance-authority/bay-area-affordable-housing-bond\">$10 billion to $20 billion bond measure\u003c/a> is also being proposed for the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We saw production last year decline by almost one third,” Schwartz said, adding that a big reason for that was the exhaustion of an earlier statewide affordable housing bond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Building more deeply affordable housing is not the only solution, Romem argues. Instead, he said the state should encourage developers to build more housing for people at all income levels, which will slow the growth in home prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But ensuring that the housing that gets built is actually affordable requires a different approach than one the federal government and California have taken so far, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We value what we measure, and that means that we want to be measuring the right thing,” Romem said. And that requires asking the right question, he said: “How affordable San Francisco or Beverly Hills or Los Angeles are — not just to the people who have been able to make it there — but to the people who would make it there if they could.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11984656/california-housing-is-even-less-affordable-than-you-think-uc-berkeley-study-says","authors":["11652"],"categories":["news_6266","news_8"],"tags":["news_3921","news_27626","news_1775","news_21358","news_17597"],"featImg":"news_10816492","label":"news"},"news_11912836":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11912836","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11912836","found":true},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"para-inmigrantes-que-huyen-de-la-violencia-de-genero-el-camino-hacia-el-asilo-en-los-estados-unidos-es-largo","title":"Para inmigrantes que huyen de la violencia de género, el camino hacia el asilo en los Estados Unidos es largo","publishDate":1651579230,"format":"standard","headTitle":"KQED News","labelTerm":{},"content":"\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11910789/for-guatemalan-women-fleeing-gender-based-violence-a-long-road-to-asylum-in-us\">Leer en inglés\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deisy Ramírez se despertó antes del amanecer el día de su audiencia final de asilo el pasado noviembre. Estaba temblando de nervios, pero se levantó y se preparó una taza de té para calmarse. Su destino estaba en manos de uno de los jueces de inmigración más duros de San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez y su abogado se habían preparado tres veces para que ella declarara, pero cada vez, la audiencia programada se pospuso debido a la pandemia del COVID-19. Revisar lo que había vivido cada vez seguía siendo algo desgarrador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez, de 24 años, creció en el altiplano rural de la provincia de San Marcos, en Guatemala. Es una de ocho hijos, y dijo que su padre a menudo golpeaba a su madre y maltrataba a sus hijas. Cuando Ramírez tenía 14 años, dijo, su padre la vendió a Ernesto y Eugenia Cinto, los propietarios de un bar donde él solía beber. Estaba a 30 minutos a pie de su casa.\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003cbr>\nEsta familia la aprisionó, exigiendo que cocinara, limpiara y sirviera a los clientes del bar sin pagarle. Dijo que fue obligada a mantener una relación sexual con el hijo de la pareja, Dembler Cinto, de 18 años, que la golpeaba y violaba habitualmente. Este engendró sus dos hijos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Me trataron como una esclava\", dijo. \"Estuve muy asustada todo el tiempo\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez es una de las miles de personas que buscan protección frente a la violencia de género en un sistema de asilo estadounidense que fue eviscerado durante la presidencia de Donald Trump y que solo ha sido restaurado parcialmente por el presidente Joe Biden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Deisy Ramírez\"]'Me trataron como una esclava\", dijo. \"Estuve muy asustada todo el tiempo.'[/pullquote]El gobierno de Biden se está preparando para levantar el Título 42, la normativa de salud pública que se desplegó en marzo de 2020 al comienzo de la pandemia para expulsar a los solicitantes de asilo en las fronteras de los Estados Unidos. Pero el presidente Biden aún no ha cumplido su promesa de aclarar los motivos por los que las personas pueden solicitar asilo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hace más de un año, el presidente prometió una \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/presidential-actions/2021/02/02/executive-order-creating-a-comprehensive-regional-framework-to-address-the-causes-of-migration-to-manage-migration-throughout-north-and-central-america-and-to-provide-safe-and-orderly-processing/\">pauta que detallaría quién puede ser considerado miembro de un \"grupo social particular\"\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés), una categoría de asilo ambigua que proviene de una convención internacional de refugiados de 1951. Los defensores de inmigrantes esperan que la nueva definición incluya a las personas que han sufrido violencia de género, y afirman que el retraso está poniendo a mujeres como Ramírez, que han huido de la persecución infligida específicamente por ser mujeres, en riesgo de sufrir más violencia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En 2019, cuando Ramírez tenía 21 años, logró escapar de Guatemala con sus hijos, que entonces tenían 3 y 5 años.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Una vez que llegó a San Francisco, Ramírez pasó seis meses buscando un abogado que la ayudara a presentar su caso ante el tribunal de inmigración. Finalmente, encontró ayuda gratuita en el \u003ca href=\"https://www.centrolegal.org/?lang=es\">Centro Legal de la Raza\u003c/a>, una organización sin fines de lucro de Oakland, \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/phptools/immigration/asyfile/\">una asistencia crucial de la que carecen muchos solicitantes de asilo\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mónica Valencia, su abogada del Centro Legal, reforzó la solicitud de asilo de Ramírez con más de 500 páginas de documentos, incluyendo informes sobre las condiciones del país y declaraciones juradas de expertos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero mientras se preparaba para ir al tribunal la tensa madrugada del 17 de noviembre, Ramírez sabía que tendría que contar su historia en voz alta y pedir protección al juez Joseph Park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Park fue nombrado juez en 2017 por el entonces fiscal general Jeff Sessions. En sus primeros tres años como juez, \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/judgereports/00526SFR/index.html\">Park denegó casi el 87% de los casos de asilo que se le presentaron\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés), mucho más que la tasa promedio de denegación del 67% a nivel nacional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Según la ley de asilo estadounidense, Ramírez tendría que convencer a Park de tener un temor bien fundado a la persecución en Guatemala por uno de los cinco motivos: raza, religión, nacionalidad, opinión política o pertenecer a un grupo social determinado, y además tendría que demostrar que su gobierno tuvo responsabilidad en esta persecución o no la había protegido.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Valencia presentó el testimonio de un experto en el caso de Ramírez, demostrando que la violencia doméstica, la violación, \u003ca href=\"https://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/handle/10665/77421/WHO_RHR_12.38_eng.pdf\">el feminicidio\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) y el matrimonio forzado, incluyendo a los padres que venden a sus hijas para que se casen a temprana edad, son prácticas comunes en Guatemala y se tratan con impunidad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Karen Musalo, Directora del Centro de Estudios sobre Género y Refugiados de la Facultad de Derecho UC Hastings\"]'La idea de la protección de los refugiados es que la comunidad internacional protege a las personas cuando su gobierno les falla.'[/pullquote]Ella basó el caso en parte en un fallo anterior, conocido como \u003ca href=\"https://harvardlawreview.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/05/Matter-of-ARCG.pdf\">Matter of ARCG\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés), el cual catalogó a las mujeres guatemaltecas que huían de la violencia doméstica como miembros de un grupo social particular con motivos para solicitar asilo. Pero ese argumento iba en contra de la manera en que se interpretó la ley de asilo durante el mandato de Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En 2018, \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/eoir/page/file/1070866/download\">Sessions anuló esa norma y dictaminó\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) que la violencia doméstica, y otras \"actividades criminales privadas\", no eran generalmente motivo de asilo. Un grupo de jueces de inmigración jubilados calificó el fallo de Sessions como \"\u003ca href=\"https://www.aila.org/infonet/retired-ijs-and-former-members-of-the-bia-issue\">una afrenta al estado de derecho\u003c/a>\" (enlace sólo en inglés). Los académicos dicen \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanbar.org/groups/crsj/publications/human_rights_magazine_home/immigration/the-history-and-future-of-gender-asylum-law/\">que revocó más de tres décadas de derecho estadounidense e internacional de refugiados\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) que reconoce a víctimas de la violencia de género como elegibles para la protección.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Antes se pensaba que las cosas que le ocurrían a la gente en la intimidad de sus hogares no eran motivo de preocupación para los derechos humanos\", dijo Karen Musalo, directora del Centro de Estudios de Género y Refugiados de la Facultad de Derecho de la Universidad de California Hastings. \"Así que las mujeres podían morir quemadas, golpeadas y asesinadas\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero desde la década de los 80, la comprensión de los derechos humanos ha evolucionado para reconocer que \"los derechos de las mujeres son derechos humanos y los gobiernos tienen la responsabilidad de proteger los derechos humanos de sus ciudadanos\", dijo Musalo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"La idea de protección a refugiados es que la comunidad internacional proteja a las personas cuando su gobierno les falla\", añadió.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En junio del 2021, Merrick Garland, el fiscal general del presidente Biden, \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/asg/page/file/1404826/download\">revocó las decisiones de Sessions sobre la violencia doméstica\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés). Y en el último año, los jueces de inmigración, incluido Park, \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/667/\">han aprobado una mayor proporción de solicitudes de asilo\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11859436\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/Honduras-Road-Main-1020x581-1.jpg\"]Sin embargo, las decisiones jurídicas sobre el asilo aún pueden verse influidas por las inclinaciones políticas de futuros gobiernos. Esto se debe a que los tribunales de inmigración no son independientes del Departamento de Justicia, y además, \u003ca href=\"https://lawreview.law.miami.edu/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/em_Matter-of-A-R-C-G-__em_-and-Domestic-Violence-Asylum_-A-Glimmer-of-Hope-Amidst-a-Continuing-Need-for-Reform.pdf\">el gobierno aún no define claramente\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) la categoría de asilo, \"grupo social particular\". Está \u003ca href=\"https://lawreview.law.miami.edu/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/em_Matter-of-A-R-C-G-__em_-and-Domestic-Violence-Asylum_-A-Glimmer-of-Hope-Amidst-a-Continuing-Need-for-Reform.pdf\">mal definida\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En su segunda semana en el cargo, \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/presidential-actions/2021/02/02/executive-order-creating-a-comprehensive-regional-framework-to-address-the-causes-of-migration-to-manage-migration-throughout-north-and-central-america-and-to-provide-safe-and-orderly-processing/\">Biden emitió una orden ejecutiva\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) en la que prometía revisar, en un plazo de seis meses, si las protecciones estadounidenses para las personas que huyen de la violencia doméstica o de las bandas criminales son \"coherentes con las normas internacionales.\" La orden \u003ca href=\"https://www.reginfo.gov/public/do/eAgendaViewRule?pubId=202104&RIN=1615-AC65\">también prometía una nueva norma\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés), en un plazo de nueve meses, para definir \"grupo social particular\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero más de un año después, la revisión y la norma no están a la vista, y los solicitantes de asilo como Deisy Ramírez se enfrentan a una situación turbia en los tribunales de inmigración, mientras los jueces se enfrentan a una acumulación de casos agravada por la pandemia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El retraso en la definición de los motivos de asilo, al igual que el retraso de Biden en terminar la aplicación del Título 42 en la frontera, refleja una tensión entre aquellos en la administración que quieren impulsar posiciones humanitarias, y aquellos que temen que el retroceso de las políticas restrictivas de la era de Trump podría perjudicar a los demócratas en las elecciones intermedias al Congreso, dijo Musalo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11912965\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1020px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11912965\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55043_IMG_4347-qut-1-1020x729-1.jpg\" alt=\"Una mujer con un abrigo blanco está sentada en un parque para niños.\" width=\"1020\" height=\"729\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55043_IMG_4347-qut-1-1020x729-1.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55043_IMG_4347-qut-1-1020x729-1-800x572.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55043_IMG_4347-qut-1-1020x729-1-160x114.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1020px) 100vw, 1020px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Deisy Ramírez dice que sus hijos le dieron la fuerza para liberarse de una relación abusiva en la que estaba retenida contra su voluntad. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Revivir el trauma en los tribunales\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Ramírez se preparaba para su día en el tribunal, no seguía estas sutilezas legales y políticas. Sólo sabía que ella y sus hijos habían sufrido horrores en Guatemala y que habían huido a los Estados Unidos en busca de seguridad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Fue la decisión más difícil que he tomado\", dijo. \"Pensé, '¿Qué voy a hacer si me encuentran? Me van a matar, y podrían matar a los niños, podrían hacerles daño, podrían venderlos'\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La mañana de su audiencia, Ramírez se puso una falda larga y floreada, se peinó su pelo castaño que le llegaba hasta la cintura y consiguió que la llevaran al juzgado ubicado en el centro de San Francisco. Pasó por el detector de metales y tomó el ascensor hasta el cuarto piso. El tribunal estaba vacío, salvo por dos abogados y un asistente de su equipo jurídico. Ramírez también me había permitido asistir a esta sensible audiencia que cambiaría su vida.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Un empleado inició un enlace de vídeo que conectaría al juez y al intérprete del tribunal, y marcó la línea telefónica para el fiscal del Servicio de Inmigración y Control de Aduanas de Estados Unidos (ICE, por sus siglas en inglés). Luego volvió a caminar por el pasillo vacío hacia su oficina.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El revestimiento de madera color marrón de las paredes de la sala estaba rayado y arañado. En el respaldo de uno de los bancos de madera para espectadores, alguien había grabado las palabras \"amor\" y \"feliz\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Park apareció en un gran monitor de vídeo y explicó el procedimiento. Su voz estaba distorsionada, como si hablara desde el fondo de una piscina, pero cuando la intérprete repetía sus palabras en español, su voz era clara.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Durante la siguiente hora y media, Valencia guió a Ramírez a través de su desgarrador testimonio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"¿Por qué cree que su padre la vendió a la familia Cinto?\", preguntó Valencia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Mi padre me dijo que nosotras, como mujeres, no valíamos nada\", respondió Ramírez. \"Y que le pertenecíamos como su propiedad\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"¿Estás casada con Dembler Cinto?\", preguntó Valencia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Deisy Ramírez\"]'No quería que [mis hijos] sufrieran lo mismo que yo, porque eso te marca, de verdad, para toda la vida.'[/pullquote]\"No. Cuando tenía 14 años me obligaron a estar con él\", dijo Ramírez. \"Sus padres me dijeron, cuando mi padre me dejó, que sería su mujer\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"¿Qué tipo de palabras usaba cuando abusaba de ti?\", preguntó Valencia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Dijo que las mujeres habían nacido para servir a los hombres\", respondió Ramírez, con la voz quebrada. \"Dijo que yo era una puta y que era su esclava\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"¿Alguna vez hubo marcas físicas en tu cuerpo?\", preguntó la abogada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Sí, cada vez que me hacía daño tenía moretones en las piernas y en los brazos, en la cintura y en la cara\", respondió Ramírez. \"Me sangraba la nariz y la boca\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez describió años de servidumbre forzada, lenguaje degradante y palizas y violaciones regulares. Dijo que se le exigía que llevara poca ropa cuando trabajaba en el bar, donde los hombres le tocaban el cuerpo. En algunas ocasiones, dijo, llegaron agentes de policía y bebieron en el bar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Podían ver que era una niña de 14 años que estaba golpeada”, dijo Ramírez. \"Y nunca intentaron ayudar\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Además, nunca había visto a la policía ayudar a las mujeres maltratadas. Cuando Ramírez aún vivía en su casa, dijo que su madre había acudido a la policía tras recibir una paliza sangrienta de su padre, pero los agentes dijeron que era un asunto doméstico y no intervinieron, al igual que ignoraron a otras mujeres del barrio que sufrían abusos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez dijo que normalmente la encerraban en la casa y que Dembler Cinto la amenazaba con que si alguna vez le contaba a alguien sobre el trato que recibía o intentaba irse, la mataría y le haría daño a los niños.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El relato de las experiencias traumáticas fue agotador. Para ayudarla a mantenerse firme, me dijo Ramírez más tarde, Valencia le había enseñado ejercicios de respiración.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Siempre terminaba nuestras conversaciones con un ejercicio para que yo supiera que estaba en un lugar seguro\", dijo Ramírez. \"Sus palabras me ayudaron mucho\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Son técnicas de enraizamiento para volver a tu cuerpo\", dijo Valencia, que practica la meditación.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez dijo que la práctica la ayudó a reunir el valor para contar su historia en el tribunal. Pero su mayor valor lo encontró tres años antes, cuando escapó de la familia Cinto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11912964\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1020px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11912964\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55044_IMG_4382-qut-1020x728-1.jpg\" alt=\"Una madre ve a sus pequeñas hijas jugar en un parque. La madre sonríe.\" width=\"1020\" height=\"728\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55044_IMG_4382-qut-1020x728-1.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55044_IMG_4382-qut-1020x728-1-800x571.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55044_IMG_4382-qut-1020x728-1-160x114.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1020px) 100vw, 1020px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Deisy Ramírez observa a sus hijos jugar en un parque infantil en San Francisco el 22 de noviembre de 2021. \"Sólo se es niño una vez\", dice Ramírez, que pasó gran parte de su propia infancia en régimen de servidumbre. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>La fuga\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Fueron sus hijas, Stefany y Alexis, quienes le dieron la fuerza para liberarse, dijo. Cuando pasaron de ser bebés a niños, su padre se volvió cada vez más abusivo, azotándolas con un cinturón.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Era muy difícil ver cómo les pegaba, cómo les hablaba\", dijo. \"No quería que sufrieran lo mismo que yo, porque eso te deja cicatrices, realmente, para toda la vida\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mientras sus hijas crecían, Ramírez también se transformó de ser una adolescente a una mujer. Una mañana vio su oportunidad y la aprovechó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Deisy Ramírez\"]'Me dije: Es hoy. Si no lo intento hoy, ¿entonces cuándo?'[/pullquote]\"Me dije: 'Es hoy. Si no lo intento hoy, ¿entonces cuándo?'\", dijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ese día de febrero del 2019, dijo que Dembler Cinto y su padre habían salido a comprar licor para surtir el bar y su madre estaba de compras. Con una hora rara a solas, Ramírez dijo que tomó un fajo de dinero en efectivo de Dembler, agarró a las niñas y se subieron a una camioneta que tenía una ruta diaria que conducía a los pobladores a Coatepeque, una ciudad más grande ubicada a 40 minutos de distancia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"A partir de ahí, mi idea era llegar a México. Porque si me quedo en Guatemala, me van a encontrar más rápido\", me dijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Al principio, Ramírez tenía mucho miedo de hablar con la gente. Tocaba las puertas y se ofrecía a lavar la ropa a cambio de comida o dinero. A veces, ella y las niñas dormían en las estaciones de autobús bajo tan sólo con una cobija. Pero también conocieron a extraños amables que les ayudaron, y Ramírez dijo que se dió cuenta de que había gente en la que podía confiar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez compró un teléfono móvil y llamó a su madre. Era la primera vez que hablaban en años, y se enteró de que varios de sus hermanos se habían trasladado a San Francisco, huyendo de la violencia en su país en cuanto pudieron salir.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Mi madre me dio el número de mi hermana porque sabía que necesitaba ayuda\", dijo.\u003cbr>\nAsí que Ramírez se fue rumbo a la frontera entre Estados Unidos y México, y cuando llegó allí, les dio el número de teléfono de su hermana a los agentes fronterizos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Mi hermana les dijo que tenía una habitación donde mis hijas y yo podíamos quedarnos. Fue como si se cayera el cielo, porque realmente no tenía ni idea de lo que iba a hacer\", dijo Ramírez. \"Pero ella nos abrió las puertas. Y luego me ayudó a encontrar trabajo y a empezar a estabilizarme\".\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Asilo concedido\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Al concluir la audiencia de asilo, Valencia se centró en unos últimos puntos cruciales para probar su caso ante el juez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"¿Alguna vez pidió ayuda?\", preguntó la abogada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"No\", dijo Ramírez. \"Tenía miedo de que si volvía a casa, mi padre me llevaría de nuevo con la familia Cinto. Decía que eran mis dueños\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez explicó que no tenía ninguna base para confiar en que las autoridades locales la protegerían, y que no creía que pudiera estar segura en ningún lugar de Guatemala.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"En Guatemala se trata mal a las mujeres\", dijo Ramírez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La fiscal del ICE, Juliet Boss, dijo que no iba a interrogar a Ramírez, lo cual sorprendió a Valencia\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Ella ha cubierto todo\", dijo Boss al juez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dijo que si Ramírez ganaba su caso, el gobierno no apelaría. Esto concuerda con las \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/doclib/about/offices/opla/OPLA-immigration-enforcement_interim-guidance.pdf\">directrices de la administración Biden\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) del año pasado, en las que se pedía a los abogados del ICE que usaran su discreción para decidir a quién procesar, pero no era lo que el equipo del Centro Legal esperaba de los normalmente agresivos fiscales del ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11856583\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/Oakland-Mam-Aguilar-1020x680-1.jpg\"]Luego llegó el turno del juez. Ramírez y sus abogados miraron el monitor de vídeo en el que Park estaba sentado con su toga negra. De los 40 jueces del tribunal de San Francisco, sabían que él era uno de los menos propensos a conceder el asilo. Si Ramírez perdía, podría ser deportada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Señora, hemos escuchado su testimonio\", dijo Park. \"El tribunal ha determinado que usted es elegible y merece asilo a discreción del tribunal. Así que usted y sus hijos serán asilados en los Estados Unidos\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tras un agradecimiento de Ramírez y unas cuantas formalidades, la señal de vídeo se apagó. Ramírez y sus abogados se quedaron solos en la sala. Se levantaron y se abrazaron. Todos lloraron.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Gracias, gracias, gracias\", dijo Ramírez. \"Son realmente personas muy especiales\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Las mujeres recogieron sus abrigos, sus documentos y pasaron por delante de los guardias de seguridad y salieron a la calle. Mientras se dirigían a una cafetería Peet's cercana para celebrarlo, comenzaron a charlar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Estaba nerviosa por este juez\", dijo Valencia. \"El caso de Deisy es el más fuerte de asilo que he argumentado, pero él tiene fama de ser duro\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Y añadió: \"Nunca había estado frente a un fiscal del ICE que se negara a interrogar”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En el mostrador, Ramírez pidió un chocolate caliente con crema batida.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Era el tercer caso de asilo que el equipo de Centro Legal ganaba en sólo cuatro días, dijo la colega de Valencia, Abby Sullivan Engen, y probablemente el resultado de las interpretaciones más generosas de la ley de asilo por parte de la administración Biden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unas semanas más tarde, otra clienta, también una mujer que huía de la violencia de género en Guatemala, obtuvo el asilo de un juez de inmigración de San Francisco igualmente duro.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Iris Diéguez declaró que estuvo casada con un policía guatemalteco que la violó y amenazó y que, cuando consiguió una orden de alejamiento, los compañeros de su marido se negaban a hacer cumplir la orden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La jueza Julie Nelson reconoció que Diéguez debía haberse sentido frustrada ya que llevaba esperando su día en el tribunal desde el 2013.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Pero\", le dijo a Engen, la abogada, \"puede funcionar a su favor, dados los cambios en la ley\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Al concluir la audiencia, Nelson explicó su razonamiento a Diéguez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Usted ha argumentado que fue perjudicada porque formaba parte del grupo social de mujeres guatemaltecas... sí encuentro que es un grupo social particular reconocible, basado en la ley\", dijo. \"Y sí encuentro que usted testificó de manera creíble que [su esposo] y otros la trataron de la manera en que lo hicieron debido a su animadversión hacia las mujeres guatemaltecas y a usted como mujer guatemalteca\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Entonces Nelson concedió asilo a Diéguez y a su hija.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez y Diéguez tienen ahora la seguridad de saber que pueden vivir permanentemente en los Estados Unidos. Pero los defensores dicen que hay demasiados solicitantes de asilo que se quedan sin saber cuáles son sus posibilidades de protección, porque el gobierno de Biden no ha emitido la norma que prometió en febrero de 2021 para aclarar los motivos de asilo basados en la pertenencia a un \"grupo social particular\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Creo que será más claro para los solicitantes y será más claro para los adjudicatarios\", dijo Musalo. \"Hará que las cosas funcionen mejor\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11912963\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1020px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11912963\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55045_IMG_4334-copy-qut-1020x729-1.jpg\" alt=\"Una madre ve a sus pequeñas hijas jugar en un parque.\" width=\"1020\" height=\"729\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55045_IMG_4334-copy-qut-1020x729-1.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55045_IMG_4334-copy-qut-1020x729-1-800x572.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55045_IMG_4334-copy-qut-1020x729-1-160x114.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1020px) 100vw, 1020px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Deisy Ramírez dice que la protección del asilo le permitirá centrarse en reconstruir su vida y crear un hogar seguro para sus hijas. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Una mejor vida en San Francisco\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Ahora que ya tiene asilo, y pronto una tarjeta de residencia que la establece como residente permanente en los Estados Unidos, Ramírez puede evaluar la nueva vida que está construyendo para su familia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Me reuní con ella unos días después de la audiencia de asilo en su casa del distrito Bayview de San Francisco, y nos dirigimos a un parque cercano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mientras caminábamos por la calle bajo el sol otoñal, Stefany y Alexis, que ahora tienen 8 y 6 años, brincaban por delante. Las niñas se detuvieron para admirar una procesión de hormigas que escalaban por el tronco de un árbol, y luego se echaron a correr cuando llegamos al parque infantil.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Más en español' tag='kqed-en-espanol']\"Son inseparables\", dijo Ramírez. \"No sé si es por lo que han pasado, pero lo hacen todo juntas\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mientras caminábamos, Ramírez empujaba un cochecito (también conocido como una carriola). Sus hijas tienen ahora una hermanita, Irma. Nos sentamos en un banco del parque, y ella rebotaba a la bebé sobre sus piernas y me contó cómo conoció al padre de Irma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En San Francisco, Ramírez comenzó a asistir a la iglesia de su hermana. Allí conoció a otros guatemaltecos, entre ellos a Cristian Aguilar, un joven que había sido compañero de juegos de su infancia en su pueblo de San José Chibuj. Ramírez dice que Aguilar se convirtió en un amigo de confianza. Con el tiempo, su vínculo se convirtió en amor y se casaron.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Al principio fue muy difícil\", dijo. \"Pero siempre me dio una sensación de seguridad. Y es maravilloso con mis hijas. Se sienten muy cómodas con él\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aguilar trabaja como mensajero médico, llevando sangre entre hospitales y clínicas. El costo de la vida en San Francisco es elevado, pero se las arreglan compartiendo la casa de cuatro dormitorios con sus padres y hermanos, lo que hace que el hogar sea de 10 personas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Esperan tener su lugar propio algún día, y Ramírez, que sólo estudió hasta el séptimo grado en Guatemala, espera eventualmente volver a la escuela y encontrar un buen trabajo. Sabe que en éste país es difícil mantener a una familia con un solo ingreso.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Por ahora, sin embargo, Ramírez está enfocada en recuperarse. Ha acudido a un psicólogo y está estableciendo relaciones con sus hermanos y su madre, que, según ella, sigue sufriendo abusos en su país. Ramírez no ha hablado con su padre, así que quizá nunca sepa por qué la vendió a los Cinto. Tal vez fue una forma de cubrir su cuenta de bar, dijo. Sólo quiere dejar todo atrás.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lo más importante para Ramírez es el bienestar de sus hijos, y sabe que eso está relacionado con su propia condición de mujer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Aquí, en Estados Unidos, las mujeres son libres, son iguales, pueden hacer cualquier cosa\", dijo. \"Aquí tengo oportunidades que serían imposibles en Guatemala. Y mi hija, mis hijos, estarán seguros aquí\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Las lleva al parque infantil casi todos los días.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Quiero que sus mentes estén en paz para que puedan disfrutar de su infancia\", dijo. \"Porque sólo se es niño una vez en la vida. Y creo que merecen ser felices\".\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Este artículo fue traducido por la periodista, \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/soytapatia\">María Peña\u003c/a> y editado por el periodista, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"Al inicio de su gobierno, el presidente Joe Biden prometió aclarar el proceso para solicitar el asilo. Pero más de un año ha pasado y estos cambios no se han visto, lo que pone a varios solicitantes de asilo en situaciones complicadas.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1662486822,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":101,"wordCount":4959},"headData":{"title":"Para inmigrantes que huyen de la violencia de género, el camino hacia el asilo en los Estados Unidos es largo | KQED","description":"Al inicio de su gobierno, el presidente Joe Biden prometió aclarar el proceso para solicitar el asilo. Pero más de un año ha pasado y estos cambios no se han visto, lo que pone a varios solicitantes de asilo en situaciones complicadas.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Para inmigrantes que huyen de la violencia de género, el camino hacia el asilo en los Estados Unidos es largo","datePublished":"2022-05-03T12:00:30.000Z","dateModified":"2022-09-06T17:53:42.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}},"authorsData":[{"type":"authors","id":"259","meta":{"index":"authors_1591205172","id":"259","found":true},"name":"Tyche Hendricks","firstName":"Tyche","lastName":"Hendricks","slug":"tychehendricks","email":"thendricks@kqed.org","display_author_email":true,"staff_mastheads":["news"],"title":"KQED Senior Editor, Immigration","bio":"\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Tyche Hendricks is KQED’s senior editor for immigration, leading coverage of the policy and politics that affect California’s immigrant communities. Her work for KQED’s radio and online audiences is also carried on NPR and other national outlets. She has been recognized with awards from the Radio and Television News Directors Association, the Society for Professional Journalists; the Education Writers Association; the Best of the West and the National Federation of Community Broadcasters. Before joining KQED in 2010, Tyche spent more than a dozen years as a newspaper reporter, notably at the \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. At different times she has covered criminal justice, government and politics and urban planning. Tyche has taught in the MFA Creative Writing program at the University of San Francisco and at UC Berkeley’s Graduate School of Journalism, where she was co-director of a national immigration symposium for professional journalists. She is the author of \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The Wind Doesn't Need a Passport: Stories from the U.S.-Mexico Borderlands\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> (University of California Press). \u003c/span>","avatar":"https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/b8ee458e2731c2d43df86882ce17267e?s=600&d=blank&r=g","twitter":"tychehendricks","facebook":null,"instagram":null,"linkedin":null,"sites":[{"site":"news","roles":["editor"]},{"site":"stateofhealth","roles":["editor"]}],"headData":{"title":"Tyche Hendricks | KQED","description":"KQED Senior Editor, Immigration","ogImgSrc":"https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/b8ee458e2731c2d43df86882ce17267e?s=600&d=blank&r=g","twImgSrc":"https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/b8ee458e2731c2d43df86882ce17267e?s=600&d=blank&r=g"},"isLoading":false,"link":"/author/tychehendricks"}],"imageData":{"ogImageSize":{"file":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/DEISY-1-1.jpg","width":1020,"height":728},"twImageSize":{"file":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/DEISY-1-1.jpg","width":1020,"height":728},"twitterCard":"summary_large_image"},"tagData":{"tags":["asilo","Asylum","asylum seeker","en español","Guatemala","immigration","inmigración","inmigrantes","inmigrantes indocumentados","jeff sessions","Joe Biden","kqed en español","kqedenespanol","Latinx","Merrick Garland","San Francisco"]}},"disqusIdentifier":"11912836 https://ww2.kqed.org/news/?p=11912836","disqusUrl":"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2022/05/03/para-inmigrantes-que-huyen-de-la-violencia-de-genero-el-camino-hacia-el-asilo-en-los-estados-unidos-es-largo/","disqusTitle":"Para inmigrantes que huyen de la violencia de género, el camino hacia el asilo en los Estados Unidos es largo","source":"KQED en Español","sourceUrl":"https://www.kqed.org/kqedenespanol","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","path":"/news/11912836/para-inmigrantes-que-huyen-de-la-violencia-de-genero-el-camino-hacia-el-asilo-en-los-estados-unidos-es-largo","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11910789/for-guatemalan-women-fleeing-gender-based-violence-a-long-road-to-asylum-in-us\">Leer en inglés\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deisy Ramírez se despertó antes del amanecer el día de su audiencia final de asilo el pasado noviembre. Estaba temblando de nervios, pero se levantó y se preparó una taza de té para calmarse. Su destino estaba en manos de uno de los jueces de inmigración más duros de San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez y su abogado se habían preparado tres veces para que ella declarara, pero cada vez, la audiencia programada se pospuso debido a la pandemia del COVID-19. Revisar lo que había vivido cada vez seguía siendo algo desgarrador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez, de 24 años, creció en el altiplano rural de la provincia de San Marcos, en Guatemala. Es una de ocho hijos, y dijo que su padre a menudo golpeaba a su madre y maltrataba a sus hijas. Cuando Ramírez tenía 14 años, dijo, su padre la vendió a Ernesto y Eugenia Cinto, los propietarios de un bar donde él solía beber. Estaba a 30 minutos a pie de su casa.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cbr>\nEsta familia la aprisionó, exigiendo que cocinara, limpiara y sirviera a los clientes del bar sin pagarle. Dijo que fue obligada a mantener una relación sexual con el hijo de la pareja, Dembler Cinto, de 18 años, que la golpeaba y violaba habitualmente. Este engendró sus dos hijos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Me trataron como una esclava\", dijo. \"Estuve muy asustada todo el tiempo\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez es una de las miles de personas que buscan protección frente a la violencia de género en un sistema de asilo estadounidense que fue eviscerado durante la presidencia de Donald Trump y que solo ha sido restaurado parcialmente por el presidente Joe Biden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"'Me trataron como una esclava\", dijo. \"Estuve muy asustada todo el tiempo.'","name":"pullquote","attributes":{"named":{"align":"right","size":"medium","citation":"Deisy Ramírez","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>El gobierno de Biden se está preparando para levantar el Título 42, la normativa de salud pública que se desplegó en marzo de 2020 al comienzo de la pandemia para expulsar a los solicitantes de asilo en las fronteras de los Estados Unidos. Pero el presidente Biden aún no ha cumplido su promesa de aclarar los motivos por los que las personas pueden solicitar asilo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hace más de un año, el presidente prometió una \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/presidential-actions/2021/02/02/executive-order-creating-a-comprehensive-regional-framework-to-address-the-causes-of-migration-to-manage-migration-throughout-north-and-central-america-and-to-provide-safe-and-orderly-processing/\">pauta que detallaría quién puede ser considerado miembro de un \"grupo social particular\"\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés), una categoría de asilo ambigua que proviene de una convención internacional de refugiados de 1951. Los defensores de inmigrantes esperan que la nueva definición incluya a las personas que han sufrido violencia de género, y afirman que el retraso está poniendo a mujeres como Ramírez, que han huido de la persecución infligida específicamente por ser mujeres, en riesgo de sufrir más violencia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En 2019, cuando Ramírez tenía 21 años, logró escapar de Guatemala con sus hijos, que entonces tenían 3 y 5 años.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Una vez que llegó a San Francisco, Ramírez pasó seis meses buscando un abogado que la ayudara a presentar su caso ante el tribunal de inmigración. Finalmente, encontró ayuda gratuita en el \u003ca href=\"https://www.centrolegal.org/?lang=es\">Centro Legal de la Raza\u003c/a>, una organización sin fines de lucro de Oakland, \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/phptools/immigration/asyfile/\">una asistencia crucial de la que carecen muchos solicitantes de asilo\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mónica Valencia, su abogada del Centro Legal, reforzó la solicitud de asilo de Ramírez con más de 500 páginas de documentos, incluyendo informes sobre las condiciones del país y declaraciones juradas de expertos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero mientras se preparaba para ir al tribunal la tensa madrugada del 17 de noviembre, Ramírez sabía que tendría que contar su historia en voz alta y pedir protección al juez Joseph Park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Park fue nombrado juez en 2017 por el entonces fiscal general Jeff Sessions. En sus primeros tres años como juez, \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/judgereports/00526SFR/index.html\">Park denegó casi el 87% de los casos de asilo que se le presentaron\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés), mucho más que la tasa promedio de denegación del 67% a nivel nacional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Según la ley de asilo estadounidense, Ramírez tendría que convencer a Park de tener un temor bien fundado a la persecución en Guatemala por uno de los cinco motivos: raza, religión, nacionalidad, opinión política o pertenecer a un grupo social determinado, y además tendría que demostrar que su gobierno tuvo responsabilidad en esta persecución o no la había protegido.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Valencia presentó el testimonio de un experto en el caso de Ramírez, demostrando que la violencia doméstica, la violación, \u003ca href=\"https://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/handle/10665/77421/WHO_RHR_12.38_eng.pdf\">el feminicidio\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) y el matrimonio forzado, incluyendo a los padres que venden a sus hijas para que se casen a temprana edad, son prácticas comunes en Guatemala y se tratan con impunidad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"'La idea de la protección de los refugiados es que la comunidad internacional protege a las personas cuando su gobierno les falla.'","name":"pullquote","attributes":{"named":{"align":"right","size":"medium","citation":"Karen Musalo, Directora del Centro de Estudios sobre Género y Refugiados de la Facultad de Derecho UC Hastings","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Ella basó el caso en parte en un fallo anterior, conocido como \u003ca href=\"https://harvardlawreview.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/05/Matter-of-ARCG.pdf\">Matter of ARCG\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés), el cual catalogó a las mujeres guatemaltecas que huían de la violencia doméstica como miembros de un grupo social particular con motivos para solicitar asilo. Pero ese argumento iba en contra de la manera en que se interpretó la ley de asilo durante el mandato de Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En 2018, \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/eoir/page/file/1070866/download\">Sessions anuló esa norma y dictaminó\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) que la violencia doméstica, y otras \"actividades criminales privadas\", no eran generalmente motivo de asilo. Un grupo de jueces de inmigración jubilados calificó el fallo de Sessions como \"\u003ca href=\"https://www.aila.org/infonet/retired-ijs-and-former-members-of-the-bia-issue\">una afrenta al estado de derecho\u003c/a>\" (enlace sólo en inglés). Los académicos dicen \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanbar.org/groups/crsj/publications/human_rights_magazine_home/immigration/the-history-and-future-of-gender-asylum-law/\">que revocó más de tres décadas de derecho estadounidense e internacional de refugiados\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) que reconoce a víctimas de la violencia de género como elegibles para la protección.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Antes se pensaba que las cosas que le ocurrían a la gente en la intimidad de sus hogares no eran motivo de preocupación para los derechos humanos\", dijo Karen Musalo, directora del Centro de Estudios de Género y Refugiados de la Facultad de Derecho de la Universidad de California Hastings. \"Así que las mujeres podían morir quemadas, golpeadas y asesinadas\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero desde la década de los 80, la comprensión de los derechos humanos ha evolucionado para reconocer que \"los derechos de las mujeres son derechos humanos y los gobiernos tienen la responsabilidad de proteger los derechos humanos de sus ciudadanos\", dijo Musalo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"La idea de protección a refugiados es que la comunidad internacional proteja a las personas cuando su gobierno les falla\", añadió.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En junio del 2021, Merrick Garland, el fiscal general del presidente Biden, \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/asg/page/file/1404826/download\">revocó las decisiones de Sessions sobre la violencia doméstica\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés). Y en el último año, los jueces de inmigración, incluido Park, \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/667/\">han aprobado una mayor proporción de solicitudes de asilo\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11859436","hero":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/Honduras-Road-Main-1020x581-1.jpg","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Sin embargo, las decisiones jurídicas sobre el asilo aún pueden verse influidas por las inclinaciones políticas de futuros gobiernos. Esto se debe a que los tribunales de inmigración no son independientes del Departamento de Justicia, y además, \u003ca href=\"https://lawreview.law.miami.edu/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/em_Matter-of-A-R-C-G-__em_-and-Domestic-Violence-Asylum_-A-Glimmer-of-Hope-Amidst-a-Continuing-Need-for-Reform.pdf\">el gobierno aún no define claramente\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) la categoría de asilo, \"grupo social particular\". Está \u003ca href=\"https://lawreview.law.miami.edu/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/em_Matter-of-A-R-C-G-__em_-and-Domestic-Violence-Asylum_-A-Glimmer-of-Hope-Amidst-a-Continuing-Need-for-Reform.pdf\">mal definida\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En su segunda semana en el cargo, \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/presidential-actions/2021/02/02/executive-order-creating-a-comprehensive-regional-framework-to-address-the-causes-of-migration-to-manage-migration-throughout-north-and-central-america-and-to-provide-safe-and-orderly-processing/\">Biden emitió una orden ejecutiva\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) en la que prometía revisar, en un plazo de seis meses, si las protecciones estadounidenses para las personas que huyen de la violencia doméstica o de las bandas criminales son \"coherentes con las normas internacionales.\" La orden \u003ca href=\"https://www.reginfo.gov/public/do/eAgendaViewRule?pubId=202104&RIN=1615-AC65\">también prometía una nueva norma\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés), en un plazo de nueve meses, para definir \"grupo social particular\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero más de un año después, la revisión y la norma no están a la vista, y los solicitantes de asilo como Deisy Ramírez se enfrentan a una situación turbia en los tribunales de inmigración, mientras los jueces se enfrentan a una acumulación de casos agravada por la pandemia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El retraso en la definición de los motivos de asilo, al igual que el retraso de Biden en terminar la aplicación del Título 42 en la frontera, refleja una tensión entre aquellos en la administración que quieren impulsar posiciones humanitarias, y aquellos que temen que el retroceso de las políticas restrictivas de la era de Trump podría perjudicar a los demócratas en las elecciones intermedias al Congreso, dijo Musalo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11912965\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1020px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11912965\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55043_IMG_4347-qut-1-1020x729-1.jpg\" alt=\"Una mujer con un abrigo blanco está sentada en un parque para niños.\" width=\"1020\" height=\"729\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55043_IMG_4347-qut-1-1020x729-1.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55043_IMG_4347-qut-1-1020x729-1-800x572.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55043_IMG_4347-qut-1-1020x729-1-160x114.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1020px) 100vw, 1020px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Deisy Ramírez dice que sus hijos le dieron la fuerza para liberarse de una relación abusiva en la que estaba retenida contra su voluntad. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Revivir el trauma en los tribunales\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Ramírez se preparaba para su día en el tribunal, no seguía estas sutilezas legales y políticas. Sólo sabía que ella y sus hijos habían sufrido horrores en Guatemala y que habían huido a los Estados Unidos en busca de seguridad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Fue la decisión más difícil que he tomado\", dijo. \"Pensé, '¿Qué voy a hacer si me encuentran? Me van a matar, y podrían matar a los niños, podrían hacerles daño, podrían venderlos'\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La mañana de su audiencia, Ramírez se puso una falda larga y floreada, se peinó su pelo castaño que le llegaba hasta la cintura y consiguió que la llevaran al juzgado ubicado en el centro de San Francisco. Pasó por el detector de metales y tomó el ascensor hasta el cuarto piso. El tribunal estaba vacío, salvo por dos abogados y un asistente de su equipo jurídico. Ramírez también me había permitido asistir a esta sensible audiencia que cambiaría su vida.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Un empleado inició un enlace de vídeo que conectaría al juez y al intérprete del tribunal, y marcó la línea telefónica para el fiscal del Servicio de Inmigración y Control de Aduanas de Estados Unidos (ICE, por sus siglas en inglés). Luego volvió a caminar por el pasillo vacío hacia su oficina.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El revestimiento de madera color marrón de las paredes de la sala estaba rayado y arañado. En el respaldo de uno de los bancos de madera para espectadores, alguien había grabado las palabras \"amor\" y \"feliz\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Park apareció en un gran monitor de vídeo y explicó el procedimiento. Su voz estaba distorsionada, como si hablara desde el fondo de una piscina, pero cuando la intérprete repetía sus palabras en español, su voz era clara.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Durante la siguiente hora y media, Valencia guió a Ramírez a través de su desgarrador testimonio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"¿Por qué cree que su padre la vendió a la familia Cinto?\", preguntó Valencia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Mi padre me dijo que nosotras, como mujeres, no valíamos nada\", respondió Ramírez. \"Y que le pertenecíamos como su propiedad\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"¿Estás casada con Dembler Cinto?\", preguntó Valencia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"'No quería que [mis hijos] sufrieran lo mismo que yo, porque eso te marca, de verdad, para toda la vida.'","name":"pullquote","attributes":{"named":{"align":"right","size":"medium","citation":"Deisy Ramírez","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\"No. Cuando tenía 14 años me obligaron a estar con él\", dijo Ramírez. \"Sus padres me dijeron, cuando mi padre me dejó, que sería su mujer\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"¿Qué tipo de palabras usaba cuando abusaba de ti?\", preguntó Valencia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Dijo que las mujeres habían nacido para servir a los hombres\", respondió Ramírez, con la voz quebrada. \"Dijo que yo era una puta y que era su esclava\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"¿Alguna vez hubo marcas físicas en tu cuerpo?\", preguntó la abogada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Sí, cada vez que me hacía daño tenía moretones en las piernas y en los brazos, en la cintura y en la cara\", respondió Ramírez. \"Me sangraba la nariz y la boca\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez describió años de servidumbre forzada, lenguaje degradante y palizas y violaciones regulares. Dijo que se le exigía que llevara poca ropa cuando trabajaba en el bar, donde los hombres le tocaban el cuerpo. En algunas ocasiones, dijo, llegaron agentes de policía y bebieron en el bar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Podían ver que era una niña de 14 años que estaba golpeada”, dijo Ramírez. \"Y nunca intentaron ayudar\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Además, nunca había visto a la policía ayudar a las mujeres maltratadas. Cuando Ramírez aún vivía en su casa, dijo que su madre había acudido a la policía tras recibir una paliza sangrienta de su padre, pero los agentes dijeron que era un asunto doméstico y no intervinieron, al igual que ignoraron a otras mujeres del barrio que sufrían abusos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez dijo que normalmente la encerraban en la casa y que Dembler Cinto la amenazaba con que si alguna vez le contaba a alguien sobre el trato que recibía o intentaba irse, la mataría y le haría daño a los niños.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El relato de las experiencias traumáticas fue agotador. Para ayudarla a mantenerse firme, me dijo Ramírez más tarde, Valencia le había enseñado ejercicios de respiración.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Siempre terminaba nuestras conversaciones con un ejercicio para que yo supiera que estaba en un lugar seguro\", dijo Ramírez. \"Sus palabras me ayudaron mucho\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Son técnicas de enraizamiento para volver a tu cuerpo\", dijo Valencia, que practica la meditación.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez dijo que la práctica la ayudó a reunir el valor para contar su historia en el tribunal. Pero su mayor valor lo encontró tres años antes, cuando escapó de la familia Cinto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11912964\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1020px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11912964\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55044_IMG_4382-qut-1020x728-1.jpg\" alt=\"Una madre ve a sus pequeñas hijas jugar en un parque. La madre sonríe.\" width=\"1020\" height=\"728\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55044_IMG_4382-qut-1020x728-1.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55044_IMG_4382-qut-1020x728-1-800x571.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55044_IMG_4382-qut-1020x728-1-160x114.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1020px) 100vw, 1020px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Deisy Ramírez observa a sus hijos jugar en un parque infantil en San Francisco el 22 de noviembre de 2021. \"Sólo se es niño una vez\", dice Ramírez, que pasó gran parte de su propia infancia en régimen de servidumbre. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>La fuga\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Fueron sus hijas, Stefany y Alexis, quienes le dieron la fuerza para liberarse, dijo. Cuando pasaron de ser bebés a niños, su padre se volvió cada vez más abusivo, azotándolas con un cinturón.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Era muy difícil ver cómo les pegaba, cómo les hablaba\", dijo. \"No quería que sufrieran lo mismo que yo, porque eso te deja cicatrices, realmente, para toda la vida\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mientras sus hijas crecían, Ramírez también se transformó de ser una adolescente a una mujer. Una mañana vio su oportunidad y la aprovechó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"'Me dije: Es hoy. Si no lo intento hoy, ¿entonces cuándo?'","name":"pullquote","attributes":{"named":{"align":"right","size":"medium","citation":"Deisy Ramírez","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\"Me dije: 'Es hoy. Si no lo intento hoy, ¿entonces cuándo?'\", dijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ese día de febrero del 2019, dijo que Dembler Cinto y su padre habían salido a comprar licor para surtir el bar y su madre estaba de compras. Con una hora rara a solas, Ramírez dijo que tomó un fajo de dinero en efectivo de Dembler, agarró a las niñas y se subieron a una camioneta que tenía una ruta diaria que conducía a los pobladores a Coatepeque, una ciudad más grande ubicada a 40 minutos de distancia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"A partir de ahí, mi idea era llegar a México. Porque si me quedo en Guatemala, me van a encontrar más rápido\", me dijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Al principio, Ramírez tenía mucho miedo de hablar con la gente. Tocaba las puertas y se ofrecía a lavar la ropa a cambio de comida o dinero. A veces, ella y las niñas dormían en las estaciones de autobús bajo tan sólo con una cobija. Pero también conocieron a extraños amables que les ayudaron, y Ramírez dijo que se dió cuenta de que había gente en la que podía confiar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez compró un teléfono móvil y llamó a su madre. Era la primera vez que hablaban en años, y se enteró de que varios de sus hermanos se habían trasladado a San Francisco, huyendo de la violencia en su país en cuanto pudieron salir.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Mi madre me dio el número de mi hermana porque sabía que necesitaba ayuda\", dijo.\u003cbr>\nAsí que Ramírez se fue rumbo a la frontera entre Estados Unidos y México, y cuando llegó allí, les dio el número de teléfono de su hermana a los agentes fronterizos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Mi hermana les dijo que tenía una habitación donde mis hijas y yo podíamos quedarnos. Fue como si se cayera el cielo, porque realmente no tenía ni idea de lo que iba a hacer\", dijo Ramírez. \"Pero ella nos abrió las puertas. Y luego me ayudó a encontrar trabajo y a empezar a estabilizarme\".\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Asilo concedido\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Al concluir la audiencia de asilo, Valencia se centró en unos últimos puntos cruciales para probar su caso ante el juez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"¿Alguna vez pidió ayuda?\", preguntó la abogada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"No\", dijo Ramírez. \"Tenía miedo de que si volvía a casa, mi padre me llevaría de nuevo con la familia Cinto. Decía que eran mis dueños\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez explicó que no tenía ninguna base para confiar en que las autoridades locales la protegerían, y que no creía que pudiera estar segura en ningún lugar de Guatemala.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"En Guatemala se trata mal a las mujeres\", dijo Ramírez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La fiscal del ICE, Juliet Boss, dijo que no iba a interrogar a Ramírez, lo cual sorprendió a Valencia\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Ella ha cubierto todo\", dijo Boss al juez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dijo que si Ramírez ganaba su caso, el gobierno no apelaría. Esto concuerda con las \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/doclib/about/offices/opla/OPLA-immigration-enforcement_interim-guidance.pdf\">directrices de la administración Biden\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) del año pasado, en las que se pedía a los abogados del ICE que usaran su discreción para decidir a quién procesar, pero no era lo que el equipo del Centro Legal esperaba de los normalmente agresivos fiscales del ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11856583","hero":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/Oakland-Mam-Aguilar-1020x680-1.jpg","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Luego llegó el turno del juez. Ramírez y sus abogados miraron el monitor de vídeo en el que Park estaba sentado con su toga negra. De los 40 jueces del tribunal de San Francisco, sabían que él era uno de los menos propensos a conceder el asilo. Si Ramírez perdía, podría ser deportada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Señora, hemos escuchado su testimonio\", dijo Park. \"El tribunal ha determinado que usted es elegible y merece asilo a discreción del tribunal. Así que usted y sus hijos serán asilados en los Estados Unidos\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tras un agradecimiento de Ramírez y unas cuantas formalidades, la señal de vídeo se apagó. Ramírez y sus abogados se quedaron solos en la sala. Se levantaron y se abrazaron. Todos lloraron.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Gracias, gracias, gracias\", dijo Ramírez. \"Son realmente personas muy especiales\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Las mujeres recogieron sus abrigos, sus documentos y pasaron por delante de los guardias de seguridad y salieron a la calle. Mientras se dirigían a una cafetería Peet's cercana para celebrarlo, comenzaron a charlar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Estaba nerviosa por este juez\", dijo Valencia. \"El caso de Deisy es el más fuerte de asilo que he argumentado, pero él tiene fama de ser duro\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Y añadió: \"Nunca había estado frente a un fiscal del ICE que se negara a interrogar”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En el mostrador, Ramírez pidió un chocolate caliente con crema batida.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Era el tercer caso de asilo que el equipo de Centro Legal ganaba en sólo cuatro días, dijo la colega de Valencia, Abby Sullivan Engen, y probablemente el resultado de las interpretaciones más generosas de la ley de asilo por parte de la administración Biden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unas semanas más tarde, otra clienta, también una mujer que huía de la violencia de género en Guatemala, obtuvo el asilo de un juez de inmigración de San Francisco igualmente duro.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Iris Diéguez declaró que estuvo casada con un policía guatemalteco que la violó y amenazó y que, cuando consiguió una orden de alejamiento, los compañeros de su marido se negaban a hacer cumplir la orden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La jueza Julie Nelson reconoció que Diéguez debía haberse sentido frustrada ya que llevaba esperando su día en el tribunal desde el 2013.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Pero\", le dijo a Engen, la abogada, \"puede funcionar a su favor, dados los cambios en la ley\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Al concluir la audiencia, Nelson explicó su razonamiento a Diéguez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Usted ha argumentado que fue perjudicada porque formaba parte del grupo social de mujeres guatemaltecas... sí encuentro que es un grupo social particular reconocible, basado en la ley\", dijo. \"Y sí encuentro que usted testificó de manera creíble que [su esposo] y otros la trataron de la manera en que lo hicieron debido a su animadversión hacia las mujeres guatemaltecas y a usted como mujer guatemalteca\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Entonces Nelson concedió asilo a Diéguez y a su hija.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez y Diéguez tienen ahora la seguridad de saber que pueden vivir permanentemente en los Estados Unidos. Pero los defensores dicen que hay demasiados solicitantes de asilo que se quedan sin saber cuáles son sus posibilidades de protección, porque el gobierno de Biden no ha emitido la norma que prometió en febrero de 2021 para aclarar los motivos de asilo basados en la pertenencia a un \"grupo social particular\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Creo que será más claro para los solicitantes y será más claro para los adjudicatarios\", dijo Musalo. \"Hará que las cosas funcionen mejor\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11912963\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1020px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11912963\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55045_IMG_4334-copy-qut-1020x729-1.jpg\" alt=\"Una madre ve a sus pequeñas hijas jugar en un parque.\" width=\"1020\" height=\"729\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55045_IMG_4334-copy-qut-1020x729-1.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55045_IMG_4334-copy-qut-1020x729-1-800x572.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55045_IMG_4334-copy-qut-1020x729-1-160x114.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1020px) 100vw, 1020px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Deisy Ramírez dice que la protección del asilo le permitirá centrarse en reconstruir su vida y crear un hogar seguro para sus hijas. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Una mejor vida en San Francisco\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Ahora que ya tiene asilo, y pronto una tarjeta de residencia que la establece como residente permanente en los Estados Unidos, Ramírez puede evaluar la nueva vida que está construyendo para su familia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Me reuní con ella unos días después de la audiencia de asilo en su casa del distrito Bayview de San Francisco, y nos dirigimos a un parque cercano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mientras caminábamos por la calle bajo el sol otoñal, Stefany y Alexis, que ahora tienen 8 y 6 años, brincaban por delante. Las niñas se detuvieron para admirar una procesión de hormigas que escalaban por el tronco de un árbol, y luego se echaron a correr cuando llegamos al parque infantil.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"label":"Más en español ","tag":"kqed-en-espanol"},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\"Son inseparables\", dijo Ramírez. \"No sé si es por lo que han pasado, pero lo hacen todo juntas\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mientras caminábamos, Ramírez empujaba un cochecito (también conocido como una carriola). Sus hijas tienen ahora una hermanita, Irma. Nos sentamos en un banco del parque, y ella rebotaba a la bebé sobre sus piernas y me contó cómo conoció al padre de Irma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En San Francisco, Ramírez comenzó a asistir a la iglesia de su hermana. Allí conoció a otros guatemaltecos, entre ellos a Cristian Aguilar, un joven que había sido compañero de juegos de su infancia en su pueblo de San José Chibuj. Ramírez dice que Aguilar se convirtió en un amigo de confianza. Con el tiempo, su vínculo se convirtió en amor y se casaron.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Al principio fue muy difícil\", dijo. \"Pero siempre me dio una sensación de seguridad. Y es maravilloso con mis hijas. Se sienten muy cómodas con él\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aguilar trabaja como mensajero médico, llevando sangre entre hospitales y clínicas. El costo de la vida en San Francisco es elevado, pero se las arreglan compartiendo la casa de cuatro dormitorios con sus padres y hermanos, lo que hace que el hogar sea de 10 personas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Esperan tener su lugar propio algún día, y Ramírez, que sólo estudió hasta el séptimo grado en Guatemala, espera eventualmente volver a la escuela y encontrar un buen trabajo. Sabe que en éste país es difícil mantener a una familia con un solo ingreso.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Por ahora, sin embargo, Ramírez está enfocada en recuperarse. Ha acudido a un psicólogo y está estableciendo relaciones con sus hermanos y su madre, que, según ella, sigue sufriendo abusos en su país. Ramírez no ha hablado con su padre, así que quizá nunca sepa por qué la vendió a los Cinto. Tal vez fue una forma de cubrir su cuenta de bar, dijo. Sólo quiere dejar todo atrás.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lo más importante para Ramírez es el bienestar de sus hijos, y sabe que eso está relacionado con su propia condición de mujer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Aquí, en Estados Unidos, las mujeres son libres, son iguales, pueden hacer cualquier cosa\", dijo. \"Aquí tengo oportunidades que serían imposibles en Guatemala. Y mi hija, mis hijos, estarán seguros aquí\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Las lleva al parque infantil casi todos los días.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Quiero que sus mentes estén en paz para que puedan disfrutar de su infancia\", dijo. \"Porque sólo se es niño una vez en la vida. Y creo que merecen ser felices\".\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Este artículo fue traducido por la periodista, \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/soytapatia\">María Peña\u003c/a> y editado por el periodista, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11912836/para-inmigrantes-que-huyen-de-la-violencia-de-genero-el-camino-hacia-el-asilo-en-los-estados-unidos-es-largo","authors":["259"],"categories":["news_1169","news_28523","news_6188"],"tags":["news_28954","news_23087","news_26233","news_31035","news_28586","news_21691","news_20202","news_28535","news_28790","news_28640","news_20377","news_717","news_27775","news_28444","news_25409","news_19267","news_38","news_31034","news_31033"],"featImg":"news_11912841","label":"source_news_11912836","isLoading":false,"hasAllInfo":true}},"programsReducer":{"possible":{"id":"possible","title":"Possible","info":"Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. 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