Kemanie and his family rent their home in this Novato neighborhood with the help of a Section 8 housing voucher. Like many, they were stuck on a waiting list for years before they were able to get a voucher. (Beth LaBerge/KQED)
Falling behind on rent is the primary reason that people are evicted. So how do you keep people from falling behind in the first place? Help them pay their rent.
In this final episode of the season, we’ll look at the promise, the problems and the history of Section 8, as well as the push for guaranteed income.
THE RENT EATS FIRST [TRANSCRIPT]
ERIN BALDASSARI, HOST: Kemanie and his wife were like a lot of young couples just starting out.
It was the early 2000s. He had recently started his career as a carpenter. She was a teacher. They were both in their mid-20s.
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But even with two incomes, they could barely make ends meet.
KEMANIE: We were living in a, like, a small, tiny little one-bedroom apartment with roaches, like basically a little small ghetto.
ERIN: Then their son was born. His wife stopped working to take care of him. And their budget got even tighter.
KEMANIE: And things was hard, but we started falling behind on rent.
ERIN: How far behind were you on rent at that time?
KEMANIE: I was $4,000 behind on rent at the time.
MOLLY SOLOMON, HOST: They were living where they both grew up in Marin County, just across the Golden Gate Bridge from San Francisco.
KEMANIE: At that point in time there was no way for us to survive in Marin County.
MOLLY: It didn’t help that it’s one of the wealthiest counties in the country. Or that their landlord was planning on selling the apartment they were renting.
They couldn’t figure out how they were going to pay the back rent and still have money for a deposit to move somewhere new.
KEMANIE: We would have been homeless. You know, it would have been really bad.
MOLLY: They thought about moving in with one of their parents or leaving Marin County altogether. Then, they got some good news.
KEMANIE: So we got it, we were out doing something — running an errand — and on the way back, my wife got the email.
(Music in)
ERIN: They got what some have called a “golden ticket” — a Section 8 housing voucher.
Section 8 is a federal program that helps low-income people afford rent on the private market.
Kemanie and his wife had put in their application nearly a decade ago. And they’d been stuck on a waiting list that never seemed to budge. When they finally got the news, it was like winning the lottery.
KEMANIE: We both looked at each other. And was, like, yes. I mean, it was like perfect timing.
MOLLY: It was a huge opportunity for them. With Section 8, they would only have to pay 30% of their income towards rent.
KEMANIE: It was an epiphany for us because it was like, life can go on now, like we — there’s a path forward.
MOLLY: They wouldn’t fall behind on bills. And they’d have a chance to catch up. They’d have some room to breathe.
ERIN: So, they started looking for a new place to live.
(Music out)
KEMANIE: And we searched and searched and searched, and went and visited and talked to people, and knowing that we had the housing voucher, we thought it was going to be easier because it was a guarantee.
ERIN: A guarantee because most of the rent money comes from the federal government. It’s usually deposited straight into the landlord’s bank account.
KEMANIE: And we found out that it was more of a hindrance than anything.
(Sold Out theme song begins.)
ERIN: It’s what most Section 8 tenants discover — the voucher is not only hard to get, it’s hard to use.
MOLLY: These problems aren’t new. And neither is Section 8. But over the past half century, it’s become the No. 1 way we subsidize rent in this country.
As rents climb higher, advocates say we need to fix the problems with Section 8 and expand it. To make it work for more people.
I’m Molly Solomon.
ERIN: And I’m Erin Baldassari. From KQED, this is Sold Out: Rethinking Housing in America.
Today, the final chapter in our series on evictions.
How to keep people from getting evicted? Help pay the rent.
(Sold Out theme song ends.)
MOLLY: Kemanie and his wife have had a housing voucher for nearly two decades now. And anytime they’ve had to move, it’s always the same thing.
They apply to dozens of places, visit a ton of apartments and get the same answers.
KEMANIE: And every single time it was like, no, nope, no, no.
MOLLY: It didn’t seem to matter that they had good references from past landlords, even letters from neighbors.
KEMANIE: As soon as Section 8 comes up, you see like a glaze go over their eyes like, OK, I got to deal with this conversation and move on to the next person.
(Music in)
ERIN: Some landlords told them point-blank they wouldn’t accept Section 8, even though that’s illegal in California and a handful of other states.
Those laws are hard to enforce, though. And landlords find all sorts of ways of getting around them — like requiring a credit score of 700 or above.
KEMANIE: You know, it was kind of, smile in our face, “Oh, yeah, but your credit score is low.” But the bottom line is most people are on Section 8 because they’re having issues financially and their credit is not very good.
MOLLY: Or, landlords would ask them to have an income that’s at least three times the rent.
KEMANIE: It’s like, if I make three times the monthly amount, I’m buying my own place. Period, that’s it.
MOLLY: Other times there was an online application, but no box to check to say they had Section 8.
KEMANIE: Right? And you don’t even get to talk to anybody or even see anybody or state your case. And it doesn’t say you have Section 8 on the app, so you can’t fill that out.
MOLLY: Usually, though, they just never heard back. There was no explanation at all.
(Music out)
ERIN: So, Kemanie and his wife tried harder. They wrote cover letters. And organized all their references and documentation into nice, neat little folders.
KEMANIE: We would put a little picture, a nice little cute picture of our Black family for people to accept and like and maybe, you know, feel sorry for us.
ERIN: It was frustrating and stressful. To Kemanie, it felt racist.
KEMANIE: And it really felt like redlining. Is, that’s how I felt about it, because they’re just like, no, you know.
MOLLY: Racial discrimination can be hard to prove, but a recent audit found it’s a pervasive problem.
The Fair Housing Advocates of Northern California conducted paired tests of white and Black renters. And found that nearly 70% of the time, landlords in the county where Kemanie lives refused to rent to Black tenants, or used more subtle behaviors, like leaving someone on hold for hours, never calling back or steering Black applicants away from certain neighborhoods. More than half the time, landlords did the same for voucher holders.
ERIN: To Kemanie, this was not news.
He and his wife had lived their whole lives in Marin County — a community where more than 70% of the residents are white, and where the average household makes over $115,000 a year.
(Music in)
KEMANIE: It’s hard to explain it to other people. We’re Black in America.
Every day, especially also for me, being a Black man and being very intimidating to a lot of people. Every single day, when I meet somebody, I got to put a smile on my face to like, look, I’m not threatening.
ERIN: Holding a Section 8 voucher in his hands worsens the daily strain of trying to find acceptance.
KEMANIE: And it felt like that times 10, because this time we’re looking for everyone’s approval and it’s — we’re trying to dress us up as the best we can to get accepted by people that we know maybe aren’t racist, but just aren’t as inclined to want us to be there.
That was very, very, very hard. And that was, I think, probably the most defeating part of the whole thing for us.
(Music out)
MOLLY: This discrimination is why we aren’t using Kemanie’s full name. Or his wife’s name.
The experience of looking for a place to live has been so traumatic, they’re afraid to do anything that might hurt their chances of finding a home the next time they have to start looking. Their struggles with Section 8 highlight two of the program’s biggest failures.
ERIN: Only 1 in 5 who qualify for rental assistance actually receives it. Meaning most people are stuck on waitlists for years — even decades.
And when people do get off those waitlists, roughly a thirdlose their vouchers because they can’t find any landlord willing to take them.
MOLLY: That’s partly because there’s an unfair stigma around Section 8, even if it isn’t backed up by evidence.
EVA ROSEN: Landlords sometimes don’t want to rent to big families. They often worry that voucher-holders might be more likely to do damage to the home or that they might be noisier tenants. And again, none of this is really backed up by any kind of data, but the stigma itself is very real.
ERIN: This unfair stigma is made worse when you add in racism — the kind that Kemanie and his family felt.
EVA: In my research with landlords, they say things like, well, I couldn’t rent to a Black person in this neighborhood because all of my other tenants are white and they would not like that.
I think racism is a big part of the reticence that we see from landlords.
MOLLY: Despite all these barriers, Kemanie and his family were able to find a place to live. They’ve been at their current home for three and a half years now.
And in the world of Section 8, it’s kind of a unicorn. It’s a single-family home on a quiet cul-de-sac in Novato, a wealthy suburb north of San Francisco.
KEMANIE: This is literally everything we could ask for. This is — we’re so incredibly happy here right now in the place that we have.
ERIN: It’s got three bedrooms, a two-car garage, and a big, tree-lined backyard.
There are parks nearby and great schools for their kids. And, they feel safe here.
KEMANIE: Safety at school, safety coming home from school, you know, safety on the weekends, playing with their friends, you know, all of that.
KEMANIE: It’s like we’re living in a dream that we know are about to wake up from. We know at some point someone’s going to shake us and be like, “Hey, wake up.”
MOLLY: That wake-up call could come in just a few months.
Their landlord told them they’re thinking about selling. And their current lease lasts only until September. After that, there are no guarantees.
KEMANIE: It’s all up in the air. Everything’s very unsettled for us.
(Music in)
ERIN: When that time comes, they’ll have to find another landlord willing to take them. They know from experience it won’t be easy.
To make the system better for tenants, we need to get more landlords on board.
We’ll tell you how, coming up.
(Music out)
ERIN: When the Pruitt-Igoe public housing development in St. Louis, Missouri, opened in 1954, it was celebrated as a marvel of modern architecture: 33 towers, each 11 stories tall.
ERIN: But just a decade later, it was falling apart and had become a symbol of government mismanagement and neglect, drawing national attention for its horrible living conditions.
KMOX NEWS REPORT: When the temperatures dropped below freezing this week, water lines in several of the Pruitt-Igoe apartment buildings broke and the subsequent flow of water turned into ice. At 2311 Dixon, a sewer line is broken, and now raw sewage bubbles out of the ground like a malevolent spring.
ERIN: On March 16, 1972, the first of its 33 towers was demolished.
(Sounds: A building is being demolished; Pruitt-Igoe implodes.)
PRUITT-IGOE IMPLOSION: Not only St. Louis, but the rest of the nation is viewing with great interest the results of this experiment.
(Music out)
MOLLY: President Richard Nixon saw the growing frustration with public housing failures like Pruitt-Igoe. And so he took a turn towards the private market instead.
Two years after that demolition, Nixon introduced Section 8. Again, here’s Georgetown University professor Eva Rosen.
EVA: You’re not having to build public housing, you’re not having to maintain or renovate a public housing stock. And so it is this sort of very, in theory, economically efficient tool.
ERIN: Under Nixon, Section 8 was just a pilot program.
But by the 1990s, the stage was set for it to grow. Public housing had gotten a real bad rap, and that’s when President Bill Clinton really ramped up Section 8.
PRESIDENT BILL CLINTON: Today I had the honor of signing the budget for programs to help the homeless to give housing vouchers to empower the poor.
EVA: And actually in the title, you can very much notice this emphasis on choice.
MOLLY: Eva says that reflects one of the goals for the program.
The hope was that people could use their vouchers to move to more affluent neighborhoods. Neighborhoods with more resources, better schools and more jobs.
ERIN: Public housing had become extremely segregated.
By 1989, nearly 70% of the households of the residents were people of color. Mostly women-led, Black and Latinx households.
And most of the housing developments were also in segregated and impoverished neighborhoods.
EVA: And that was causing all kinds of problems. And it was leaving public housing residents with very little choice about where they ended up.
ERIN: But Eva says the program hasn’t lived up to its promise of giving voucher holders a real choice of where to live. And a lot of that comes down to landlords: when they choose to participate, and why.
(Music out)
EVA: When we introduced these private landlords into this system, we sort of just assumed that they would play along, that they would want to participate. And that tends not always to be the case.
MOLLY: For some landlords, Section 8 works really well.
Eugene Zinchik and his brother own a real estate and property management company in San Francisco. And he’s been renting to voucher holders for about six or seven years now.
EUGENEZINCHIK: There’s more stability in knowing that your rent checks are going to be coming, you know, whatever it is that happens.
MOLLY: During the pandemic, most of Eugene’s Section 8 tenants stayed put, and their rent checks kept flowing in. But a lot of his tenants who didn’t have vouchers — they left.
Even without the coronavirus, Eugene says voucher holders just stick around longer.
EUGENE: There’s less turnover for a landlord. If there’s less turnover, there’s no rent that they’re losing.
He points to a new building he’s managing in San Francisco’s Bayview neighborhood. Even though he hasn’t found a tenant yet, Eugene already knows it’ll be someone on Section 8.
EUGENE: Part of San Francisco is extremely, extremely expensive. Bayview is still semi-affordable for maybe, still, for a blue-collar family.
ERIN: He says rents here are about $1,000 lower than in other parts of the city.
But landlords can actually charge a Section 8 more than they would with someone without a voucher.
MOLLY: That’s because when the government decides how much it’s willing to pay for each voucher, it doesn’t vary the amounts by neighborhood. It sets one standard for the whole city.
So it’s a pretty good deal for landlords in places like Bayview.
EUGENE: So in Bayview, in my experience, the amounts that Section 8 pays are pretty much competitive.
(Music out)
But landlords in high-rent places could actually lose money.
EUGENE: In at least half the neighborhoods in San Francisco, Section 8 what they pay per unit is just not compatible with the market rent.
ERIN: Eva says those incentives have created an unintended consequence: Most Section 8 tenants are trapped in low-income neighborhoods.
EVA: And this is where you start to understand how the program, which was designed and very much hoped to provide tenants choice, actually creates sort of an opposite scenario where they’re being pushed away from the kind of neighborhoods that they might want to end up in and forced into neighborhoods that they don’t necessarily want to be in.
ERIN: Eugene says even when landlords want to rent to a voucher holder, it’s not that easy. You have to jump through a lot of hoops. What kind of hoops? Well, let’s take a look.
(Music in)
MOLLY: First, there are the forms. For both tenants and landlords.
EUGENE: You know, forms could be scary if you’ve never seen this form before.
ERIN: Let’s say you do fill them out correctly.
EUGENE: For about two weeks, you probably hear nothing.
MOLLY: Then, hopefully, you get a call for an inspection. The housing authority needs to make sure these buildings are up to code. For that, you’ll need to take the day off work.
EUGENE: A lot of times you get a four-hour window for the inspector to come in.
ERIN: And if you have any questions, don’t try to get anyone on the phone.
EUGENE: Just talking to somebody, you’d be waiting on hold for an hour.
MOLLY: Eugene says it’s like dealing with the DMV.
(Music out)
EUGENE: You know, we’ve all been there, but you know, we don’t really want to do that unless we have to.
MOLLY: The federal Department of Housing and Urban Development held listening sessions with property owners across the country back in 2018.
Most of the sessions were taken up by complaints. Eighty-two percent said they had bad experiences dealing with their local housing authority.
ERIN: One of their biggest issues: how long it takes to sign up a new tenant.
The whole process can take a month or two — time spent without collecting rent.
EUGENE: For a landlord to just sit and wait for that tenant is not, is not reasonable, especially if it’s an individual like a mom-and-pop type of shop.
MOLLY: So how do we improve Section 8?
For tenants to have more choice — you know, the original goal of the program — you need more landlords with properties in more neighborhoods. Here’s Eva Rosen:
EVA: When we think about landlord participation, I think we need to think about carrots and sticks.
MOLLY: That means tougher laws to prevent landlords from discriminating against Section 8 tenants. And better enforcement.
EVA: That’s sort of like a stick, right? It’s a slap on the wrist. It’s a no, you’re not allowed to do this.
ERIN: And, then there’s the carrot: more voucher money for properties in wealthier neighborhoods.
It’s something the federal government is already trying. They’re basing the rent on the ZIP code, instead of one standard for the whole city.
EVA: Because there’s no way a landlord is going to participate in the program if they’re getting less rent than they would get from a market tenant, right?
MOLLY: An early test of the program showed it worked. More landlords in affluent areas opened their doors to Section 8.
But in a few cities, there was a downside, too. Some landlords in low-income neighborhoods stopped renting to voucher holders. That led to a drop in the number of homes available there.
Still, the results were still promising enough that they’ve expanded it to two dozen cities across the country.
(Music in)
ERIN: Another way to recruit more landlords? Cut the red tape.
EUGENE: Give those individuals that have the voucher more say of what they’re able to do. Give the power to that individual to sign on their own behalf to take the place or not take the place.
ERIN: After all, Section 8 was supposed to be about choice. So, Eugene says, let people make their own.
Coming up: A different solution that is all about choice. And cold, hard cash.
(Music out)
MOLLY: When the coronavirus hit — and the economy shut down — one thing was clear: People needed cash.
And the federal government stepped in.
WCNC: Stimulus checks are rolling in for millions of Americans today. About 80 million people are expected to receive their payments today.
NBC: Well, these direct payments are what everyone is talking about because 90% of American households should be getting some money.
ERIN: Before the pandemic, the idea of giving out free money in this country was kind of a hard sell.
Natalie Foster is the president and co-founder of the Economic Security Project.
NATALIE FOSTER: Then the pandemic hit and it became clear that cash was the currency of urgency.
ERIN: And it wasn’t just stimulus checks.
NATALIE: Pandemic unemployment insurance was important for supporting people in the midst of job loss, expanding tax credits like the earned income tax credit and the child tax credit.
These were all things that the government did.
MOLLY: For a lot of families, that extra money was a lifeline. Despite a recession and a global pandemic, poverty in this country actually decreased.
NATALIE: We saw a decrease in poverty, and that is because the government realized that poverty is a policy choice and we could make different choices. And so the politics of the moment allowed for us to make a different choice.
ERIN: We also made a choice to keep more people housed, with eviction moratoriums and rent relief.
For progressives and others, those pandemic-era programs were a golden opportunity to tackle poverty and housing insecurity on a grand scale. And test an idea that’s been gaining steam over the past couple years.
NEWS CLIPS: It’s an idea known as guaranteed basic income.
A monthly, no-strings-attached cash payment given directly to individuals.
MOLLY: A guaranteed income.
(Music in)
MOLLY: Basically, if you want to solve poverty, give people money.
Here’s how it would work: The money would come from the federal government, ideally in the form of a regular, monthly payment.
The amount wouldn’t make you rich, but it could help pay for your housing, your food or whatever else you need.
ERIN: For all the excitement around guaranteed income today, it’s not actually a new idea.
Thomas Paine argued for it way back in the 18th century. And over the years, its supporters have come from all over the political spectrum.
From the Black Panthers, to President Richard Nixon.
RECORDING OF PRESIDENT RICHARD NIXON DISCUSSING GUARANTEED INCOME: What I am proposing is that the federal government build a foundation under the income of every American family with dependent children that cannot care for itself.
From libertarian economist Milton Friedman to civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr.
It seems to me that the civil rights movement must now begin to organize for the guaranteed annual income, begin to organize people all over our country and mobilize forces, so that we can bring to the attention of our nation, this need and this something which I believe will go a long, long way toward dealing with the Negros’ economic problem and the economic problem with many other poor people confronting our nation.
(Music out)
MOLLY: Alaska’s been doing this since the 1980s, paying out oil dividends to all its residents — on average, about $1,600 a year.
But more recently, about 90 guaranteed-income experiments have popped up across the country. Most were inspired by one city: Stockton, California.
ERIN: Michael led Stockton’s guaranteed-income program back in 2019. He says a lot of the issues that came across his desk all came back to the same thing.
MICHAEL: Issues of poverty and lack and pervasive poverty and generational poverty.
Michael wanted to bring a guaranteed income to Stockton because the old way of addressing poverty wasn’t working.
The programs we have now — like welfare or food stamps or housing vouchers — they have a lot of rules and regulations.
MICHAEL: When you’re on welfare, you have to spend so much time being with case managers, filling out forms, doing this, doing that, which robs you of the ability to do all the other things you need to do.
MOLLY: Guaranteed-income programs don’t require all that micromanagement, which frees up people’s time.
And, they have another benefit: You can spend the money however you need.
(Music in)
MICHAEL: Whether it’s on new tires, a transmission, a new washer and dryer, school clothes, a wedding, going to visit your parents you haven’t seen in a while.
MOLLY: When people in Stockton were given the choice of how to use the $500 they got each month, they tended to spend it on food and other essentials.
Some also used it to help pay for housing.
MICHAEL: They were able to sort of save up for a down payment to move to safer living conditions. Or some people use it to cope with sort of small rises in rent that occur: $50 here or $100 here, $125 here.
ERIN: Researchers in Stockton didn’t look specifically at the impact of a guaranteed income on evictions. But the small stipend could help.
Just knowing you have enough money to get to the end of the month also goes a long way for your mental health.
MICHAEL: Folks who received the guaranteed income went from elevated levels of stress to regular levels of stress. And that just was like, wow, like money really sort of affects health and mental health and well-being and how we show up in the world.
(Music out)
MOLLY: But probably one of the biggest findings from Stockton: It challenged a widely held criticism of guaranteed income, that it would cause people to stop working.
MICHAEL: And I wasn’t surprised, but I’m glad the data validated this belief that that $500 was not going to make anyone stop working, that people still worked.
ERIN: Michael says that’s because it wasn’t enough to live on. But it gave people some breathing room. It allowed them to quit one of their part-time jobs and look for full-time work.
Or go back to school to change careers.
MICHAEL: It allowed people the chance to live. And live a life, and live a life beyond just going through the motions and working and going to sleep and working, going to sleep.
ERIN: Still, critics say you shouldn’t draw too many conclusions from one small pilot program — with only 125 participants.
Rolling out a guaranteed income nationally could have a much bigger impact on the economy. And many worry that all that extra cash would only cause prices to rise, setting off higher inflation.
MOLLY: Guaranteed income also does nothing to solve a larger problem.
MICHAEL: Guaranteed income is great, but we don’t want all that money to be spent on housing because people have other needs, right? So I think a guaranteed income is a powerful tool. But like any toolbox, you need more than one tool to really get the job done.
(Music in)
MOLLY: Guaranteed income can’t solve poverty on its own. But Michael says it’s a good place to start if we want to solve other big problems, like evictions.
Evictions perpetuate inequality, and they push more people into poverty.
ERIN: When you’re evicted, you lose your neighborhood, your school, your support network. You can be trapped in a cycle of debt, even become homeless.
But the solutions are within our reach, and people are already pushing for them.
MOLLY: Activists in Fresno are fighting for a fair shot in court.
Tenants in Antioch are demanding more protection against rising rents.
And women like Jean [Kendrick, from Episode 2] are sharing their stories and calling attention to inequities we can’t unsee.
ERIN: Evictions reflect our housing system: who reaps the profit and who suffers the pain.
But we have an opportunity to make the system more fair, to invest in people’s success, not just for a few, but for all.
The question is, will we take it? I’m Erin Baldassari.
MOLLY: And I’m Molly Solomon. Thank you so much for listening to Sold Out: Rethinking Housing in America.
If you like what you hear, please leave us a review on Apple Podcasts — and share it with a friend!
ERIN: We’ve got one more thing that we’re working on. It’s a bonus episode full of stories from you. That’ll drop in a few weeks, so stay tuned.
Sold Out is a production of KQED. This episode was written and reported by us: Molly Solomon and Erin Baldassari.
MOLLY: Adhiti Bandlamudi produced this episode. Kyana Moghadam is our senior producer. Brendan Willard is our sound engineer. And Rob Speight wrote our theme song.
Natalia Aldana is our senior engagement producer and Gerald Fermin is our engagement intern.
ERIN: Thank you to our editor, Erika Kelly. Additional editing from Jessica Placzek and Otis Taylor Jr.
We couldn’t have made this season without Ethan Toven-Lindsey, Holly Kernan, Erika Aguilar and Vinnee Tong.
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Previously, she was the station's editor-at-large, with a focus on editing early childhood education, politics, and criminal justice. Before that, she managed and edited statewide election coverage for The California Newsroom, a collaboration of local public radio stations, CalMatters and NPR. Molly joined KQED in 2019 to launch the station’s housing affordability desk, where she reported on homelessness, evictions and is the co-host of KQED’s housing podcast, SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America. Before that, she was the Southwest Washington Bureau Chief for Oregon Public Broadcasting and a reporter at Hawaii Public Radio. Her stories have aired on NPR’s \u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em>, \u003cem>All Things Considered\u003c/em>, \u003cem>Here & Now\u003c/em>, \u003cem>Science Friday\u003c/em> and \u003cem>Marketplace\u003c/em>. Molly's award-winning reporting has been honored by the Best of the West, Edward R. Murrow awards, Society of Professional Journalists, National Headliner Awards, and the Asian American Journalists Association. Born and raised in Berkeley, Molly is a big fan of burritos and her scruffy terrier, Ollie.","avatar":"https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/9ad9794616923d81c9a79897161545bd?s=600&d=blank&r=g","twitter":"solomonout","facebook":null,"instagram":null,"linkedin":null,"sites":[{"site":"news","roles":["editor"]},{"site":"science","roles":["editor"]}],"headData":{"title":"Molly Solomon | KQED","description":"Senior Editor","ogImgSrc":"https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/9ad9794616923d81c9a79897161545bd?s=600&d=blank&r=g","twImgSrc":"https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/9ad9794616923d81c9a79897161545bd?s=600&d=blank&r=g"},"isLoading":false,"link":"/author/msolomon"}},"breakingNewsReducer":{},"campaignFinanceReducer":{},"firebase":{"requesting":{},"requested":{},"timestamps":{},"data":{},"ordered":{},"auth":{"isLoaded":false,"isEmpty":true},"authError":null,"profile":{"isLoaded":false,"isEmpty":true},"listeners":{"byId":{},"allIds":[]},"isInitializing":false,"errors":[]},"navBarReducer":{"navBarId":"news","fullView":true,"showPlayer":false},"navMenuReducer":{"menus":[{"key":"menu1","items":[{"name":"News","link":"/","type":"title"},{"name":"Politics","link":"/politics"},{"name":"Science","link":"/science"},{"name":"Education","link":"/educationnews"},{"name":"Housing","link":"/housing"},{"name":"Immigration","link":"/immigration"},{"name":"Criminal Justice","link":"/criminaljustice"},{"name":"Silicon Valley","link":"/siliconvalley"},{"name":"Forum","link":"/forum"},{"name":"The California Report","link":"/californiareport"}]},{"key":"menu2","items":[{"name":"Arts & Culture","link":"/arts","type":"title"},{"name":"Critics’ Picks","link":"/thedolist"},{"name":"Cultural Commentary","link":"/artscommentary"},{"name":"Food & Drink","link":"/food"},{"name":"Bay Area Hip-Hop","link":"/bayareahiphop"},{"name":"Rebel Girls","link":"/rebelgirls"},{"name":"Arts Video","link":"/artsvideos"}]},{"key":"menu3","items":[{"name":"Podcasts","link":"/podcasts","type":"title"},{"name":"Bay Curious","link":"/podcasts/baycurious"},{"name":"Rightnowish","link":"/podcasts/rightnowish"},{"name":"The Bay","link":"/podcasts/thebay"},{"name":"On Our Watch","link":"/podcasts/onourwatch"},{"name":"Mindshift","link":"/podcasts/mindshift"},{"name":"Consider This","link":"/podcasts/considerthis"},{"name":"Political Breakdown","link":"/podcasts/politicalbreakdown"}]},{"key":"menu4","items":[{"name":"Live Radio","link":"/radio","type":"title"},{"name":"TV","link":"/tv","type":"title"},{"name":"Events","link":"/events","type":"title"},{"name":"For Educators","link":"/education","type":"title"},{"name":"Support KQED","link":"/support","type":"title"},{"name":"About","link":"/about","type":"title"},{"name":"Help Center","link":"https://kqed-helpcenter.kqed.org/s","type":"title"}]}]},"pagesReducer":{},"postsReducer":{"stream_live":{"type":"live","id":"stream_live","audioUrl":"https://streams.kqed.org/kqedradio","title":"Live Stream","excerpt":"Live Stream information currently unavailable.","link":"/radio","featImg":"","label":{"name":"KQED Live","link":"/"}},"stream_kqedNewscast":{"type":"posts","id":"stream_kqedNewscast","audioUrl":"https://www.kqed.org/.stream/anon/radio/RDnews/newscast.mp3?_=1","title":"KQED Newscast","featImg":"","label":{"name":"88.5 FM","link":"/"}},"news_11984016":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11984016","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11984016","found":true},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"judge-rules-california-split-lot-housing-law-unconstitutional","title":"California Law Letting Property Owners Split Lots to Build New Homes Is 'Unconstitutional,' Judge Rules","publishDate":1714079477,"format":"standard","headTitle":"California Law Letting Property Owners Split Lots to Build New Homes Is ‘Unconstitutional,’ Judge Rules | KQED","labelTerm":{"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11860308/why-just-allowing-fourplexes-wont-solve-californias-housing-affordability-crisis\">controversial 2021 law\u003c/a> that allows property owners in California to split their lots and build up to two new homes is unconstitutional, a Los Angeles Superior Court judge ruled this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/20240422-Los-Angeles-Superior-Court-Judge-ruling-on-SB-9.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The ruling\u003c/a> striking down \u003ca href=\"https://focus.senate.ca.gov/sb9\">Senate Bill 9\u003c/a> only applies to the five Southern California charter cities that were parties to the case: Redondo Beach, Whittier, Carson, Del Mar and Torrance. However, if the case is appealed, the appellate court’s ruling will apply to \u003ca href=\"https://www.cacities.org/UploadedFiles/LeagueInternet/6b/6bbb4ee3-88f9-4d8f-93ad-0075a7b486c4.pdf\">charter cities\u003c/a> statewide, including San Francisco, Oakland and San José.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision, issued on Monday, is a blow to key state leaders, who \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2021/09/16/governor-newsom-signs-historic-legislation-to-boost-californias-housing-supply-and-fight-the-housing-crisis/\">hailed the law\u003c/a> as a way to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11840548/the-racist-history-of-single-family-home-zoning\">open single-family neighborhoods\u003c/a> to desperately needed housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it’s an endorsement of an opposing idea: that suburban neighborhoods should be reserved for single-family homes, said Chris Elmendorf, a law professor at UC Davis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s an indication of unease or discomfort with housing laws that are trying to transform single-family-home neighborhoods,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for state Attorney General Rob Bonta, the named defendant in the case, said his office is reviewing the case and would “consider all options in defense of SB 9.” The office of Gov. Gavin Newsom, a supporter of the law, did not respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pam Lee, an attorney with Aleshire & Wynder, who represented the plaintiffs in the case, said the ruling came as a surprise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We knew that the stakes were high, but we also knew that it was an uphill battle,” Lee said. “So many of the [housing] laws that have been challenged — in particular, cases against charter cities — have just not been met with a favorable fate.”[aside label=\"more housing coverage\" tag=\"affordable-housing\"]Charter cities have special privileges under the state Constitution, Lee said, including the right to enact their own laws. When the state Legislature wants its laws to apply to those charter cities, Lee said lawmakers have to demonstrate the law addresses a statewide concern.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his decision, Judge Curtis Kin said the Legislature didn’t do that in this case. Specifically, SB 9 says its purpose is to “ensure access to affordable housing.” Lee and her colleagues argued that “affordable housing” means something very specific: below-market-rate, deed-restricted housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the law doesn’t specifically require property owners to develop that kind of housing, the law is unconstitutional, Kin ruled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elmendorf called that interpretation “kind of silly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By allowing property owners to split their lots and build up to two homes on each new one, the law promotes the construction of homes that are smaller and therefore relatively more affordable, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Legislature is not a house full of idiots,” Elmendorf said, adding the law itself clearly states the Legislature’s intent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, state Sen. Toni Atkins (D-San Diego), who authored SB 9, called the judge’s ruling “sadly misguided” and vowed to “remedy any loopholes biased city governments might utilize” to block new housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The assertion by NIMBY city governments that SB 9 is only about subsidized housing is a stretch at best,” said Atkins, who recently stepped down as Senate President Pro Tempore. “The goal of SB 9 has always been to increase equity and accessibility in our neighborhoods while growing our housing supply and production across the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since it went into effect in 2022, however, the law has produced little in the way of new lots or housing. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11980785/these-california-companies-want-to-buy-your-backyard-and-build-a-house\">KQED survey\u003c/a> of 16 cities of varying sizes found that between 2022 and 2023, the cities collectively approved 75 lot-split applications and 112 applications for new units under the law. That’s compared to more than 8,800 accessory dwelling units, or in-law apartments, the cities permitted during the same time frame.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Developers have generally supported the bill but have criticized anti-speculation provisions in the law that require a property owner requesting a lot split to agree to live in the house for at least three years. They have also argued that fees and other barriers cities have imposed have prevented the law from working as intended.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Atkins authored a second bill, SB 450, to address some of those issues, but it is currently on hold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elmendorf said the Legislature’s unwillingness to address those issues demonstrates a certain unease with the law’s intent to open single-family neighborhoods to more housing — even among lawmakers who voted to approve it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That unease is reflected in SB 9 itself,” he said. “SB 9 is written with loopholes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state could easily fix those loopholes, Elmendorf said, just as it can easily remedy the error Kin identified in his ruling. How swiftly it does so will demonstrate how serious lawmakers are about dismantling barriers to housing in single-family neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s worth watching the legislative response to this case,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Doing so will better answer the question underlying SB 9, Elmendorf added. “Do we really want these traditional single-family home neighborhoods to be transformed into something that’s a little bit different?”\u003c/p>\n\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"A Los Angeles Superior Court judge this week struck down SB 9, a 2021 California law allowing property owners to split their lots and build up to two new homes.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1714153584,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":25,"wordCount":896},"headData":{"title":"California Law Letting Property Owners Split Lots to Build New Homes Is 'Unconstitutional,' Judge Rules | KQED","description":"A Los Angeles Superior Court judge this week struck down SB 9, a 2021 California law allowing property owners to split their lots and build up to two new homes.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"California Law Letting Property Owners Split Lots to Build New Homes Is 'Unconstitutional,' Judge Rules","datePublished":"2024-04-25T21:11:17.000Z","dateModified":"2024-04-26T17:46:24.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"sticky":false,"excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11984016/judge-rules-california-split-lot-housing-law-unconstitutional","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11860308/why-just-allowing-fourplexes-wont-solve-californias-housing-affordability-crisis\">controversial 2021 law\u003c/a> that allows property owners in California to split their lots and build up to two new homes is unconstitutional, a Los Angeles Superior Court judge ruled this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/20240422-Los-Angeles-Superior-Court-Judge-ruling-on-SB-9.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The ruling\u003c/a> striking down \u003ca href=\"https://focus.senate.ca.gov/sb9\">Senate Bill 9\u003c/a> only applies to the five Southern California charter cities that were parties to the case: Redondo Beach, Whittier, Carson, Del Mar and Torrance. However, if the case is appealed, the appellate court’s ruling will apply to \u003ca href=\"https://www.cacities.org/UploadedFiles/LeagueInternet/6b/6bbb4ee3-88f9-4d8f-93ad-0075a7b486c4.pdf\">charter cities\u003c/a> statewide, including San Francisco, Oakland and San José.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision, issued on Monday, is a blow to key state leaders, who \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2021/09/16/governor-newsom-signs-historic-legislation-to-boost-californias-housing-supply-and-fight-the-housing-crisis/\">hailed the law\u003c/a> as a way to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11840548/the-racist-history-of-single-family-home-zoning\">open single-family neighborhoods\u003c/a> to desperately needed housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it’s an endorsement of an opposing idea: that suburban neighborhoods should be reserved for single-family homes, said Chris Elmendorf, a law professor at UC Davis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s an indication of unease or discomfort with housing laws that are trying to transform single-family-home neighborhoods,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for state Attorney General Rob Bonta, the named defendant in the case, said his office is reviewing the case and would “consider all options in defense of SB 9.” The office of Gov. Gavin Newsom, a supporter of the law, did not respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pam Lee, an attorney with Aleshire & Wynder, who represented the plaintiffs in the case, said the ruling came as a surprise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We knew that the stakes were high, but we also knew that it was an uphill battle,” Lee said. “So many of the [housing] laws that have been challenged — in particular, cases against charter cities — have just not been met with a favorable fate.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"label":"more housing coverage ","tag":"affordable-housing"},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Charter cities have special privileges under the state Constitution, Lee said, including the right to enact their own laws. When the state Legislature wants its laws to apply to those charter cities, Lee said lawmakers have to demonstrate the law addresses a statewide concern.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his decision, Judge Curtis Kin said the Legislature didn’t do that in this case. Specifically, SB 9 says its purpose is to “ensure access to affordable housing.” Lee and her colleagues argued that “affordable housing” means something very specific: below-market-rate, deed-restricted housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the law doesn’t specifically require property owners to develop that kind of housing, the law is unconstitutional, Kin ruled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elmendorf called that interpretation “kind of silly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By allowing property owners to split their lots and build up to two homes on each new one, the law promotes the construction of homes that are smaller and therefore relatively more affordable, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Legislature is not a house full of idiots,” Elmendorf said, adding the law itself clearly states the Legislature’s intent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, state Sen. Toni Atkins (D-San Diego), who authored SB 9, called the judge’s ruling “sadly misguided” and vowed to “remedy any loopholes biased city governments might utilize” to block new housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The assertion by NIMBY city governments that SB 9 is only about subsidized housing is a stretch at best,” said Atkins, who recently stepped down as Senate President Pro Tempore. “The goal of SB 9 has always been to increase equity and accessibility in our neighborhoods while growing our housing supply and production across the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since it went into effect in 2022, however, the law has produced little in the way of new lots or housing. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11980785/these-california-companies-want-to-buy-your-backyard-and-build-a-house\">KQED survey\u003c/a> of 16 cities of varying sizes found that between 2022 and 2023, the cities collectively approved 75 lot-split applications and 112 applications for new units under the law. That’s compared to more than 8,800 accessory dwelling units, or in-law apartments, the cities permitted during the same time frame.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Developers have generally supported the bill but have criticized anti-speculation provisions in the law that require a property owner requesting a lot split to agree to live in the house for at least three years. They have also argued that fees and other barriers cities have imposed have prevented the law from working as intended.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Atkins authored a second bill, SB 450, to address some of those issues, but it is currently on hold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elmendorf said the Legislature’s unwillingness to address those issues demonstrates a certain unease with the law’s intent to open single-family neighborhoods to more housing — even among lawmakers who voted to approve it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That unease is reflected in SB 9 itself,” he said. “SB 9 is written with loopholes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state could easily fix those loopholes, Elmendorf said, just as it can easily remedy the error Kin identified in his ruling. How swiftly it does so will demonstrate how serious lawmakers are about dismantling barriers to housing in single-family neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s worth watching the legislative response to this case,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Doing so will better answer the question underlying SB 9, Elmendorf added. “Do we really want these traditional single-family home neighborhoods to be transformed into something that’s a little bit different?”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11984016/judge-rules-california-split-lot-housing-law-unconstitutional","authors":["11652"],"categories":["news_8"],"tags":["news_3921","news_24805","news_1775","news_22804"],"featImg":"news_11984069","label":"news"},"news_11983858":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11983858","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11983858","found":true},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"alameda-the-island-that-almost-wasnt","title":"Alameda: The Island That Almost Wasn’t","publishDate":1714039234,"format":"image","headTitle":"Alameda: The Island That Almost Wasn’t | KQED","labelTerm":{},"content":"\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">View the full episode transcript.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city of Alameda has all the sure signs of an island. To get there, you have to use a bridge, a tunnel or a boat. Locals talk about going “on and off island.” And residents, like Nate Puckett, wear Alameda-themed T-shirts that say “Islander.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t leave the island for, like, weeks,” says Puckett, who lives, works and raises two kids in the Bay Area city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But recently, Puckett’s sense of place was thrown off-kilter. He was enjoying an ice cream at a favorite local spot — Tucker’s — when he looked up at a historical map on the wall. It showed Alameda connected to the mainland. That must be wrong, he thought; Alameda is an island.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriouspodcastinfo]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the map was not wrong — it was just old. In fact, Alameda is not a natural island. And it almost never became an island at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It kind of felt like we’ve been living a lie,” Puckett says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Puckett asked Bay Curious to find out more about Alameda’s island origin story. The project took nearly 30 years to complete and had enough twists and turns to make anyone dizzy.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>When it all began\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11983868\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 999px\">\u003ca href=\"https://oaklandlibrary.org/ohc/\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11983868 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Alameda1877-tweaked.jpg\" alt=\"An old map shows what is now Alameda Island as connected to the mainland.\" width=\"999\" height=\"752\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Alameda1877-tweaked.jpg 999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Alameda1877-tweaked-800x602.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Alameda1877-tweaked-160x120.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 999px) 100vw, 999px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A map of Alameda from 1877 shows it as a connected peninsula, not an island. \u003ccite>(Oakland Public Library, Oakland History Center)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the 1870s, Alameda was a big peninsula that jutted out from what is now Oakland’s Fruitvale neighborhood like an outstretched arm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back then, things were pretty quiet in that part of the East Bay (it wasn’t Oakland until later). The marshy region was not very populated; the landscape was mostly wide open fields and the estates of a few wealthy families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Oakland’s inner harbor was nearby, and it was quickly becoming a bustling center for maritime commerce. Once the Gold Rush started, more and more ships arrived, bringing in all sorts of goods. And Oakland itself was growing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But navigation to the budding port was tricky. Boats had to traverse a wild waterway that hadn’t seen much development yet. Sediment on the harbor’s bottom would shift with the tides, causing sandbars to move in unpredictable patterns that caused problems for navigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[The sandbars] were there on Monday, Wednesday and Friday, [and then] they’d be over here on Tuesday and Thursday,” Alameda historian Dennis Evanosky says. “It impeded the shipping traffic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11983870\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11983870\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Evanosky-Puckett.jpg\" alt=\"Older man in blue sweater stands next to a younger one in brown.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1276\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Evanosky-Puckett.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Evanosky-Puckett-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Evanosky-Puckett-1020x678.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Evanosky-Puckett-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Evanosky-Puckett-1536x1021.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dennis Evanosky (left) with Nate Puckett next to the Alameda canal. The Park Street bridge looms in the background. \u003ccite>(Pauline Bartolone/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Oakland was never going to become the shipping destination it wanted to be if the waterways remained so unpredictable and the port so difficult to reach. And Oakland had big development ambitions, says Richard Walker, a \u003ca href=\"https://geography.berkeley.edu/professor-emeritus-richard-walker\">professor emeritus in geography at UC Berkeley\u003c/a> and author of several books about California history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The sense of competition with San Francisco [was] intense,” Walker says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the late 1800s, Oakland was coming into its own politically and economically, developing its own banks, businesses and shipping companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That grows and grows so that Oakland, by the early 20th century, is really thumbing its nose at San Francisco,” Walker says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to local lobbying, Congressmen worked to bring in millions of federal dollars to pay the Army Corps of Engineers to improve the harbor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since shifting sandbars on the bottom was the biggest problem, \u003ca href=\"https://tile.loc.gov/storage-services/master/pnp/habshaer/ca/ca2600/ca2606/data/ca2606data.pdf\">the initial plan\u003c/a> was to cut through the marshy area of the Alameda peninsula, where it was connected to the mainland, to create a canal. Engineers thought if they built a dam at one end, they could release powerful torrents of water through the canal to flush out built-up sediment in the harbor. That would clear the way for bigger ships to come and go more easily.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The project got the green light in the early 1870s, but over the next three decades, it hit roadblock after roadblock.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Resistance to the project\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://alamedamuseum.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/AMQ_MAR_2019.pdf\">Eleven families owned land where the government wanted to dredge the canal\u003c/a>. Oakland officials offered families $40,000 at the time, more than $1.2 million today. But one person refused — \u003ca href=\"https://www.cohenbrayhouse.org/about-6\">A.A. Cohen, a railroad industry baron and attorney\u003c/a> who owned an estate with a 70-room mansion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were screwing with his kingdom,” says Patty Donald, Cohen’s great-great-granddaughter and manager of the\u003ca href=\"https://www.cohenbrayhouse.org/history\"> Cohen Bray house\u003c/a>, a historic Victorian building in Oakland’s Fruitvale neighborhood. The Cohen family challenged the canal project more than once.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He was one of the most powerful people in Alameda at that time because he had bought a failing rail system,” Donald says. “He built it up in two years and created another one.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the canal project progressed despite Cohen’s legal challenge, and by 1889 the excavation was underway.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>The setbacks pile up\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Quickly, the canal project suffered another setback — flooding. The winter of 1889 was one of the wettest on record. More than 45 inches of rain fell that year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Disaster struck on a stormy night in January when Sausal Creek overflowed its banks at Fruitvale Avenue and flooded the ditch and equipment,” \u003ca href=\"https://alamedamuseum.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/AMQ_MAR_2019.pdf\">wrote historian Woody Minor in the Alameda Museum newslette\u003c/a>r. “It took two months to pump out the water.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Next, the project’s proponents had to deal with public opinion and perhaps the very first complaints from Alamedans about commuting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People complain, ‘Well if you’re gonna have this canal here, how are we going to get home?’” Evanosky says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The dredged canal cut across one of the main thoroughfares, leading to the Alameda peninsula, disrupting traffic \u003ca href=\"https://alamedamuseum.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/AMQ_MAR_2019.pdf\">for two years\u003c/a>. The Park Street bridge opened in 1891, and Alameda’s two other bridges, at High Street and Fruitvale Avenue, were built the following decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If legal battles, payouts and flooding weren’t enough, there was an economic depression in the 1890s. Funding for the canal project dried up. And then, the project’s long-time champion at the Army Corp of Engineers, \u003ca href=\"https://www.spn.usace.army.mil/Portals/68/docs/History/Engineers%20at%20the%20Golden%20Gate.pdf?ver=2019-10-24-161149-027\">Major George Mendell\u003c/a>, retired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the nail in the coffin for the dam/canal combo plan came from \u003ca href=\"https://alamedamuseum.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/AMQ_MAR_2019.pdf\">new research suggesting that dredging deeper in Oakland’s harbor would be more effective for boat passage\u003c/a> than this idea of flushing sediment away using a dam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While government officials debated the next steps, a partially dug, unfinished giant trench was left.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>‘Fetid water awash with dead fish’\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At this point, 20 years after the project began, raw sewage in the area’s waterways had become a real problem. In the late 1800s, people in Oakland and Alameda started installing residential sewer systems, and the waste flowed right into Lake Merritt and the Oakland Harbor. The unfinished canal became a cesspool.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Fetid water awash with dead fish lapped against the dam and seeped into the ditch, emitting a pervasive stench,” \u003ca href=\"https://alamedamuseum.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/AMQ_MAR_2019.pdf\">wrote Minor in his history of the island\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alameda’s health officer at the time, Dr. John T. McClean, became the biggest crusader for completing the canal. In a letter to Washington, published by the Oakland Enquirer in 1897, McLean argued that the stench from the incomplete trench had not only become offensive, but the foul water was killing fish and crabs and posed a health hazard. Better water circulation through the canal would help flush away foul substances, he argued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, government officials soon found the money to put a massive steam shovel to work ripping through the marsh between Alameda and modern-day Oakland. They finished dredging the canal in 1902, nearly 30 years after the plan was first hatched. Alameda was officially an island.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There was no dam. … but residents celebrated anyway — through days of fireworks, carnival acts and a procession of two hundred lighted boats.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>A failed idea? \u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The scale and ambition of the Alameda Island project don’t impress geographer Richard Walker. In the grand scheme of things, he says, the project was actually pretty small. There are very few parts of the San Francisco Bay that humans haven’t somehow altered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is California,” Walker says. “California [is] one of the most monumentally re-engineered landscapes on Earth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than a century after the project was completed, the water in the neatly engineered tidal canal that separates Alameda from Oakland is relatively still, looking like a moat around a castle. People mostly use it for recreation now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nate Puckett says it doesn’t bother him that Alameda isn’t naturally an island. Residents here still bond over bridge and tunnel delays and over a beer at Alameda Island Brewing Company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriousquestion]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\nOlivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>One of the best parts about a deep and long-running friendship is you can poke a little fun at each other for your quirks. Like how you’re a diehard fan for a chronically losing sports team or how you put ketchup on everything – gross. For Nate Puckett, his friends rib him about how he never leaves the city of Alameda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nate Puckett:\u003c/b> So I work here, I live here, my kids go to school here. I have a 4-year-old and a 6-year-old. So I don’t leave the island for like weeks. And people make fun of me for that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>Alameda is an island, in case you didn’t know, and that fact is pretty wrapped up in the identity of some people who live there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nate Puckett:\u003c/b> I have a T-shirt that says Islander. That’s, like, Alameda themed. There’s Alameda Island Brewing. Like, you talk about whether, you know, you’re on the island or not on the island.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>But recently, Nate’s sense of place was thrown off-kilter. He was eating ice cream at a local spot – Tuckers. He glanced up at a historical map hanging on the wall. And there, he saw something that shook him to the core. Alameda was connected to what is now mainland Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nate Puckett:\u003c/b> It kind of felt like we’ve been all living a lie. It kind of felt like, no, that’s wrong. Alameda is an island.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>But no. The map was not wrong. It was just \u003ci>old\u003c/i>. Alameda is not a natural island. And it almost never became an island at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Bay Curious theme music starts\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>On this episode of Bay Curious, we’re going to find out how and \u003ci>why \u003c/i>Alameda was sliced off the mainland. It’s a story with enough twists and turns to make your head spin. I’m Olivia Allen Price. We’ll dive in just after this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Sponsor break\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>Making Alameda into an island took nearly 30 years. And in the end, the original idea for the massive excavation, didn’t quite pan out as planned. KQED Producer Pauline Bartolone tells us all about the bumpy journey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Flooding, legal battles, an economic slump and raw sewage. They’re all part of Alameda’s island origin story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Music starts\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It all starts back in the 1870s, Alameda was a big peninsula, jutting out like an outstretched arm from what is now Oakland’s Fruitvale neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back then, things were pretty quiet where Alameda connected with the mainland. Not many people lived in this marshy region. Think open fields and maybe just a few estates of wealthy families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just to the west was a waterway, the Oakland harbor, that opened up to the San Francisco Bay. And it was becoming a bustling center for maritime commerce. More and more ships were arriving since the Gold Rush, bringing all sorts of goods. But navigation in this waterway was tricky. Sediment on its floor would shift — a lot! — causing all sorts of problems for boats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Music ends. We hear the sounds of street traffic and outside noises.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> The trouble is, there were sandbars. And there were all kinds of impediments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Alameda historian Dennis Evanosky took me and our question-asker, Nate Puckett, on a tour along Alameda’s waterfront. He says around what is now the Port of Oakland, the waterway was wild and untouched, with sandbars that would ebb and flow with the tide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> They were there on Monday, Wednesday and Friday, then they’d be over here on Tuesday and Thursday, this place else.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nate Puckett:\u003c/b> Oh, yeah, haha.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> And it impeded the shipping traffic!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>The unpredictable nature of the waterway didn’t work for the shipping industry, which wanted to get more boats into the port. Oakland had big development ambitions, says Richard Walker, a professor emeritus in geography at UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Richard Walker: \u003c/b>Then, the sense of competition with San Francisco is intense, even though there’s a lot of San Francisco investment in Oakland. But you start to create Oakland having its own capitalist class, its own leadership who have banks in Oakland, have businesses, you know, have shipping companies, and they actually have a local interest. And that grows and grows so that Oakland, you know, by the early 20th century, is really thumbing its nose at San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Local Congressmen made deals to bring in millions of federal dollars to improve the harbor. Evanosky says the big idea was to dredge a canal all the way across the north side of Alameda, turning the peninsula into an island.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>We hear sounds of traffic near the canal\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> They planned to build this tidal canal as a scouring channel. What they planned to do was build a dam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone:\u003c/b> The dam would be built on the far east side of Alameda. And then during ebb tide, when the water is naturally flowing out to the Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> They are going to open that dam, and we’re going to have the water to, I say, “whoosh” through the scouring channel here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone:\u003c/b> Engineers thought this would harness the natural power of tides to flush sediment out of the Oakland estuary and toward the Bay, learning the passage for boats coming in and out of the narrow waterway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> And these aren’t necessarily big, huge ships. These could be smaller ships, but they need a place to navigate and turn around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone:\u003c/b> So, that was the plan. … in the beginning. The project got the green light in the early 1870s but had a slow start. And over the next three decades, it hit roadblock after roadblock. Early on, the government had to buy out 11 families who would lose part of their estates to the canal. They were offered $40,000 at the time, what is more than $1.2 million today. But one family refused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Patty Donald:\u003c/b> They were screwing with his kingdom. If you put it that way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Patty Donald is the great-great-granddaughter of A.A. Cohen, a railroad industry baron and attorney who owned an estate with a 70-room mansion on Alameda. A.A. Cohen’s family challenged the canal project more than once.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Patty Donald:\u003c/b> He was one of the most powerful people in Alameda at that time because he had started, he had bought a failing rail system in 1876, I think.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>He sued to stop the canal project and lost. And it went forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Music starts\u003c/i>\u003ci>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/i>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>By 1889, the excavation was underway. But quickly suffered another setback. A deluge, literally. The winter that started in 1889 was one of the wettest on record. More than 45 inches of rain fell that year. That’s according to a history written by Woody Minor of the Alameda Museum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Sound effect of typewriter under voice-over\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>\u003ci>Voice actor reading:\u003c/i>\u003c/b> Disaster struck on a stormy night in January when Sausal Creek overflowed its banks at Fruitvale Avenue and flooded the ditch and equipment. It took two months to pump out the water.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Then, they had to deal with public opinion. And perhaps the very first complaints from Alameda residents about commuting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> They are digging this canal. And there’s a problem. People complain, well, if you’re gonna have this canal here, how are we going to get home?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>The canal dredging was disrupting traffic to one of Alameda’s main entrances, Evanosky says. So, the Park Street Bridge was built first, and then two other bridges came.. in the decade that followed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Music starts\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>As if legal battles, payouts and flooding weren’t enough, the canal project suffered more roadblocks in the 1890s. According to the Alameda Museum’s Woody Minor, funding dried up during an economic depression. Then, the project’s long-time champion at the Army Corps of Engineers retired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And then — this one’s big — new research suggested that dredging deeper in Oakland’s harbor would be more effective for boat passage than this idea of flushing sediment out using a dam. While government officials debated next steps, a partially dug unfinished canal was left. A big giant trench.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> So they had to stop. And this is all done, and they had to stop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Now, this is where the raw sewage comes into the picture. Right around this time, people in Oakland and Alameda started installing residential sewer systems. And the waste was flowing right into Lake Merritt and the Oakland Harbor. By the Alameda Museum’s account, the waterway became a cesspool.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Sound effect of typewriter under voice-over\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Voice Actor:\u003c/b> Fetid water awash with dead fish lapped against the dam and seeped into the ditch, emitting a pervasive stench.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Alameda’s health officer became the biggest crusader for completing the canal. In 1897, he argued that the stench from the incomplete trench had not only become offensive, but the foul water was killing fish and crabs and posing a health hazard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So government officials soon found the money to put a massive steam shovel to work and finish that canal excavation once and for good.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Sound of a big machine starting up\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>In case you’re wondering if, during this era, anyone ever chimed in about the ecological impacts of ripping through this marshy area?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Richard Walker:\u003c/b> No, no, no, no, no, it’s nothing like that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Richard Walker says there wasn’t really an environmental movement at this time. Maybe an oysterman was concerned about declining catches.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Richard Walker:\u003c/b> The conservationists at that time would be, I think, entirely obsessed with creating the first state parks. Saving the redwoods. They’re worried about mine debris in the Central Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>By 1902, the dredging was done. And 30 years after the plan was first hatched, the canal filled with water. Alameda was officially an island.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Residents in the city of Alameda were ready to celebrate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Sounds of a marching band, crowd noise and fireworks\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>In September of 1902, there were days of fireworks, parades, brass bands, carnival acts, fancy diving and a procession of two hundred lighted boats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Things were different from what was originally envisioned, of course. For one, there was no dam to help flush water out of the estuary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> In my view, they didn’t build the dam because they were just tired of this whole thing, and a lot of people didn’t think the dam was going to work anyway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Now, more than a century later, as I walk along the canal with Alameda historian Dennis Evanosky near the Park Street Bridge, the canal water is relatively still. A few boats are docked, but none sail by. This neatly engineered waterway looks like a moat around a castle. It’s mostly used for recreation now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nate Puckett:\u003c/b> This wasn’t natural. It looks very not natural.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> Right? Right? Right, right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Our question asker, Nate Puckett, has been walking with us, listening to Evanosky this whole time. He looks slightly unsettled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nate Puckett:\u003c/b> So it sounds like the reason it’s an island was a failed idea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> Yeah, exactly. Yeah. I would say, “The island city, sort of.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nate Puckett:\u003c/b> Yeah, yeah, the island city by accident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> Right, right. Right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Nate clarified later that he found Alameda’s island origin story “surprising.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nate Puckett:\u003c/b> You kind of always assume big projects like this are for a very clear and thought-out purpose. And to find that it was kind of an accident or the plan changed so many times is definitely surprising. Especially just, you know, because Alameda is so into being an island.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>The fact that Alameda isn’t naturally an island doesn’t bother Nate Puckett too much now. After all, it’s been that way for a while, and residents here still bond over bridge and tunnel delays. And over a beer at Alameda Island Brewing Co.\u003cbr>\n\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003ci>Island-themed music starts\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>That story was produced by Pauline Bartolone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Big shout out and thanks to Liam O’Donoghue of the \u003ca href=\"https://eastbayyesterday.com/\">East Bay Yesterday podcast \u003c/a>and UC Davis geographer Javier Arbona for their help on this story. Facts in this story came from Woody Minor of the Alameda Museum and historical documents from the Army Corp of Engineers and the National Park Service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s still time to vote in our April voting round. Here are your choices:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Voice 1:\u003c/b> I was recently at the Morcom Rose Garden in Oakland and saw three different official Oakland signs that read, “No glitter.” I would love to know what happened at the rose garden to warrant so many signs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Voice 2:\u003c/b> Yesterday, I walked with a fellow science teacher on the Great Hwy. We commented on the blackish sand, made of iron filings. Where does the iron come from?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Voice 3:\u003c/b> Who are the de Youngs? I think they have some crazy stories!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>Vote for which question you think we should tackle next at baycurious.org. While you’re there, sign up for our monthly newsletter, ask your own question or get lost listening through the Bay Curious archive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Curious is made in San Francisco at member-supported KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>Our show is made by:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/b>Katrina Schwartz\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Christopher Beale: \u003c/b>Christopher Beale\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan:\u003c/b> Katherine Monahan\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>and me, Olivia Allen Price. Additional support from:\u003cbr>\n\u003cb>Jen Chien: \u003c/b>Jen Chien\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katie Springer: \u003c/b>Katie Springer\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Cesar Saldana: \u003c/b>Cesar Saldana\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Maha Sanad: \u003c/b>Maha Sanad\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Holly Kernan:\u003c/b> Holly Kernan\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Crowd:\u003c/b> And the whole KQED family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>I’m Olivia Allen-Price. We’ll be back next week.\u003c/p>\n\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"Alameda residents fully own their island identity, but many don't know that it used to be connected to mainland Oakland.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1714062860,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":true,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":136,"wordCount":3910},"headData":{"title":"Alameda: The Island That Almost Wasn’t | KQED","description":"Alameda residents fully own their island identity, but many don't know that it used to be connected to mainland Oakland.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Alameda: The Island That Almost Wasn’t","datePublished":"2024-04-25T10:00:34.000Z","dateModified":"2024-04-25T16:34:20.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"source":"Bay Curious","sourceUrl":"https://www.kqed.org/podcasts/baycurious/","audioUrl":"https://dcs.megaphone.fm/KQINC3081122282.mp3?key=fc075dc0e32f001c439745b9697d7766&request_event_id=3ff129a1-c582-463c-8902-bc37d989ad55","sticky":false,"excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11983858/alameda-the-island-that-almost-wasnt","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">View the full episode transcript.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city of Alameda has all the sure signs of an island. To get there, you have to use a bridge, a tunnel or a boat. Locals talk about going “on and off island.” And residents, like Nate Puckett, wear Alameda-themed T-shirts that say “Islander.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t leave the island for, like, weeks,” says Puckett, who lives, works and raises two kids in the Bay Area city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But recently, Puckett’s sense of place was thrown off-kilter. He was enjoying an ice cream at a favorite local spot — Tucker’s — when he looked up at a historical map on the wall. It showed Alameda connected to the mainland. That must be wrong, he thought; Alameda is an island.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" />\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Bay Curious\u003c/a> is a podcast that answers your questions about the Bay Area.\n Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>,\n \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/podcasts/500557090/bay-curious\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR One\u003c/a> or your favorite podcast platform.\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the map was not wrong — it was just old. In fact, Alameda is not a natural island. And it almost never became an island at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It kind of felt like we’ve been living a lie,” Puckett says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Puckett asked Bay Curious to find out more about Alameda’s island origin story. The project took nearly 30 years to complete and had enough twists and turns to make anyone dizzy.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>When it all began\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11983868\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 999px\">\u003ca href=\"https://oaklandlibrary.org/ohc/\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11983868 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Alameda1877-tweaked.jpg\" alt=\"An old map shows what is now Alameda Island as connected to the mainland.\" width=\"999\" height=\"752\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Alameda1877-tweaked.jpg 999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Alameda1877-tweaked-800x602.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Alameda1877-tweaked-160x120.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 999px) 100vw, 999px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A map of Alameda from 1877 shows it as a connected peninsula, not an island. \u003ccite>(Oakland Public Library, Oakland History Center)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the 1870s, Alameda was a big peninsula that jutted out from what is now Oakland’s Fruitvale neighborhood like an outstretched arm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back then, things were pretty quiet in that part of the East Bay (it wasn’t Oakland until later). The marshy region was not very populated; the landscape was mostly wide open fields and the estates of a few wealthy families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Oakland’s inner harbor was nearby, and it was quickly becoming a bustling center for maritime commerce. Once the Gold Rush started, more and more ships arrived, bringing in all sorts of goods. And Oakland itself was growing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But navigation to the budding port was tricky. Boats had to traverse a wild waterway that hadn’t seen much development yet. Sediment on the harbor’s bottom would shift with the tides, causing sandbars to move in unpredictable patterns that caused problems for navigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[The sandbars] were there on Monday, Wednesday and Friday, [and then] they’d be over here on Tuesday and Thursday,” Alameda historian Dennis Evanosky says. “It impeded the shipping traffic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11983870\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11983870\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Evanosky-Puckett.jpg\" alt=\"Older man in blue sweater stands next to a younger one in brown.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1276\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Evanosky-Puckett.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Evanosky-Puckett-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Evanosky-Puckett-1020x678.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Evanosky-Puckett-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Evanosky-Puckett-1536x1021.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dennis Evanosky (left) with Nate Puckett next to the Alameda canal. The Park Street bridge looms in the background. \u003ccite>(Pauline Bartolone/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Oakland was never going to become the shipping destination it wanted to be if the waterways remained so unpredictable and the port so difficult to reach. And Oakland had big development ambitions, says Richard Walker, a \u003ca href=\"https://geography.berkeley.edu/professor-emeritus-richard-walker\">professor emeritus in geography at UC Berkeley\u003c/a> and author of several books about California history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The sense of competition with San Francisco [was] intense,” Walker says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the late 1800s, Oakland was coming into its own politically and economically, developing its own banks, businesses and shipping companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That grows and grows so that Oakland, by the early 20th century, is really thumbing its nose at San Francisco,” Walker says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to local lobbying, Congressmen worked to bring in millions of federal dollars to pay the Army Corps of Engineers to improve the harbor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since shifting sandbars on the bottom was the biggest problem, \u003ca href=\"https://tile.loc.gov/storage-services/master/pnp/habshaer/ca/ca2600/ca2606/data/ca2606data.pdf\">the initial plan\u003c/a> was to cut through the marshy area of the Alameda peninsula, where it was connected to the mainland, to create a canal. Engineers thought if they built a dam at one end, they could release powerful torrents of water through the canal to flush out built-up sediment in the harbor. That would clear the way for bigger ships to come and go more easily.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The project got the green light in the early 1870s, but over the next three decades, it hit roadblock after roadblock.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Resistance to the project\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://alamedamuseum.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/AMQ_MAR_2019.pdf\">Eleven families owned land where the government wanted to dredge the canal\u003c/a>. Oakland officials offered families $40,000 at the time, more than $1.2 million today. But one person refused — \u003ca href=\"https://www.cohenbrayhouse.org/about-6\">A.A. Cohen, a railroad industry baron and attorney\u003c/a> who owned an estate with a 70-room mansion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were screwing with his kingdom,” says Patty Donald, Cohen’s great-great-granddaughter and manager of the\u003ca href=\"https://www.cohenbrayhouse.org/history\"> Cohen Bray house\u003c/a>, a historic Victorian building in Oakland’s Fruitvale neighborhood. The Cohen family challenged the canal project more than once.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He was one of the most powerful people in Alameda at that time because he had bought a failing rail system,” Donald says. “He built it up in two years and created another one.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the canal project progressed despite Cohen’s legal challenge, and by 1889 the excavation was underway.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>The setbacks pile up\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Quickly, the canal project suffered another setback — flooding. The winter of 1889 was one of the wettest on record. More than 45 inches of rain fell that year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Disaster struck on a stormy night in January when Sausal Creek overflowed its banks at Fruitvale Avenue and flooded the ditch and equipment,” \u003ca href=\"https://alamedamuseum.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/AMQ_MAR_2019.pdf\">wrote historian Woody Minor in the Alameda Museum newslette\u003c/a>r. “It took two months to pump out the water.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Next, the project’s proponents had to deal with public opinion and perhaps the very first complaints from Alamedans about commuting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People complain, ‘Well if you’re gonna have this canal here, how are we going to get home?’” Evanosky says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The dredged canal cut across one of the main thoroughfares, leading to the Alameda peninsula, disrupting traffic \u003ca href=\"https://alamedamuseum.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/AMQ_MAR_2019.pdf\">for two years\u003c/a>. The Park Street bridge opened in 1891, and Alameda’s two other bridges, at High Street and Fruitvale Avenue, were built the following decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If legal battles, payouts and flooding weren’t enough, there was an economic depression in the 1890s. Funding for the canal project dried up. And then, the project’s long-time champion at the Army Corp of Engineers, \u003ca href=\"https://www.spn.usace.army.mil/Portals/68/docs/History/Engineers%20at%20the%20Golden%20Gate.pdf?ver=2019-10-24-161149-027\">Major George Mendell\u003c/a>, retired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the nail in the coffin for the dam/canal combo plan came from \u003ca href=\"https://alamedamuseum.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/AMQ_MAR_2019.pdf\">new research suggesting that dredging deeper in Oakland’s harbor would be more effective for boat passage\u003c/a> than this idea of flushing sediment away using a dam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While government officials debated the next steps, a partially dug, unfinished giant trench was left.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>‘Fetid water awash with dead fish’\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At this point, 20 years after the project began, raw sewage in the area’s waterways had become a real problem. In the late 1800s, people in Oakland and Alameda started installing residential sewer systems, and the waste flowed right into Lake Merritt and the Oakland Harbor. The unfinished canal became a cesspool.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Fetid water awash with dead fish lapped against the dam and seeped into the ditch, emitting a pervasive stench,” \u003ca href=\"https://alamedamuseum.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/AMQ_MAR_2019.pdf\">wrote Minor in his history of the island\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alameda’s health officer at the time, Dr. John T. McClean, became the biggest crusader for completing the canal. In a letter to Washington, published by the Oakland Enquirer in 1897, McLean argued that the stench from the incomplete trench had not only become offensive, but the foul water was killing fish and crabs and posed a health hazard. Better water circulation through the canal would help flush away foul substances, he argued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, government officials soon found the money to put a massive steam shovel to work ripping through the marsh between Alameda and modern-day Oakland. They finished dredging the canal in 1902, nearly 30 years after the plan was first hatched. Alameda was officially an island.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There was no dam. … but residents celebrated anyway — through days of fireworks, carnival acts and a procession of two hundred lighted boats.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>A failed idea? \u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The scale and ambition of the Alameda Island project don’t impress geographer Richard Walker. In the grand scheme of things, he says, the project was actually pretty small. There are very few parts of the San Francisco Bay that humans haven’t somehow altered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is California,” Walker says. “California [is] one of the most monumentally re-engineered landscapes on Earth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than a century after the project was completed, the water in the neatly engineered tidal canal that separates Alameda from Oakland is relatively still, looking like a moat around a castle. People mostly use it for recreation now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nate Puckett says it doesn’t bother him that Alameda isn’t naturally an island. Residents here still bond over bridge and tunnel delays and over a beer at Alameda Island Brewing Company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"baycuriousquestion","attributes":{"named":{"label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\nOlivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>One of the best parts about a deep and long-running friendship is you can poke a little fun at each other for your quirks. Like how you’re a diehard fan for a chronically losing sports team or how you put ketchup on everything – gross. For Nate Puckett, his friends rib him about how he never leaves the city of Alameda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nate Puckett:\u003c/b> So I work here, I live here, my kids go to school here. I have a 4-year-old and a 6-year-old. So I don’t leave the island for like weeks. And people make fun of me for that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>Alameda is an island, in case you didn’t know, and that fact is pretty wrapped up in the identity of some people who live there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nate Puckett:\u003c/b> I have a T-shirt that says Islander. That’s, like, Alameda themed. There’s Alameda Island Brewing. Like, you talk about whether, you know, you’re on the island or not on the island.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>But recently, Nate’s sense of place was thrown off-kilter. He was eating ice cream at a local spot – Tuckers. He glanced up at a historical map hanging on the wall. And there, he saw something that shook him to the core. Alameda was connected to what is now mainland Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nate Puckett:\u003c/b> It kind of felt like we’ve been all living a lie. It kind of felt like, no, that’s wrong. Alameda is an island.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>But no. The map was not wrong. It was just \u003ci>old\u003c/i>. Alameda is not a natural island. And it almost never became an island at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Bay Curious theme music starts\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>On this episode of Bay Curious, we’re going to find out how and \u003ci>why \u003c/i>Alameda was sliced off the mainland. It’s a story with enough twists and turns to make your head spin. I’m Olivia Allen Price. We’ll dive in just after this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Sponsor break\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>Making Alameda into an island took nearly 30 years. And in the end, the original idea for the massive excavation, didn’t quite pan out as planned. KQED Producer Pauline Bartolone tells us all about the bumpy journey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Flooding, legal battles, an economic slump and raw sewage. They’re all part of Alameda’s island origin story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Music starts\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It all starts back in the 1870s, Alameda was a big peninsula, jutting out like an outstretched arm from what is now Oakland’s Fruitvale neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back then, things were pretty quiet where Alameda connected with the mainland. Not many people lived in this marshy region. Think open fields and maybe just a few estates of wealthy families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just to the west was a waterway, the Oakland harbor, that opened up to the San Francisco Bay. And it was becoming a bustling center for maritime commerce. More and more ships were arriving since the Gold Rush, bringing all sorts of goods. But navigation in this waterway was tricky. Sediment on its floor would shift — a lot! — causing all sorts of problems for boats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Music ends. We hear the sounds of street traffic and outside noises.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> The trouble is, there were sandbars. And there were all kinds of impediments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Alameda historian Dennis Evanosky took me and our question-asker, Nate Puckett, on a tour along Alameda’s waterfront. He says around what is now the Port of Oakland, the waterway was wild and untouched, with sandbars that would ebb and flow with the tide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> They were there on Monday, Wednesday and Friday, then they’d be over here on Tuesday and Thursday, this place else.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nate Puckett:\u003c/b> Oh, yeah, haha.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> And it impeded the shipping traffic!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>The unpredictable nature of the waterway didn’t work for the shipping industry, which wanted to get more boats into the port. Oakland had big development ambitions, says Richard Walker, a professor emeritus in geography at UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Richard Walker: \u003c/b>Then, the sense of competition with San Francisco is intense, even though there’s a lot of San Francisco investment in Oakland. But you start to create Oakland having its own capitalist class, its own leadership who have banks in Oakland, have businesses, you know, have shipping companies, and they actually have a local interest. And that grows and grows so that Oakland, you know, by the early 20th century, is really thumbing its nose at San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Local Congressmen made deals to bring in millions of federal dollars to improve the harbor. Evanosky says the big idea was to dredge a canal all the way across the north side of Alameda, turning the peninsula into an island.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>We hear sounds of traffic near the canal\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> They planned to build this tidal canal as a scouring channel. What they planned to do was build a dam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone:\u003c/b> The dam would be built on the far east side of Alameda. And then during ebb tide, when the water is naturally flowing out to the Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> They are going to open that dam, and we’re going to have the water to, I say, “whoosh” through the scouring channel here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone:\u003c/b> Engineers thought this would harness the natural power of tides to flush sediment out of the Oakland estuary and toward the Bay, learning the passage for boats coming in and out of the narrow waterway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> And these aren’t necessarily big, huge ships. These could be smaller ships, but they need a place to navigate and turn around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone:\u003c/b> So, that was the plan. … in the beginning. The project got the green light in the early 1870s but had a slow start. And over the next three decades, it hit roadblock after roadblock. Early on, the government had to buy out 11 families who would lose part of their estates to the canal. They were offered $40,000 at the time, what is more than $1.2 million today. But one family refused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Patty Donald:\u003c/b> They were screwing with his kingdom. If you put it that way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Patty Donald is the great-great-granddaughter of A.A. Cohen, a railroad industry baron and attorney who owned an estate with a 70-room mansion on Alameda. A.A. Cohen’s family challenged the canal project more than once.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Patty Donald:\u003c/b> He was one of the most powerful people in Alameda at that time because he had started, he had bought a failing rail system in 1876, I think.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>He sued to stop the canal project and lost. And it went forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Music starts\u003c/i>\u003ci>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/i>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>By 1889, the excavation was underway. But quickly suffered another setback. A deluge, literally. The winter that started in 1889 was one of the wettest on record. More than 45 inches of rain fell that year. That’s according to a history written by Woody Minor of the Alameda Museum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Sound effect of typewriter under voice-over\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>\u003ci>Voice actor reading:\u003c/i>\u003c/b> Disaster struck on a stormy night in January when Sausal Creek overflowed its banks at Fruitvale Avenue and flooded the ditch and equipment. It took two months to pump out the water.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Then, they had to deal with public opinion. And perhaps the very first complaints from Alameda residents about commuting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> They are digging this canal. And there’s a problem. People complain, well, if you’re gonna have this canal here, how are we going to get home?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>The canal dredging was disrupting traffic to one of Alameda’s main entrances, Evanosky says. So, the Park Street Bridge was built first, and then two other bridges came.. in the decade that followed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Music starts\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>As if legal battles, payouts and flooding weren’t enough, the canal project suffered more roadblocks in the 1890s. According to the Alameda Museum’s Woody Minor, funding dried up during an economic depression. Then, the project’s long-time champion at the Army Corps of Engineers retired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And then — this one’s big — new research suggested that dredging deeper in Oakland’s harbor would be more effective for boat passage than this idea of flushing sediment out using a dam. While government officials debated next steps, a partially dug unfinished canal was left. A big giant trench.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> So they had to stop. And this is all done, and they had to stop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Now, this is where the raw sewage comes into the picture. Right around this time, people in Oakland and Alameda started installing residential sewer systems. And the waste was flowing right into Lake Merritt and the Oakland Harbor. By the Alameda Museum’s account, the waterway became a cesspool.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Sound effect of typewriter under voice-over\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Voice Actor:\u003c/b> Fetid water awash with dead fish lapped against the dam and seeped into the ditch, emitting a pervasive stench.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Alameda’s health officer became the biggest crusader for completing the canal. In 1897, he argued that the stench from the incomplete trench had not only become offensive, but the foul water was killing fish and crabs and posing a health hazard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So government officials soon found the money to put a massive steam shovel to work and finish that canal excavation once and for good.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Sound of a big machine starting up\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>In case you’re wondering if, during this era, anyone ever chimed in about the ecological impacts of ripping through this marshy area?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Richard Walker:\u003c/b> No, no, no, no, no, it’s nothing like that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Richard Walker says there wasn’t really an environmental movement at this time. Maybe an oysterman was concerned about declining catches.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Richard Walker:\u003c/b> The conservationists at that time would be, I think, entirely obsessed with creating the first state parks. Saving the redwoods. They’re worried about mine debris in the Central Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>By 1902, the dredging was done. And 30 years after the plan was first hatched, the canal filled with water. Alameda was officially an island.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Residents in the city of Alameda were ready to celebrate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Sounds of a marching band, crowd noise and fireworks\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>In September of 1902, there were days of fireworks, parades, brass bands, carnival acts, fancy diving and a procession of two hundred lighted boats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Things were different from what was originally envisioned, of course. For one, there was no dam to help flush water out of the estuary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> In my view, they didn’t build the dam because they were just tired of this whole thing, and a lot of people didn’t think the dam was going to work anyway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Now, more than a century later, as I walk along the canal with Alameda historian Dennis Evanosky near the Park Street Bridge, the canal water is relatively still. A few boats are docked, but none sail by. This neatly engineered waterway looks like a moat around a castle. It’s mostly used for recreation now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nate Puckett:\u003c/b> This wasn’t natural. It looks very not natural.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> Right? Right? Right, right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Our question asker, Nate Puckett, has been walking with us, listening to Evanosky this whole time. He looks slightly unsettled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nate Puckett:\u003c/b> So it sounds like the reason it’s an island was a failed idea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> Yeah, exactly. Yeah. I would say, “The island city, sort of.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nate Puckett:\u003c/b> Yeah, yeah, the island city by accident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dennis Evanosky:\u003c/b> Right, right. Right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>Nate clarified later that he found Alameda’s island origin story “surprising.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nate Puckett:\u003c/b> You kind of always assume big projects like this are for a very clear and thought-out purpose. And to find that it was kind of an accident or the plan changed so many times is definitely surprising. Especially just, you know, because Alameda is so into being an island.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Pauline Bartolone: \u003c/b>The fact that Alameda isn’t naturally an island doesn’t bother Nate Puckett too much now. After all, it’s been that way for a while, and residents here still bond over bridge and tunnel delays. And over a beer at Alameda Island Brewing Co.\u003cbr>\n\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003ci>Island-themed music starts\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>That story was produced by Pauline Bartolone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Big shout out and thanks to Liam O’Donoghue of the \u003ca href=\"https://eastbayyesterday.com/\">East Bay Yesterday podcast \u003c/a>and UC Davis geographer Javier Arbona for their help on this story. Facts in this story came from Woody Minor of the Alameda Museum and historical documents from the Army Corp of Engineers and the National Park Service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s still time to vote in our April voting round. Here are your choices:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Voice 1:\u003c/b> I was recently at the Morcom Rose Garden in Oakland and saw three different official Oakland signs that read, “No glitter.” I would love to know what happened at the rose garden to warrant so many signs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Voice 2:\u003c/b> Yesterday, I walked with a fellow science teacher on the Great Hwy. We commented on the blackish sand, made of iron filings. Where does the iron come from?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Voice 3:\u003c/b> Who are the de Youngs? I think they have some crazy stories!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>Vote for which question you think we should tackle next at baycurious.org. While you’re there, sign up for our monthly newsletter, ask your own question or get lost listening through the Bay Curious archive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Curious is made in San Francisco at member-supported KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>Our show is made by:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/b>Katrina Schwartz\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Christopher Beale: \u003c/b>Christopher Beale\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan:\u003c/b> Katherine Monahan\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>and me, Olivia Allen Price. Additional support from:\u003cbr>\n\u003cb>Jen Chien: \u003c/b>Jen Chien\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katie Springer: \u003c/b>Katie Springer\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Cesar Saldana: \u003c/b>Cesar Saldana\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Maha Sanad: \u003c/b>Maha Sanad\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Holly Kernan:\u003c/b> Holly Kernan\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Crowd:\u003c/b> And the whole KQED family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>I’m Olivia Allen-Price. We’ll be back next week.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11983858/alameda-the-island-that-almost-wasnt","authors":["11879"],"programs":["news_33523"],"series":["news_17986"],"categories":["news_31795","news_28250","news_8"],"tags":["news_3631","news_32459","news_28262","news_22761"],"featImg":"news_11983865","label":"source_news_11983858"},"news_11976218":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11976218","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11976218","found":true},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"california-will-help-fund-the-down-payment-for-your-first-house-heres-how-to-apply","title":"Just Days Left to Apply for California Program That Helps Pay for Your First House","publishDate":1714071347,"format":"standard","headTitle":"Just Days Left to Apply for California Program That Helps Pay for Your First House | KQED","labelTerm":{"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981458/ayuda-a-comprar-su-primera-casa-california-2023\">\u003cem>Leer en español\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When it rolled out last year, the California Dream for All program — a loan application for first-time home buyers — exhausted its approximately $300 million of funding within 11 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That prompted some changes this year for when the down payment assistance program opened again to California residents on April 3. The state has about $250 million on the table, which is expected to assist between 1,600–2,000 new applicants, said Eric Johnson, a spokesperson for the California Housing Finance Agency (CalHFA).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.calhfa.ca.gov/dream/\">The program — officially called the California Dream for All Shared Appreciation Loan\u003c/a> — is designed to have the state step into the role of a parent or grandparent in assisting their offspring buy a home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The program is designed to help those who may not have had the benefit of generational wealth in buying their first home,” Johnson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re hoping to \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhfa.ca.gov/dream/\">apply for the California Dream for All program\u003c/a> in 2024, keep reading to see who is eligible, how the program has changed this year, and what you need to do. But hurry: \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhfa.ca.gov/dream/\">Applications for the program\u003c/a> officially close at 5 p.m. Pacific Time on Monday, April 29.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#californiadream\">How does the California Dream for All program work?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#eligible\">Who is eligible to apply in 2024?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>Who got the money in 2023?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While wildly popular, the California Dream for All program didn’t have the geographic reach its designers had hoped for — nor did it reach its intended demographic target, said Adam Briones, the CEO of California Community Builders, a nonprofit housing research and advocacy organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Briones and his team did the research that helped design the program to close the racial homeownership gap in the state. In California, nearly 37% of Black households own their homes compared to 63% of white households, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/californias-housing-divide/\">according to the Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The original hope of the program had been that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11952984/reparations-commentary\">formerly redlined communities\u003c/a>, low-wealth communities … [would] be disproportionately supported by this program,” Briones said, “because they’ve been disproportionately held back by inequalities, both in terms of public policy and the way that our economic system works.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Eric Johnson, California Housing Finance Agency\"]‘The program is designed to help those who may not have had the benefit of generational wealth in buying their first home.’[/pullquote]“And we didn’t see that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first round of California Dream For All funding helped nearly 2,200 new homeowners purchase homes. But of those, only 3% of the grantees were Black, \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhfa.ca.gov/dream/images/dfa-phase-I-outcomes.png\">according to CalHFA\u003c/a>. That’s compared to 35% of white recipients, 33% Latino and 19% Asian American and Pacific Islander.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nor were the California Dream for All funds distributed equally on a geographic basis, Briones said. A disproportionate share went to Sacramento residents, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of that had to do with informal knowledge access and understanding of a large program that was going to be rolled out,” Briones said. But he cautioned, “If Californians throughout the state don’t benefit from the program, it’s going to be really hard to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11917267/california-legislators-propose-helping-people-buy-homes-in-exchange-for-partial-ownership\">make the argument to voters that they should continue investing in these types of things\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This time around, changes to the 2024 California Dream for All program are meant to address those disparities, Johnson said. Here’s what you need to know to apply.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"californiadream\">\u003c/a>What is the California Dream For All program, and how does it work?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Under the California Dream For All program, the state will put down up to 20% of the cost of the home, or up to $150,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That money does have to be repaid, just not right away. It gets repaid — without interest — when you sell the home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, there’s a catch. You also have to pay back 20% of any appreciation on the home’s value (which is why the program is called a Shared Appreciation Loan). So, if you buy a $600,000 home and then sell it 10 years later for $700,000, you would have to pay back the initial $120,000 down payment, along with an additional $20,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11917267,news_11946353 label='California Dream for All']In December, the median price of homes in California was nearly $820,000, \u003ca href=\"https://www.car.org/en/marketdata/data/countysalesactivity\">according to the California Association of Realtors\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Basically, in return for an investment from the state into your down payment, when you sell the home, you should share that appreciation with the state,” Briones said, adding that the money homebuyers repay will go toward funding future California Dream for All loans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As an organization working to close the racial wealth gap we thought that trade-off is fair, to ensure that we can support families now and in the future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Applicants can \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhfa.ca.gov/dream/\">apply for the California Dream for All program before it closes at 5 p.m. on Monday, April 29 at calhfa.ca.gov/dream\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003c/h2>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"eligible\">\u003c/a>Who is eligible to apply for California Dream for All?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“Who’s eligible” is where some of the program’s changes this year come into play.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like last year, California Dream for All applicants must be California residents — who are either citizens, permanent residents or \u003ca href=\"https://uscode.house.gov/view.xhtml?req=(title:8%20section:1641%20edition:prelim)\">otherwise defined as a “Qualified Alien”\u003c/a> — and first-time home buyers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But unlike last year, at least one person on the application must also be a first-generation home buyer — meaning their parents do not currently own a home in the United States. Applicants who have ever been in foster care also qualify.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Briones said he was skeptical at first about this requirement that applicants be first-generation home buyers. But, given how quickly the money flew out the door last year, he’s now in favor of the idea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do think that this is probably a needed additional step to make sure that this program truly is targeted to people that really do need the funds,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, residents making up to 150% of the area’s median income could apply. But this year, that threshold has been reduced to 120% of the area median income. Those income limits now range from $287,000 in Santa Clara County to $132,000 in some of the more rural or agricultural parts of the state, such as Humboldt and Fresno counties. \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhfa.ca.gov/homeownership/limits/income/income-cadfa.pdf\">Check out the full list of county income limits here (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johnson said that CalHFA (California Housing Finance Agency) relies on \u003ca href=\"https://ami-lookup-tool.fanniemae.com/\">the income the lender uses to qualify the homebuyers\u003c/a>. So, if, for example, a married couple applies, then the lender uses their combined income. If a single person applies to the program, the lender only uses one income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Applicants must also have a credit score of 680 and a debt-to-income ratio of no more than 45%. \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhfa.ca.gov/homeownership/programs/loans-cadfa.pdf\">Read the full list of eligibility requirements for California Dream for All (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>I think I qualify for the California Dream for All program. What’s next?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Don’t start picking out your dream home just yet. Johnson said the first thing to do is to find \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhfa.ca.gov/homebuyer/lenders.htm\">a CalHFA-approved lender\u003c/a> who is offering the California Dream for All program and can get you pre-approved. This is because you’ll need that \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhfa.ca.gov/homeownership/forms/pre-approval-letter-cadfa.pdf\">pre-approval letter (PDF)\u003c/a> from them to register for the program in April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Figure out how much home you can qualify for,” Johnson said. “Then work with a loan officer to make sure your application is ready.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhfa.ca.gov/dream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">online California Dream for All application \u003c/a>portal will open at 8 a.m. on April 3 and will remain open until 5 p.m. on April 29.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After that, you’ll need to take a five- to six-hour home-buyer education course and a second one-hour course about how a shared appreciation mortgage works. You can register at \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhfadreamforall.com/\">calhfadreamforall.com\u003c/a>, and the classes are online and free.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you do end up getting selected for a loan under the program, then you have 90 days to find that dream house, enter into a contract to purchase a home and have the lender reserve the loan through CalHFA’s Mortgage Access System.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you aren’t quite ready to talk to a loan officer yet, Johnson said you can also \u003ca href=\"https://www.hud.gov/states/california/homeownership/hsgcounseling\">talk to a free HUD-approved housing counselor\u003c/a>, who can dig into your finances and figure out what you need to do to get ready to buy a home.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What happens after I apply for California Dream for All?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>This is another way the 2024 application differs from last year’s: Unlike 2023’s first round of funding, when loans were given on a first-come, first-served basis, this year, there will be a lottery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This means you don’t need to worry about getting your application in right when the program opens up. Johnson confirmed that you will have until the end of April to submit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\"]How to apply\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Find \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhfa.ca.gov/homebuyer/lenders.htm\">an approved loan officer\u003c/a> or talk with \u003ca href=\"https://www.hud.gov/states/california/homeownership/hsgcounseling\">a HUD-approved housing counselor\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Get a pre-approval letter\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Register before \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhfa.ca.gov/dream/\">the program lottery deadline on April 29\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>[/pullquote]After that, Johnson said CalHFA has separated the state into nine geographic zones. The number of applicants selected for the California Dream for All loans will be based on the number of households in each zone. “We really wanted to make sure these funds were distributed equitably,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some people didn’t have time to get their paperwork together [last year],” Johnson said. “We wanted to make sure we had done everything we possibly could and for people to get their finances in order, to make sure they could be successful this year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johnson said it’s OK if the applicant makes an honest mistake or there’s an error on the application: They won’t be rejected outright. CalHFA will work with the applicant to correct any mistakes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a very robust customer service platform in place,” he said. “We help people get through the process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he also said starting early to prepare for the application process is important. So, if you haven’t already, \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhfa.ca.gov/homebuyer/lenders.htm\">find a loan officer\u003c/a> who can help assist you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, if it doesn’t happen this year, Johnson said you might also qualify for some of the state’s other home-buyer-assistance programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"tellus\">\u003c/a>Tell us: What else do you need information about?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At KQED News, we know that it can sometimes be hard to track down the answers to navigate life in the Bay Area in 2024. We’ve published \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/coronavirus-resources-and-explainers\">clear, helpful explainers and guides about issues like COVID-19\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11936674/how-to-prepare-for-this-weeks-atmospheric-river-storm-sandbags-emergency-kits-and-more\">how to cope with intense winter weather\u003c/a>, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11821950/how-to-safely-attend-a-protest-in-the-bay-area\">how to exercise your right to protest safely\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So tell us: What do you need to know more about? Tell us, and you could see your question answered online or on social media. What you submit will make our reporting stronger and help us decide what to cover here on our site and on KQED Public Radio, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[hearken id=\"10483\" src=\"https://modules.wearehearken.com/kqed/embed/10483.js\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The original version of this story published on Feb. 19, 2024.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"Applications for the state’s high-demand loan program for first-time home buyers will close on Monday, April 29 at 5 p.m.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1714071452,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":true,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":51,"wordCount":1939},"headData":{"title":"Just Days Left to Apply for California Program That Helps Pay for Your First House | KQED","description":"Applications for the state’s high-demand loan program for first-time home buyers will close on Monday, April 29 at 5 p.m.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Just Days Left to Apply for California Program That Helps Pay for Your First House","datePublished":"2024-04-25T18:55:47.000Z","dateModified":"2024-04-25T18:57:32.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"sticky":false,"excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11976218/california-will-help-fund-the-down-payment-for-your-first-house-heres-how-to-apply","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981458/ayuda-a-comprar-su-primera-casa-california-2023\">\u003cem>Leer en español\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When it rolled out last year, the California Dream for All program — a loan application for first-time home buyers — exhausted its approximately $300 million of funding within 11 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That prompted some changes this year for when the down payment assistance program opened again to California residents on April 3. The state has about $250 million on the table, which is expected to assist between 1,600–2,000 new applicants, said Eric Johnson, a spokesperson for the California Housing Finance Agency (CalHFA).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.calhfa.ca.gov/dream/\">The program — officially called the California Dream for All Shared Appreciation Loan\u003c/a> — is designed to have the state step into the role of a parent or grandparent in assisting their offspring buy a home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The program is designed to help those who may not have had the benefit of generational wealth in buying their first home,” Johnson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re hoping to \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhfa.ca.gov/dream/\">apply for the California Dream for All program\u003c/a> in 2024, keep reading to see who is eligible, how the program has changed this year, and what you need to do. But hurry: \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhfa.ca.gov/dream/\">Applications for the program\u003c/a> officially close at 5 p.m. Pacific Time on Monday, April 29.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#californiadream\">How does the California Dream for All program work?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#eligible\">Who is eligible to apply in 2024?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>Who got the money in 2023?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While wildly popular, the California Dream for All program didn’t have the geographic reach its designers had hoped for — nor did it reach its intended demographic target, said Adam Briones, the CEO of California Community Builders, a nonprofit housing research and advocacy organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Briones and his team did the research that helped design the program to close the racial homeownership gap in the state. In California, nearly 37% of Black households own their homes compared to 63% of white households, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/californias-housing-divide/\">according to the Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The original hope of the program had been that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11952984/reparations-commentary\">formerly redlined communities\u003c/a>, low-wealth communities … [would] be disproportionately supported by this program,” Briones said, “because they’ve been disproportionately held back by inequalities, both in terms of public policy and the way that our economic system works.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"‘The program is designed to help those who may not have had the benefit of generational wealth in buying their first home.’","name":"pullquote","attributes":{"named":{"size":"medium","align":"right","citation":"Eric Johnson, California Housing Finance Agency","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“And we didn’t see that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first round of California Dream For All funding helped nearly 2,200 new homeowners purchase homes. But of those, only 3% of the grantees were Black, \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhfa.ca.gov/dream/images/dfa-phase-I-outcomes.png\">according to CalHFA\u003c/a>. That’s compared to 35% of white recipients, 33% Latino and 19% Asian American and Pacific Islander.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nor were the California Dream for All funds distributed equally on a geographic basis, Briones said. A disproportionate share went to Sacramento residents, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of that had to do with informal knowledge access and understanding of a large program that was going to be rolled out,” Briones said. But he cautioned, “If Californians throughout the state don’t benefit from the program, it’s going to be really hard to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11917267/california-legislators-propose-helping-people-buy-homes-in-exchange-for-partial-ownership\">make the argument to voters that they should continue investing in these types of things\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This time around, changes to the 2024 California Dream for All program are meant to address those disparities, Johnson said. Here’s what you need to know to apply.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"californiadream\">\u003c/a>What is the California Dream For All program, and how does it work?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Under the California Dream For All program, the state will put down up to 20% of the cost of the home, or up to $150,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That money does have to be repaid, just not right away. It gets repaid — without interest — when you sell the home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, there’s a catch. You also have to pay back 20% of any appreciation on the home’s value (which is why the program is called a Shared Appreciation Loan). So, if you buy a $600,000 home and then sell it 10 years later for $700,000, you would have to pay back the initial $120,000 down payment, along with an additional $20,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11917267,news_11946353","label":"California Dream for All "},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In December, the median price of homes in California was nearly $820,000, \u003ca href=\"https://www.car.org/en/marketdata/data/countysalesactivity\">according to the California Association of Realtors\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Basically, in return for an investment from the state into your down payment, when you sell the home, you should share that appreciation with the state,” Briones said, adding that the money homebuyers repay will go toward funding future California Dream for All loans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As an organization working to close the racial wealth gap we thought that trade-off is fair, to ensure that we can support families now and in the future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Applicants can \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhfa.ca.gov/dream/\">apply for the California Dream for All program before it closes at 5 p.m. on Monday, April 29 at calhfa.ca.gov/dream\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003c/h2>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"eligible\">\u003c/a>Who is eligible to apply for California Dream for All?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“Who’s eligible” is where some of the program’s changes this year come into play.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like last year, California Dream for All applicants must be California residents — who are either citizens, permanent residents or \u003ca href=\"https://uscode.house.gov/view.xhtml?req=(title:8%20section:1641%20edition:prelim)\">otherwise defined as a “Qualified Alien”\u003c/a> — and first-time home buyers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But unlike last year, at least one person on the application must also be a first-generation home buyer — meaning their parents do not currently own a home in the United States. Applicants who have ever been in foster care also qualify.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Briones said he was skeptical at first about this requirement that applicants be first-generation home buyers. But, given how quickly the money flew out the door last year, he’s now in favor of the idea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do think that this is probably a needed additional step to make sure that this program truly is targeted to people that really do need the funds,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, residents making up to 150% of the area’s median income could apply. But this year, that threshold has been reduced to 120% of the area median income. Those income limits now range from $287,000 in Santa Clara County to $132,000 in some of the more rural or agricultural parts of the state, such as Humboldt and Fresno counties. \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhfa.ca.gov/homeownership/limits/income/income-cadfa.pdf\">Check out the full list of county income limits here (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johnson said that CalHFA (California Housing Finance Agency) relies on \u003ca href=\"https://ami-lookup-tool.fanniemae.com/\">the income the lender uses to qualify the homebuyers\u003c/a>. So, if, for example, a married couple applies, then the lender uses their combined income. If a single person applies to the program, the lender only uses one income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Applicants must also have a credit score of 680 and a debt-to-income ratio of no more than 45%. \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhfa.ca.gov/homeownership/programs/loans-cadfa.pdf\">Read the full list of eligibility requirements for California Dream for All (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>I think I qualify for the California Dream for All program. What’s next?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Don’t start picking out your dream home just yet. Johnson said the first thing to do is to find \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhfa.ca.gov/homebuyer/lenders.htm\">a CalHFA-approved lender\u003c/a> who is offering the California Dream for All program and can get you pre-approved. This is because you’ll need that \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhfa.ca.gov/homeownership/forms/pre-approval-letter-cadfa.pdf\">pre-approval letter (PDF)\u003c/a> from them to register for the program in April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Figure out how much home you can qualify for,” Johnson said. “Then work with a loan officer to make sure your application is ready.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhfa.ca.gov/dream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">online California Dream for All application \u003c/a>portal will open at 8 a.m. on April 3 and will remain open until 5 p.m. on April 29.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After that, you’ll need to take a five- to six-hour home-buyer education course and a second one-hour course about how a shared appreciation mortgage works. You can register at \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhfadreamforall.com/\">calhfadreamforall.com\u003c/a>, and the classes are online and free.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you do end up getting selected for a loan under the program, then you have 90 days to find that dream house, enter into a contract to purchase a home and have the lender reserve the loan through CalHFA’s Mortgage Access System.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you aren’t quite ready to talk to a loan officer yet, Johnson said you can also \u003ca href=\"https://www.hud.gov/states/california/homeownership/hsgcounseling\">talk to a free HUD-approved housing counselor\u003c/a>, who can dig into your finances and figure out what you need to do to get ready to buy a home.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What happens after I apply for California Dream for All?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>This is another way the 2024 application differs from last year’s: Unlike 2023’s first round of funding, when loans were given on a first-come, first-served basis, this year, there will be a lottery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This means you don’t need to worry about getting your application in right when the program opens up. Johnson confirmed that you will have until the end of April to submit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"How to apply\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Find \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhfa.ca.gov/homebuyer/lenders.htm\">an approved loan officer\u003c/a> or talk with \u003ca href=\"https://www.hud.gov/states/california/homeownership/hsgcounseling\">a HUD-approved housing counselor\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Get a pre-approval letter\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Register before \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhfa.ca.gov/dream/\">the program lottery deadline on April 29\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>","name":"pullquote","attributes":{"named":{"size":"medium","align":"right","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>After that, Johnson said CalHFA has separated the state into nine geographic zones. The number of applicants selected for the California Dream for All loans will be based on the number of households in each zone. “We really wanted to make sure these funds were distributed equitably,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some people didn’t have time to get their paperwork together [last year],” Johnson said. “We wanted to make sure we had done everything we possibly could and for people to get their finances in order, to make sure they could be successful this year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johnson said it’s OK if the applicant makes an honest mistake or there’s an error on the application: They won’t be rejected outright. CalHFA will work with the applicant to correct any mistakes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a very robust customer service platform in place,” he said. “We help people get through the process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he also said starting early to prepare for the application process is important. So, if you haven’t already, \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhfa.ca.gov/homebuyer/lenders.htm\">find a loan officer\u003c/a> who can help assist you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, if it doesn’t happen this year, Johnson said you might also qualify for some of the state’s other home-buyer-assistance programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"tellus\">\u003c/a>Tell us: What else do you need information about?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At KQED News, we know that it can sometimes be hard to track down the answers to navigate life in the Bay Area in 2024. We’ve published \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/coronavirus-resources-and-explainers\">clear, helpful explainers and guides about issues like COVID-19\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11936674/how-to-prepare-for-this-weeks-atmospheric-river-storm-sandbags-emergency-kits-and-more\">how to cope with intense winter weather\u003c/a>, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11821950/how-to-safely-attend-a-protest-in-the-bay-area\">how to exercise your right to protest safely\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So tell us: What do you need to know more about? Tell us, and you could see your question answered online or on social media. What you submit will make our reporting stronger and help us decide what to cover here on our site and on KQED Public Radio, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"hearken","attributes":{"named":{"id":"10483","src":"https://modules.wearehearken.com/kqed/embed/10483.js","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The original version of this story published on Feb. 19, 2024.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11976218/california-will-help-fund-the-down-payment-for-your-first-house-heres-how-to-apply","authors":["11652"],"categories":["news_6266","news_8"],"tags":["news_32707","news_27626","news_31235","news_1775"],"featImg":"news_11976223","label":"news"},"news_11983907":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11983907","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11983907","found":true},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"in-fresnos-chinatown-high-speed-rail-sparks-hope-and-debate-within-residents","title":"In Fresno’s Chinatown, High-Speed Rail Sparks Hope and Debate Within Residents","publishDate":1714042842,"format":"image","headTitle":"In Fresno’s Chinatown, High-Speed Rail Sparks Hope and Debate Within Residents | KQED","labelTerm":{"term":72,"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>On a recent weekday in Fresno’s Chinatown, a steady stream of customers flow into the Central Fish Company. The Japanese grocery store doubles as a modest restaurant, where owner Morgan Doizaki serves up catfish nuggets and fish and chips.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This business is bustling, but around the shop, there’s not a lot of activity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When my great uncle opened the store, this was the downtown for communities of color,” Doizaki said. “Then, it became a ghost town.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because, in the 1960s, Fresno’s Chinatown was hit hard by \u003ca href=\"https://www.urbandisplacement.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/03/Fresno.pdf\">urban renewal\u003c/a>. A major highway cut through the once-vibrant neighborhood, resulting in demolished buildings and shuttered stores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, the California High-Speed Rail Authority promises to bring economic prosperity back to this area by constructing a new station — one of the first to be built along the line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while some Chinatown residents said this station will be a boon to the local economy, others worry it will be a catalyst for gentrification, ultimately pushing out the very people and businesses the new station aims to benefit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Margaret Cederoth, the director of planning and sustainability at the California High-Speed Rail Authority, said that after decades of segregation, she hopes the new station — with entrances on both the Chinatown and downtown sides of the tracks — will be a bridge to reknit the two neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s actually a fantastic opportunity for reconnecting downtown and Chinatown,” Cederoth said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11983935\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11983935\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-Crossing-Path-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-Crossing-Path-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-Crossing-Path-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-Crossing-Path-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-Crossing-Path-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-Crossing-Path.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A 2024 rendering of the high-speed rail station in Fresno. \u003ccite>(Courtesy California High-Speed Rail Authority)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To jumpstart economic activity, the authority secured a \u003ca href=\"https://hsr.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2023/08/RAISE-2023-Factsheet-Revised-A11Y.pdf\">$20 million grant\u003c/a> from the federal government to build a plaza in front of the new station that will host food trucks and street vendors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaza, which will sit on the downtown side of the tracks, is slated to open in 2026, a full four years before trains are expected to start running. On the Chinatown side, the authority plans to build an electric vehicle charging station for residents. The funding will also help restore the historic train depot, which will be incorporated into the new station’s design and is believed to be one of Fresno’s oldest buildings, according to the High-Speed Rail Authority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Fresno] was a city that was really born out of the railway, and having that historic station next to the future high-speed rail station creates this real chemistry between old and new,” Cederoth said. “We want these to be places that are enjoyed by the public, even in advance of high-speed rail service.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The history of Fresno’s Chinatown\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Chinese immigrants were among the first to settle in Fresno after they helped build the transcontinental railroad in the 1860s. When white landlords in the city agreed not to sell or lease homes east of the railroad to Chinese residents, they were forced to relocate to the west side of the tracks, where Chinatown is now, separating downtown Fresno from Chinese residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These residents created a bustling neighborhood filled with shops, restaurants and civic organizations. But, Jan Minami, director of the Chinatown Fresno Foundation Project, said it was also a locus of illicit activity, which took place inside a warren of underground tunnels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At one point, Chinatown was a red light district,” Minami said. “Many of the underground tunnels and basements were created to escape the heat, but they were also used to essentially hide gambling and prostitution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chinese immigrants continued to move to the neighborhood and began working at nearby farms, picking figs, grapes, cotton and wheat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, in the 1880s, the Chinese Exclusion Act diminished the Chinese workforce. Japanese immigrants, including Doizaki’s family, moved in with many replacing Chinese workers in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11983937\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11983937\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/8A450199-F2F2-4509-AAE8-C6ED1F7A34D1_1_105_c_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"769\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/8A450199-F2F2-4509-AAE8-C6ED1F7A34D1_1_105_c_qut.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/8A450199-F2F2-4509-AAE8-C6ED1F7A34D1_1_105_c_qut-800x601.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/8A450199-F2F2-4509-AAE8-C6ED1F7A34D1_1_105_c_qut-1020x766.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/8A450199-F2F2-4509-AAE8-C6ED1F7A34D1_1_105_c_qut-160x120.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Morgan Doizaki stands outside his family business, Central Fish Company, in Fresno’s Chinatown on March 26, 2024. Doizaki’s family has run the shop since 1950. \u003ccite>(Madi Bolanos/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Doizaki’s great-grandpa first moved from Japan to Fowler, a small rural town south of Fresno, in 1898. He and his family relocated to Fresno’s Chinatown years later and began creating a life there — until World War II when Japanese immigrants were forced into internment camps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Doizaki’s family was one of the few that was able to rebuild and maintain a business in the area. Over time, Fresno’s Chinatown would become home to 11 different cultures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve had our ups and downs, but we’re starting to see improvements,” Doizaki said of his neighborhood. ” High-speed rail definitely has helped put a lot of focus into Chinatown.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Chinatown revitalization\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The High-Speed Rail Authority estimates it will spend more than \u003ca href=\"https://hsr.ca.gov/2023/06/28/news-release-high-speed-rail-authority-receives-20-million-from-federal-government-to-revitalize-historic-fresno-train-depot/#:~:text=NEWS%20RELEASE%3A%E2%80%8B%20High%2DSpeed,Revitalize%20Historic%20Fresno%20Train%20Depot&text=FRESNO%2C%20Calif.\">$33 million\u003c/a> on the plaza and other early work near the new station — an investment that’s also prompting city officials to get in on the revitalization effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fresno City Council members recently approved a $10 million contract, with funding from the \u003ca href=\"https://sgc.ca.gov/grant-programs/tcc/\">Transforming Climate Communities Program\u003c/a>, to construct median islands with greenery and new sidewalks, as well as install street lights with Chinese lanterns to honor the neighborhood’s culture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11983940\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11983940\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A 2024 rendering of the high-speed rail station in Fresno. \u003ccite>(Courtesy California High-Speed Rail Authority)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the last year, the city has opened an apartment building with \u003ca href=\"https://fresnohousing.org/properties/the-monarch-chinatown/\">57 affordable units\u003c/a> just three blocks from the Chinatown station. Councilmember Miguel Arias, who represents the district, said the city has also acquired old motels and historic buildings that will eventually be converted into market-rate and affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a responsibility to these communities to not allow the next modern transit system to continue that historical redlining because the freeway system, the train system fundamentally killed Chinatown,” Arias said. “Our goal is to have about half a dozen housing projects be opened or in the final stages of construction by 2026.” [aside label='Related Coverage' tag='central-valley']But housing advocates said building more is just one piece of a much larger puzzle. Marisa Moraza, a campaign director with Power California, said the city needs to ensure that all this new development does not price out tenants and business owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For that, she’s advocating for the city to impose a rent cap, increase tenant protections and institute a new oversight board to oversee these efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s Department of Housing and Community Development has mandated that Fresno build nearly \u003ca href=\"https://fresnocog.wpenginepowered.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/11/FCOG_RHNP_Public_Review_Final_November_2022_Compiled.pdf\">37,000 new homes and apartments\u003c/a> by 2031 as part of California’s broader goal to construct \u003ca href=\"https://statewide-housing-plan-cahcd.hub.arcgis.com/\">2.5 million homes\u003c/a> in that time. And in a \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1eZOB6B6RPRgSnWfKu27p8iYwbPij2vaU/view?usp=sharing\">letter to the city\u003c/a> (PDF), the department recommended it listen and incorporate comments from community groups, such as Power California, as it plans for its share of that new housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to continue to see the city of Fresno grow,” Moraza said. “However, we want to ensure that we are not increasing displacement in downtown and in southwest Fresno as well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Doizaki, whose family business has been in Chinatown since 1950, he hopes the city and businesses can work together to provide enough housing for residents with a healthy range of incomes and backgrounds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the plans that I’m seeing right now is to fill Chinatown with affordable housing. That’s not how you build a thriving community,” he said. “It’s 2024; we should be able to foresee that this is not how you treat a cultural minority district that was born through racism.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"California High-Speed Rail Authorities are promising to revitalize Fresno’s Chinatown years before the first trains leave the station, intending to spur economic growth for the struggling neighborhood.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1714148558,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":30,"wordCount":1296},"headData":{"title":"In Fresno’s Chinatown, High-Speed Rail Sparks Hope and Debate Within Residents | KQED","description":"California High-Speed Rail Authorities are promising to revitalize Fresno’s Chinatown years before the first trains leave the station, intending to spur economic growth for the struggling neighborhood.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"In Fresno’s Chinatown, High-Speed Rail Sparks Hope and Debate Within Residents","datePublished":"2024-04-25T11:00:42.000Z","dateModified":"2024-04-26T16:22:38.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"audioUrl":"https://traffic.omny.fm/d/clips/0af137ef-751e-4b19-a055-aaef00d2d578/ffca7e9f-6831-41c5-bcaf-aaef00f5a073/5fe27eaf-26a1-4ef5-bdf2-b15c00f545df/audio.mp3","sticky":false,"excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11983907/in-fresnos-chinatown-high-speed-rail-sparks-hope-and-debate-within-residents","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>On a recent weekday in Fresno’s Chinatown, a steady stream of customers flow into the Central Fish Company. The Japanese grocery store doubles as a modest restaurant, where owner Morgan Doizaki serves up catfish nuggets and fish and chips.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This business is bustling, but around the shop, there’s not a lot of activity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When my great uncle opened the store, this was the downtown for communities of color,” Doizaki said. “Then, it became a ghost town.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because, in the 1960s, Fresno’s Chinatown was hit hard by \u003ca href=\"https://www.urbandisplacement.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/03/Fresno.pdf\">urban renewal\u003c/a>. A major highway cut through the once-vibrant neighborhood, resulting in demolished buildings and shuttered stores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, the California High-Speed Rail Authority promises to bring economic prosperity back to this area by constructing a new station — one of the first to be built along the line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while some Chinatown residents said this station will be a boon to the local economy, others worry it will be a catalyst for gentrification, ultimately pushing out the very people and businesses the new station aims to benefit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Margaret Cederoth, the director of planning and sustainability at the California High-Speed Rail Authority, said that after decades of segregation, she hopes the new station — with entrances on both the Chinatown and downtown sides of the tracks — will be a bridge to reknit the two neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s actually a fantastic opportunity for reconnecting downtown and Chinatown,” Cederoth said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11983935\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11983935\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-Crossing-Path-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-Crossing-Path-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-Crossing-Path-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-Crossing-Path-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-Crossing-Path-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-Crossing-Path.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A 2024 rendering of the high-speed rail station in Fresno. \u003ccite>(Courtesy California High-Speed Rail Authority)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To jumpstart economic activity, the authority secured a \u003ca href=\"https://hsr.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2023/08/RAISE-2023-Factsheet-Revised-A11Y.pdf\">$20 million grant\u003c/a> from the federal government to build a plaza in front of the new station that will host food trucks and street vendors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaza, which will sit on the downtown side of the tracks, is slated to open in 2026, a full four years before trains are expected to start running. On the Chinatown side, the authority plans to build an electric vehicle charging station for residents. The funding will also help restore the historic train depot, which will be incorporated into the new station’s design and is believed to be one of Fresno’s oldest buildings, according to the High-Speed Rail Authority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Fresno] was a city that was really born out of the railway, and having that historic station next to the future high-speed rail station creates this real chemistry between old and new,” Cederoth said. “We want these to be places that are enjoyed by the public, even in advance of high-speed rail service.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The history of Fresno’s Chinatown\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Chinese immigrants were among the first to settle in Fresno after they helped build the transcontinental railroad in the 1860s. When white landlords in the city agreed not to sell or lease homes east of the railroad to Chinese residents, they were forced to relocate to the west side of the tracks, where Chinatown is now, separating downtown Fresno from Chinese residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These residents created a bustling neighborhood filled with shops, restaurants and civic organizations. But, Jan Minami, director of the Chinatown Fresno Foundation Project, said it was also a locus of illicit activity, which took place inside a warren of underground tunnels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At one point, Chinatown was a red light district,” Minami said. “Many of the underground tunnels and basements were created to escape the heat, but they were also used to essentially hide gambling and prostitution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chinese immigrants continued to move to the neighborhood and began working at nearby farms, picking figs, grapes, cotton and wheat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, in the 1880s, the Chinese Exclusion Act diminished the Chinese workforce. Japanese immigrants, including Doizaki’s family, moved in with many replacing Chinese workers in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11983937\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11983937\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/8A450199-F2F2-4509-AAE8-C6ED1F7A34D1_1_105_c_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"769\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/8A450199-F2F2-4509-AAE8-C6ED1F7A34D1_1_105_c_qut.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/8A450199-F2F2-4509-AAE8-C6ED1F7A34D1_1_105_c_qut-800x601.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/8A450199-F2F2-4509-AAE8-C6ED1F7A34D1_1_105_c_qut-1020x766.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/8A450199-F2F2-4509-AAE8-C6ED1F7A34D1_1_105_c_qut-160x120.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Morgan Doizaki stands outside his family business, Central Fish Company, in Fresno’s Chinatown on March 26, 2024. Doizaki’s family has run the shop since 1950. \u003ccite>(Madi Bolanos/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Doizaki’s great-grandpa first moved from Japan to Fowler, a small rural town south of Fresno, in 1898. He and his family relocated to Fresno’s Chinatown years later and began creating a life there — until World War II when Japanese immigrants were forced into internment camps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Doizaki’s family was one of the few that was able to rebuild and maintain a business in the area. Over time, Fresno’s Chinatown would become home to 11 different cultures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve had our ups and downs, but we’re starting to see improvements,” Doizaki said of his neighborhood. ” High-speed rail definitely has helped put a lot of focus into Chinatown.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Chinatown revitalization\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The High-Speed Rail Authority estimates it will spend more than \u003ca href=\"https://hsr.ca.gov/2023/06/28/news-release-high-speed-rail-authority-receives-20-million-from-federal-government-to-revitalize-historic-fresno-train-depot/#:~:text=NEWS%20RELEASE%3A%E2%80%8B%20High%2DSpeed,Revitalize%20Historic%20Fresno%20Train%20Depot&text=FRESNO%2C%20Calif.\">$33 million\u003c/a> on the plaza and other early work near the new station — an investment that’s also prompting city officials to get in on the revitalization effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fresno City Council members recently approved a $10 million contract, with funding from the \u003ca href=\"https://sgc.ca.gov/grant-programs/tcc/\">Transforming Climate Communities Program\u003c/a>, to construct median islands with greenery and new sidewalks, as well as install street lights with Chinese lanterns to honor the neighborhood’s culture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11983940\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11983940\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A 2024 rendering of the high-speed rail station in Fresno. \u003ccite>(Courtesy California High-Speed Rail Authority)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the last year, the city has opened an apartment building with \u003ca href=\"https://fresnohousing.org/properties/the-monarch-chinatown/\">57 affordable units\u003c/a> just three blocks from the Chinatown station. Councilmember Miguel Arias, who represents the district, said the city has also acquired old motels and historic buildings that will eventually be converted into market-rate and affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a responsibility to these communities to not allow the next modern transit system to continue that historical redlining because the freeway system, the train system fundamentally killed Chinatown,” Arias said. “Our goal is to have about half a dozen housing projects be opened or in the final stages of construction by 2026.” \u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"label":"Related Coverage ","tag":"central-valley"},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But housing advocates said building more is just one piece of a much larger puzzle. Marisa Moraza, a campaign director with Power California, said the city needs to ensure that all this new development does not price out tenants and business owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For that, she’s advocating for the city to impose a rent cap, increase tenant protections and institute a new oversight board to oversee these efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s Department of Housing and Community Development has mandated that Fresno build nearly \u003ca href=\"https://fresnocog.wpenginepowered.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/11/FCOG_RHNP_Public_Review_Final_November_2022_Compiled.pdf\">37,000 new homes and apartments\u003c/a> by 2031 as part of California’s broader goal to construct \u003ca href=\"https://statewide-housing-plan-cahcd.hub.arcgis.com/\">2.5 million homes\u003c/a> in that time. And in a \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1eZOB6B6RPRgSnWfKu27p8iYwbPij2vaU/view?usp=sharing\">letter to the city\u003c/a> (PDF), the department recommended it listen and incorporate comments from community groups, such as Power California, as it plans for its share of that new housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to continue to see the city of Fresno grow,” Moraza said. “However, we want to ensure that we are not increasing displacement in downtown and in southwest Fresno as well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Doizaki, whose family business has been in Chinatown since 1950, he hopes the city and businesses can work together to provide enough housing for residents with a healthy range of incomes and backgrounds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the plans that I’m seeing right now is to fill Chinatown with affordable housing. That’s not how you build a thriving community,” he said. “It’s 2024; we should be able to foresee that this is not how you treat a cultural minority district that was born through racism.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11983907/in-fresnos-chinatown-high-speed-rail-sparks-hope-and-debate-within-residents","authors":["11895"],"programs":["news_72"],"categories":["news_1169","news_8"],"tags":["news_307","news_20290","news_311","news_23152","news_27626","news_37","news_309","news_1775","news_20202","news_20517"],"featImg":"news_11983945","label":"news_72"},"forum_2010101905521":{"type":"posts","id":"forum_2010101905521","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"forum","id":"2010101905521","found":true},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"nprs-sarah-mccammon-on-leaving-the-evangelical-church","title":"NPR's Sarah McCammon on Leaving the Evangelical Church","publishDate":1714073701,"format":"audio","headTitle":"NPR’s Sarah McCammon on Leaving the Evangelical Church | KQED","labelTerm":{"site":"forum"},"content":"\u003cp>While covering Trump’s 2016 campaign, NPR political correspondent Sarah McCammon understood the white evangelical movement behind his political rise, because she grew up in that world. McCammon left the church troubled by the misogyny, homophobia and racism she witnessed. That experience is at the center of her book “The Exvangelicals: Loving, Living, and Leaving the White Evangelical Church.” We speak to McCammon and hear from you: Have you left organized religion? Why?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"We speak to McCammon and hear from you: Have you left organized religion? Why?","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1714159546,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":3,"wordCount":78},"headData":{"title":"NPR's Sarah McCammon on Leaving the Evangelical Church | KQED","description":"We speak to McCammon and hear from you: Have you left organized religion? Why?","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"Article","headline":"NPR's Sarah McCammon on Leaving the Evangelical Church","datePublished":"2024-04-25T19:35:01.000Z","dateModified":"2024-04-26T19:25:46.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}},"audioUrl":"https://www.podtrac.com/pts/redirect.mp3/pdst.fm/e/chrt.fm/track/G6C7C3/traffic.megaphone.fm/KQINC3039160805.mp3?updated=1714157139","airdate":1714150800,"forumGuests":[{"name":"Sarah McCammon","bio":"National Political Correspondent, NPR; co-host, NPR Politics Podcast; author, \"The Exvangelicals: Loving, Living, and Leaving the White Evangelical Church\""}],"sticky":false,"excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/forum/2010101905521/nprs-sarah-mccammon-on-leaving-the-evangelical-church","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>While covering Trump’s 2016 campaign, NPR political correspondent Sarah McCammon understood the white evangelical movement behind his political rise, because she grew up in that world. McCammon left the church troubled by the misogyny, homophobia and racism she witnessed. That experience is at the center of her book “The Exvangelicals: Loving, Living, and Leaving the White Evangelical Church.” We speak to McCammon and hear from you: Have you left organized religion? Why?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/forum/2010101905521/nprs-sarah-mccammon-on-leaving-the-evangelical-church","authors":["11685"],"categories":["forum_165"],"featImg":"forum_2010101905523","label":"forum"},"news_11984087":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11984087","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11984087","found":true},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"uc-regent-john-perez-on-the-gaza-protests-roiling-college-campuses","title":"UC Regent John Pérez on the Gaza Protests Roiling College Campuses","publishDate":1714091440,"format":"audio","headTitle":"UC Regent John Pérez on the Gaza Protests Roiling College Campuses | KQED","labelTerm":{"term":33544,"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As protests over the war in Gaza roil college campuses from New York to California, Marisa and Scott sit down with UC Regent John Pérez, who has served on the board overseeing the University of California system since 2014 and was recently appointed to another 12 year term.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Pérez was also Speaker of the State Assembly from 2010 to 2014.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":null,"status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1714089053,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":3,"wordCount":66},"headData":{"title":"UC Regent John Pérez on the Gaza Protests Roiling College Campuses | KQED","description":"As protests over the war in Gaza roil college campuses from New York to California, Marisa and Scott sit down with UC Regent John Pérez, who has served on the board overseeing the University of California system since 2014 and was recently appointed to another 12 year term. Pérez was also Speaker of the State","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"UC Regent John Pérez on the Gaza Protests Roiling College Campuses","datePublished":"2024-04-26T00:30:40.000Z","dateModified":"2024-04-25T23:50:53.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"audioUrl":"https://www.podtrac.com/pts/redirect.mp3/chrt.fm/track/G6C7C3/traffic.megaphone.fm/KQINC4556762915.mp3?updated=1714089273","sticky":false,"excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11984087/uc-regent-john-perez-on-the-gaza-protests-roiling-college-campuses","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As protests over the war in Gaza roil college campuses from New York to California, Marisa and Scott sit down with UC Regent John Pérez, who has served on the board overseeing the University of California system since 2014 and was recently appointed to another 12 year term.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Pérez was also Speaker of the State Assembly from 2010 to 2014.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11984087/uc-regent-john-perez-on-the-gaza-protests-roiling-college-campuses","authors":["255","3239"],"programs":["news_33544"],"categories":["news_8"],"tags":["news_32839","news_22235"],"featImg":"news_11984095","label":"news_33544"},"news_11983995":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11983995","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11983995","found":true},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"is-california-headed-for-another-tax-revolt","title":"Is California Headed For Another Tax Revolt?","publishDate":1714054687,"format":"audio","headTitle":"Is California Headed For Another Tax Revolt? | KQED","labelTerm":{},"content":"\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Tax Fight A Battle In Sacramento\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Battle lines are being drawn in what could be a huge fight over taxes in California this November. Those fights are playing out on the ballot and in court. The state could be headed for another “tax revolt” like the one that ushered in Proposition 13.\u003c/span>\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Reporter: Nicole Nixon, CapRadio\u003c/span>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Bill Would Give Striking Workers Unemployment Benefits\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">California lawmakers have reintroduced a bill that would make workers on strike for more than two weeks eligible for unemployment insurance benefits. \u003c/span>\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Reporter: Farida Jhabvala Romero, KQED \u003c/span>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":null,"status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1714054687,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":4,"wordCount":97},"headData":{"title":"Is California Headed For Another Tax Revolt? | KQED","description":"Tax Fight A Battle In Sacramento Battle lines are being drawn in what could be a huge fight over taxes in California this November. Those fights are playing out on the ballot and in court. The state could be headed for another “tax revolt” like the one that ushered in Proposition 13. Reporter: Nicole Nixon, CapRadio Bill Would Give Striking Workers Unemployment Benefits California lawmakers have reintroduced a bill that would make workers on strike for more than two weeks eligible for unemployment insurance benefits. Reporter: Farida Jhabvala Romero, KQED ","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Is California Headed For Another Tax Revolt?","datePublished":"2024-04-25T14:18:07.000Z","dateModified":"2024-04-25T14:18:07.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"source":"Morning Report","sourceUrl":"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/tcrarchive/","audioUrl":"https://www.podtrac.com/pts/redirect.mp3/chrt.fm/track/G6C7C3/traffic.megaphone.fm/KQINC7738356060.mp3?updated=1714054753","sticky":false,"excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11983995/is-california-headed-for-another-tax-revolt","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Tax Fight A Battle In Sacramento\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Battle lines are being drawn in what could be a huge fight over taxes in California this November. Those fights are playing out on the ballot and in court. The state could be headed for another “tax revolt” like the one that ushered in Proposition 13.\u003c/span>\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Reporter: Nicole Nixon, CapRadio\u003c/span>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Bill Would Give Striking Workers Unemployment Benefits\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">California lawmakers have reintroduced a bill that would make workers on strike for more than two weeks eligible for unemployment insurance benefits. \u003c/span>\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Reporter: Farida Jhabvala Romero, KQED \u003c/span>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11983995/is-california-headed-for-another-tax-revolt","authors":["236"],"programs":["news_72"],"categories":["news_21291"],"tags":["news_21998","news_21268"],"featImg":"news_11983996","label":"source_news_11983995"},"forum_2010101905515":{"type":"posts","id":"forum_2010101905515","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"forum","id":"2010101905515","found":true},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"kqed-youth-takeover-were-getting-a-wnba-team","title":"KQED Youth Takeover: We’re Getting a WNBA Team","publishDate":1714072777,"format":"audio","headTitle":"KQED Youth Takeover: We’re Getting a WNBA Team | KQED","labelTerm":{"site":"forum"},"content":"\u003cp>The WNBA is coming to the Bay Area! Fans will have a new women’s team to cheer for, at a moment when female superstars like Caitlin Clark have captivated basketball lovers of all ages. As part of KQED’s Youth Takeover week, high school athletes Mahi Jariwala, Jessie Lin and Olivia Ma bring together a sports journalist, a basketball coach and a Title IX attorney to talk about the impact of women’s basketball in the Bay Area – and the arrival of a new professional team.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"As part of KQED’s Youth Takeover week, high school athletes Mahi Jariwala, Jessie Lin and Olivia Ma bring together a sports journalist, a basketball coach and a former Title IX attorney to talk about the impact of women’s basketball in the Bay Area – and the arrival of a new professional team.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1714159520,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":3,"wordCount":93},"headData":{"title":"KQED Youth Takeover: We’re Getting a WNBA Team | KQED","description":"As part of KQED’s Youth Takeover week, high school athletes Mahi Jariwala, Jessie Lin and Olivia Ma bring together a sports journalist, a basketball coach and a former Title IX attorney to talk about the impact of women’s basketball in the Bay Area – and the arrival of a new professional team.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"Article","headline":"KQED Youth Takeover: We’re Getting a WNBA Team","datePublished":"2024-04-25T19:19:37.000Z","dateModified":"2024-04-26T19:25:20.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}},"audioUrl":"https://www.podtrac.com/pts/redirect.mp3/pdst.fm/e/chrt.fm/track/G6C7C3/traffic.megaphone.fm/KQINC8641099486.mp3?updated=1714159650","airdate":1714147200,"forumGuests":[{"name":"Mahi Jariwala","bio":"senior, Monte Vista High School"},{"name":"Jessie Lin","bio":"senior, Woodside High School"},{"name":"Olivia Ma","bio":"junior, BASIS Independent Fremont"},{"name":"Marisa Ingemi","bio":"women's sports reporter, San Francisco Chronicle"},{"name":"Kim Turner","bio":"co-CEO of the nonprofit Bay Area Women's Sports Initiative; Title IX attorney"},{"name":"Jeff Addiego","bio":"vice president, Warriors Basketball Academy"}],"sticky":false,"excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/forum/2010101905515/kqed-youth-takeover-were-getting-a-wnba-team","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The WNBA is coming to the Bay Area! Fans will have a new women’s team to cheer for, at a moment when female superstars like Caitlin Clark have captivated basketball lovers of all ages. As part of KQED’s Youth Takeover week, high school athletes Mahi Jariwala, Jessie Lin and Olivia Ma bring together a sports journalist, a basketball coach and a Title IX attorney to talk about the impact of women’s basketball in the Bay Area – and the arrival of a new professional team.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/forum/2010101905515/kqed-youth-takeover-were-getting-a-wnba-team","authors":["11757"],"categories":["forum_165"],"tags":["forum_640"],"featImg":"forum_2010101905520","label":"forum"},"news_11983813":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11983813","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11983813","found":true},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"san-jose-adding-hundreds-of-license-plate-readers-amid-privacy-and-efficacy-concerns","title":"San José Adding Hundreds of License Plate Readers Amid Privacy and Efficacy Concerns","publishDate":1714141802,"format":"standard","headTitle":"San José Adding Hundreds of License Plate Readers Amid Privacy and Efficacy Concerns | KQED","labelTerm":{"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>In an effort to address crime, San José is rapidly blanketing the city with hundreds of automated license plate readers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor Matt Mahan helped install the city’s 235th device this week and said San José aims to have 500 up and running by the summer. Leaders say the ALPRs from Atlanta-based Flock Safety are a critical support for investigators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It has already proven an incredible tool for our thinly staffed police department,” Mahan said Tuesday during a press conference in East San José where a new ALPR was being installed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the network of cameras in 2023 alone helped recover $2 million worth of stolen vehicles and led to the arrests of nearly 200 people suspected of crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Acting Police Chief Paul Joseph said the ALPRs have been invaluable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These cameras make a difference by helping to identify and apprehend suspects, curbing criminal activity and providing crime victims with a feeling of closure and justice,” Joseph said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, some privacy advocates and residents say the cameras aren’t actually effective at reducing crime and instead create massive logs about the movements of locals and visitors. They worry about the amount of data police are keeping, the length of time it’s retained, and how it is shared across law enforcement agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Complicated issues like safety deserve really well thought out and focused solutions,” said Nick Hidalgo, a staff attorney for the American Civil Liberties Union of Northern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Installing hundreds of expensive devices that effectively turn San José into a surveillance city is like using a bazooka instead of a fly swatter. It’s expensive, unnecessary, ineffective and does a lot more harm than good.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Flock devices capture not only license plates but also a car’s make and model and other characteristics like customizations or bumper stickers. Flock’s software pings police when a car matching a “hotlist” crosses the path of the cameras, and police can also search the data logs for specific cars and plates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials say the cameras do not have facial recognition features, nor do they photograph inside a car. City officials said they are proud of the data privacy protections San José follows and noted that the data, under state law requirements, is only shared with other California law enforcement agencies and is prohibited from being used for immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Danny Garza, a 65-year resident of East San José’s Plata Arroyo neighborhood, trusted the police to handle the information securely and said he and others have requested cameras be put up in the area for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re asking that these license plate readers help protect layer upon layer of community gains,” Garza said. “All we’re interested in is community safety. We’ve had shootings in the past, and they’ve gotten away. Nobody knows where they went.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though police leaders say the technology is effective and has helped capture people suspected of car theft, rape, and homicide, among other crimes, the department declined to use a specific metric to measure the success of the program over time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984099\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984099\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/San-Jose-License-Plate-Readers-08.jpg\" alt=\"A white middle aged man speaks into microphones wearing a blue suit and a white collared shirt with no tie.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/San-Jose-License-Plate-Readers-08.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/San-Jose-License-Plate-Readers-08-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/San-Jose-License-Plate-Readers-08-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/San-Jose-License-Plate-Readers-08-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/San-Jose-License-Plate-Readers-08-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/San-Jose-License-Plate-Readers-08-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San José Mayor Matt Mahan during a press conference in East San José where a new ALPR was being installed on Tuesday, April 23, 2024. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We like to measure our success in terms of usefulness in our pursuit of public safety by solving and reducing crime,” Sgt. Jorge Garibay, a department spokesperson, told KQED in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Crime trends fluctuate, as do crime types. What most of these have in common is a mode of transportation to and from the scene of crime. When that mode is a vehicle, ALPR success is achieved when a hit has been broadcasted and officers have a tangible lead to follow up on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cameras installed to date — 241 of them as of this writing — are already amassing huge troves of data about the cars driving in San José. The current camera network has detected nearly 3 million unique cars per month, according to the city’s Flock portal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In just an 18-day period in December 2022, the city’s cameras captured nearly 16 million total scans, which can include multiple scans of the same vehicle in different locations, according to police. The total scans will only increase as the city’s arsenal of cameras more than doubles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It casts a net over the entire community, tracking where drivers go and allowing law enforcement to, if they chose, create maps of where drivers work, live, worship, seek medical care, and travel,” said Hidalgo of ACLU Northern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His research into San José’s ALPR program from 2022 showed that more than 99.99% of the plates scanned do not match any hotlists for police. If the car or plate is not implicated in an investigation, the SJPD then keeps every plate scanned for a year before purging it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many law enforcement agencies using similar Flock systems purge license plate data every 30 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hidalgo said it’s not just invasive that police track that much data on people who aren’t suspected of any crimes, but by keeping it for a year, the city puts the data at further risk for misuse or to be inadvertently disclosed in a data breach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joseph, the police chief, said the department keeps the data for one year based on the recommendation of the city attorney’s office, indicating the law requires it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11983106,news_11983119,news_11966615\"]Albert Gehami, San José’s privacy officer, said the city is aware other agencies do not keep similar data for as long as San José does.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When it has nothing to do with an investigation, a year is excessive,” Gehami said of the data. “Police departments up and down, everyone that we speak to, [say] there is no need for that information. It is strictly what our attorney’s office has decided is the current interpretation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City Attorney Nora Frimann said the retention period has been in place for more than a decade, going back to when the police department trialed other license plate reader technology and before the state required cities to have formal ALPR policies in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It just made sense to keep it for a year,” Frimann said. However, she noted the retention time is a policy question that the city council can change if it sees fit. “As a city, we can revisit the time frame,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The extra time San José police choose to keep the data also costs the city more money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José police could not immediately provide total cost estimates for the program but noted that each camera costs the city about $2,500 per year to lease from Flock, along with a $350 one-time fee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Flock’s head of policy and communication, Josh Thomas, said San José pays an extra $300 per camera each year for the longer data retention periods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"The city’s cameras scan millions of license plates per month and helped recover $2 million in stolen vehicles last year. However, privacy advocates say they don’t help reduce crime.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1714093166,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":32,"wordCount":1220},"headData":{"title":"San José Adding Hundreds of License Plate Readers Amid Privacy and Efficacy Concerns | KQED","description":"The city’s cameras scan millions of license plates per month and helped recover $2 million in stolen vehicles last year. However, privacy advocates say they don’t help reduce crime.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"San José Adding Hundreds of License Plate Readers Amid Privacy and Efficacy Concerns","datePublished":"2024-04-26T14:30:02.000Z","dateModified":"2024-04-26T00:59:26.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"sticky":false,"excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11983813/san-jose-adding-hundreds-of-license-plate-readers-amid-privacy-and-efficacy-concerns","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In an effort to address crime, San José is rapidly blanketing the city with hundreds of automated license plate readers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor Matt Mahan helped install the city’s 235th device this week and said San José aims to have 500 up and running by the summer. Leaders say the ALPRs from Atlanta-based Flock Safety are a critical support for investigators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It has already proven an incredible tool for our thinly staffed police department,” Mahan said Tuesday during a press conference in East San José where a new ALPR was being installed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the network of cameras in 2023 alone helped recover $2 million worth of stolen vehicles and led to the arrests of nearly 200 people suspected of crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Acting Police Chief Paul Joseph said the ALPRs have been invaluable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These cameras make a difference by helping to identify and apprehend suspects, curbing criminal activity and providing crime victims with a feeling of closure and justice,” Joseph said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, some privacy advocates and residents say the cameras aren’t actually effective at reducing crime and instead create massive logs about the movements of locals and visitors. They worry about the amount of data police are keeping, the length of time it’s retained, and how it is shared across law enforcement agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Complicated issues like safety deserve really well thought out and focused solutions,” said Nick Hidalgo, a staff attorney for the American Civil Liberties Union of Northern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Installing hundreds of expensive devices that effectively turn San José into a surveillance city is like using a bazooka instead of a fly swatter. It’s expensive, unnecessary, ineffective and does a lot more harm than good.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Flock devices capture not only license plates but also a car’s make and model and other characteristics like customizations or bumper stickers. Flock’s software pings police when a car matching a “hotlist” crosses the path of the cameras, and police can also search the data logs for specific cars and plates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials say the cameras do not have facial recognition features, nor do they photograph inside a car. City officials said they are proud of the data privacy protections San José follows and noted that the data, under state law requirements, is only shared with other California law enforcement agencies and is prohibited from being used for immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Danny Garza, a 65-year resident of East San José’s Plata Arroyo neighborhood, trusted the police to handle the information securely and said he and others have requested cameras be put up in the area for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re asking that these license plate readers help protect layer upon layer of community gains,” Garza said. “All we’re interested in is community safety. We’ve had shootings in the past, and they’ve gotten away. Nobody knows where they went.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though police leaders say the technology is effective and has helped capture people suspected of car theft, rape, and homicide, among other crimes, the department declined to use a specific metric to measure the success of the program over time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984099\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984099\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/San-Jose-License-Plate-Readers-08.jpg\" alt=\"A white middle aged man speaks into microphones wearing a blue suit and a white collared shirt with no tie.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/San-Jose-License-Plate-Readers-08.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/San-Jose-License-Plate-Readers-08-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/San-Jose-License-Plate-Readers-08-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/San-Jose-License-Plate-Readers-08-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/San-Jose-License-Plate-Readers-08-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/San-Jose-License-Plate-Readers-08-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San José Mayor Matt Mahan during a press conference in East San José where a new ALPR was being installed on Tuesday, April 23, 2024. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We like to measure our success in terms of usefulness in our pursuit of public safety by solving and reducing crime,” Sgt. Jorge Garibay, a department spokesperson, told KQED in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Crime trends fluctuate, as do crime types. What most of these have in common is a mode of transportation to and from the scene of crime. When that mode is a vehicle, ALPR success is achieved when a hit has been broadcasted and officers have a tangible lead to follow up on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cameras installed to date — 241 of them as of this writing — are already amassing huge troves of data about the cars driving in San José. The current camera network has detected nearly 3 million unique cars per month, according to the city’s Flock portal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In just an 18-day period in December 2022, the city’s cameras captured nearly 16 million total scans, which can include multiple scans of the same vehicle in different locations, according to police. The total scans will only increase as the city’s arsenal of cameras more than doubles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It casts a net over the entire community, tracking where drivers go and allowing law enforcement to, if they chose, create maps of where drivers work, live, worship, seek medical care, and travel,” said Hidalgo of ACLU Northern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His research into San José’s ALPR program from 2022 showed that more than 99.99% of the plates scanned do not match any hotlists for police. If the car or plate is not implicated in an investigation, the SJPD then keeps every plate scanned for a year before purging it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many law enforcement agencies using similar Flock systems purge license plate data every 30 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hidalgo said it’s not just invasive that police track that much data on people who aren’t suspected of any crimes, but by keeping it for a year, the city puts the data at further risk for misuse or to be inadvertently disclosed in a data breach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joseph, the police chief, said the department keeps the data for one year based on the recommendation of the city attorney’s office, indicating the law requires it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"label":"Related Stories ","postid":"news_11983106,news_11983119,news_11966615"},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Albert Gehami, San José’s privacy officer, said the city is aware other agencies do not keep similar data for as long as San José does.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When it has nothing to do with an investigation, a year is excessive,” Gehami said of the data. “Police departments up and down, everyone that we speak to, [say] there is no need for that information. It is strictly what our attorney’s office has decided is the current interpretation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City Attorney Nora Frimann said the retention period has been in place for more than a decade, going back to when the police department trialed other license plate reader technology and before the state required cities to have formal ALPR policies in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It just made sense to keep it for a year,” Frimann said. However, she noted the retention time is a policy question that the city council can change if it sees fit. “As a city, we can revisit the time frame,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The extra time San José police choose to keep the data also costs the city more money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José police could not immediately provide total cost estimates for the program but noted that each camera costs the city about $2,500 per year to lease from Flock, along with a $350 one-time fee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Flock’s head of policy and communication, Josh Thomas, said San José pays an extra $300 per camera each year for the longer data retention periods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11983813/san-jose-adding-hundreds-of-license-plate-readers-amid-privacy-and-efficacy-concerns","authors":["11906"],"categories":["news_31795","news_8"],"tags":["news_18538","news_27626","news_16","news_4287","news_31197","news_18541","news_667"],"featImg":"news_11984097","label":"news"},"news_11984169":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11984169","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11984169","found":true},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"state-court-upholds-alameda-county-tax-measure-yielding-hundreds-of-millions-for-child-care","title":"State Court Upholds Alameda County Tax Measure Yielding Hundreds of Millions for Child Care","publishDate":1714164766,"format":"standard","headTitle":"State Court Upholds Alameda County Tax Measure Yielding Hundreds of Millions for Child Care | KQED","labelTerm":{"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>After four years of legal debate, California’s highest court upheld an Alameda County sales tax measure to increase access to child care and pediatric health care for lower-income families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This ruling makes Alameda County the latest Bay Area local government to increase a tax to fund early childhood education and care. San Francisco began implementing Baby Proposition C about two years ago after a legal challenge to the commercial tax initiative was resolved in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, the state Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://appellatecases.courtinfo.ca.gov/search/case/dockets.cfm?dist=1&doc_id=2410200&doc_no=A166404&request_token=NiIwLSEnXkw7W1BZSyMtTE9IMEw6UVxfJSM%2BVzpSMCAgCg%3D%3D\">denied a petition\u003c/a> to review a lower court’s ruling that Measure C is legitimate, thus making that decision final. That will allow the county to spend hundreds of millions of dollars collected from the 0.5% sales tax since July 2021. The funds have been held in escrow pending a taxpayer group’s legal challenge to the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ruling “validates the will of Alameda County voters to fund early education and ensure child care is accessible to all families, and that the labor of child care providers is honored and respected,” Clarissa Doutherd, executive director of the advocacy group Parent Voices Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are thrilled for the initial funding that will lift up children and families throughout the county who have had to suffer through delays that would have helped address growing poverty, under-resourced child care facilities, and severe pediatric needs,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure was passed by 64% of voters in March 2020, but the Alameda County Taxpayers Association argued\u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/07/07/alameda-countys-measure-c-for-child-care-funding-scores-a-legal-win-but-money-cant-flow-yet/\"> that state law requires 66%, or two-thirds vote, to pass\u003c/a> for local governments to raise taxes for a specific purpose. The group contends that elected officials, including the late county supervisor Wilma Chan, initiated the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county countered that the measure was put on the ballot after enough signatures were gathered to support it. For that reason, only a simple majority is needed for a citizen initiative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Doutherd’s effort to put the measure before voters was the \u003ca href=\"https://www.clarissasbattle.com/\">subject of a documentary called “Clarissa’s Battle.”\u003c/a> Her struggle as a single mother trying to maintain work as a bookkeeper and pay for preschool for her son led to her advocacy for affordable early childhood education.[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='early-childhood']“What this means for me is that in my lifetime, I will see a huge transformation through this initiative that will make sure that parents at least will have an easier time and not know the panic and the fear and the pain of not being able to support themselves and go to work or go to school or even just know that their children are in a safe, nurturing environment,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://first5alameda.org/files/Appendix%20C-%20Local%20Child%20Care%20Ballot%20Measures.pdf\">When it was first proposed,\u003c/a> officials estimated the tax would raise about $150 million a year over 20 years to add more subsidized child care slots, increase early educators’ pay to at least $15 per hour (with annual adjustments for inflation) and offer free or low-cost pediatric health care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First 5 Alameda County, which will administer the child care fund, also plans to use the money to fund training and professional development classes for providers to raise the quality of early education programs. The effort mirrors an ongoing effort in San Francisco to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11948690/business-tax-provides-crucial-funding-for-early-childhood-education-and-care-in-san-francisco\">use revenue from a commercial rent tax \u003c/a>to better compensate early educators and lower child care costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The impact of this investment on Alameda County’s children, families and [early childhood education] workforce is not just transformative; it’s imperative for the health of our communities,” Kristin Spanos, CEO of First 5 Alameda County, said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said 21 licensed child care centers and 270 in-home family child care businesses in the county closed permanently between 2019 and 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The COVID-19 pandemic exposed and deepened the vulnerabilities of our already fragile, underfunded and fragmented system of licensed care,” Spanos said. “Funding from Measure C is a significant milestone in our journey toward creating an equity-centered early childhood system of care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A citizen oversight committee will oversee spending from the pediatric health care fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"After a long legal battle, the ruling makes Alameda County the latest Bay Area local government to increase a tax to fund early childhood education and care.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1714164766,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":16,"wordCount":699},"headData":{"title":"State Court Upholds Alameda County Tax Measure Yielding Hundreds of Millions for Child Care | KQED","description":"After a long legal battle, the ruling makes Alameda County the latest Bay Area local government to increase a tax to fund early childhood education and care.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"State Court Upholds Alameda County Tax Measure Yielding Hundreds of Millions for Child Care","datePublished":"2024-04-26T20:52:46.000Z","dateModified":"2024-04-26T20:52:46.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"sticky":false,"excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11984169/state-court-upholds-alameda-county-tax-measure-yielding-hundreds-of-millions-for-child-care","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After four years of legal debate, California’s highest court upheld an Alameda County sales tax measure to increase access to child care and pediatric health care for lower-income families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This ruling makes Alameda County the latest Bay Area local government to increase a tax to fund early childhood education and care. San Francisco began implementing Baby Proposition C about two years ago after a legal challenge to the commercial tax initiative was resolved in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, the state Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://appellatecases.courtinfo.ca.gov/search/case/dockets.cfm?dist=1&doc_id=2410200&doc_no=A166404&request_token=NiIwLSEnXkw7W1BZSyMtTE9IMEw6UVxfJSM%2BVzpSMCAgCg%3D%3D\">denied a petition\u003c/a> to review a lower court’s ruling that Measure C is legitimate, thus making that decision final. That will allow the county to spend hundreds of millions of dollars collected from the 0.5% sales tax since July 2021. The funds have been held in escrow pending a taxpayer group’s legal challenge to the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ruling “validates the will of Alameda County voters to fund early education and ensure child care is accessible to all families, and that the labor of child care providers is honored and respected,” Clarissa Doutherd, executive director of the advocacy group Parent Voices Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are thrilled for the initial funding that will lift up children and families throughout the county who have had to suffer through delays that would have helped address growing poverty, under-resourced child care facilities, and severe pediatric needs,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure was passed by 64% of voters in March 2020, but the Alameda County Taxpayers Association argued\u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/07/07/alameda-countys-measure-c-for-child-care-funding-scores-a-legal-win-but-money-cant-flow-yet/\"> that state law requires 66%, or two-thirds vote, to pass\u003c/a> for local governments to raise taxes for a specific purpose. The group contends that elected officials, including the late county supervisor Wilma Chan, initiated the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county countered that the measure was put on the ballot after enough signatures were gathered to support it. For that reason, only a simple majority is needed for a citizen initiative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Doutherd’s effort to put the measure before voters was the \u003ca href=\"https://www.clarissasbattle.com/\">subject of a documentary called “Clarissa’s Battle.”\u003c/a> Her struggle as a single mother trying to maintain work as a bookkeeper and pay for preschool for her son led to her advocacy for affordable early childhood education.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"label":"Related Coverage ","tag":"early-childhood"},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“What this means for me is that in my lifetime, I will see a huge transformation through this initiative that will make sure that parents at least will have an easier time and not know the panic and the fear and the pain of not being able to support themselves and go to work or go to school or even just know that their children are in a safe, nurturing environment,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://first5alameda.org/files/Appendix%20C-%20Local%20Child%20Care%20Ballot%20Measures.pdf\">When it was first proposed,\u003c/a> officials estimated the tax would raise about $150 million a year over 20 years to add more subsidized child care slots, increase early educators’ pay to at least $15 per hour (with annual adjustments for inflation) and offer free or low-cost pediatric health care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First 5 Alameda County, which will administer the child care fund, also plans to use the money to fund training and professional development classes for providers to raise the quality of early education programs. The effort mirrors an ongoing effort in San Francisco to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11948690/business-tax-provides-crucial-funding-for-early-childhood-education-and-care-in-san-francisco\">use revenue from a commercial rent tax \u003c/a>to better compensate early educators and lower child care costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The impact of this investment on Alameda County’s children, families and [early childhood education] workforce is not just transformative; it’s imperative for the health of our communities,” Kristin Spanos, CEO of First 5 Alameda County, said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said 21 licensed child care centers and 270 in-home family child care businesses in the county closed permanently between 2019 and 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The COVID-19 pandemic exposed and deepened the vulnerabilities of our already fragile, underfunded and fragmented system of licensed care,” Spanos said. “Funding from Measure C is a significant milestone in our journey toward creating an equity-centered early childhood system of care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A citizen oversight committee will oversee spending from the pediatric health care fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11984169/state-court-upholds-alameda-county-tax-measure-yielding-hundreds-of-millions-for-child-care","authors":["11829"],"categories":["news_8"],"tags":["news_260","news_20754","news_32698","news_32102","news_32928","news_27626"],"featImg":"news_11984193","label":"news"},"news_11907727":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11907727","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11907727","found":true},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"reknitting-the-safety-net-help-pay-the-rent","title":"Reknitting the Safety Net: Help Pay the Rent","publishDate":1647273249,"format":"audio","headTitle":"Reknitting the Safety Net: Help Pay the Rent | KQED","labelTerm":{},"content":"\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Falling behind on rent is the primary reason that people are evicted. So how do you keep people from falling behind in the first place? Help them pay their rent. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In this final episode of the season, we’ll look at the promise, the problems and the history of Section 8, as well as the push for guaranteed income.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch5 id=\"embed-code\" class=\"inconsolata\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC1525875908&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/h5>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>THE RENT EATS FIRST [TRANSCRIPT]\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN BALDASSARI, HOST\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Kemanie and his wife were like a lot of young couples just starting out. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It was the early 2000s. He had recently started his career as a carpenter. She was a teacher. They were both in their mid-20s.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But even with two incomes, they could barely make ends meet. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We were living in a, like, a small, tiny little one-bedroom apartment with roaches, like basically a little small ghetto.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Then their son was born. His wife stopped working to take care of him. And their budget got even tighter. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And things was hard, but we started falling behind on rent.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">How far behind were you on rent at that time?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> I was $4,000 behind on rent at the time.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY SOLOMON, HOST\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> They were living where they both grew up in Marin County, just across the Golden Gate Bridge from San Francisco.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">At that point in time there was no way for us to survive in Marin County.\u003c/span>\u003cb> \u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It didn’t help that it’s one of the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.california.com/the-most-expensive-counties-in-the-us/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">wealthiest counties in the country\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. Or that their landlord was planning on selling the apartment they were renting.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They couldn’t figure out how they were going to pay the back rent and still have money for a deposit to move somewhere new.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We would have been homeless\u003c/span>. You know, it would have been really bad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> They thought about moving in with one of their parents or leaving Marin County altogether. Then, they got some good news. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So we got it, we were out doing something — running an errand — and on the way back, my wife got the email.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music in)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> They got what some have called a “golden ticket” — a Section 8 housing voucher.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Section 8 is a federal program that helps low-income people afford rent on the private market.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Kemanie and his wife had put in their application nearly \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">a decade\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> ago. And they’d been stuck on a waiting list that never seemed to budge. When they finally got the news, it was like winning the lottery. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We both looked at each other. And was, like, yes. I mean, it was like perfect timing.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> It was a huge opportunity for them. With Section 8, they would only have to pay 30% of their income towards rent. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>KEMANIE\u003c/strong>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It was an epiphany for us because it was like, life can go on now, like we — there’s a path forward. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> They wouldn’t fall behind on bills. And they’d have a chance to catch up. They’d have some room to breathe. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">: So, they started looking for a new place to live. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music out)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And we searched and searched and searched, and went and visited and talked to people, and knowing that we had the housing voucher, we thought it was going to be easier because it was a guarantee. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">: A guarantee because most of the rent money comes from the federal government. It’s usually deposited straight into the landlord’s bank account.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And we found out that it was more of a hindrance than anything. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">(Sold Out theme song begins.)\u003c/span>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>: It’s what most Section 8 tenants discover — the voucher is not only hard to get, it’s hard to use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> These problems aren’t new. And neither is Section 8. But over the past half century, it’s become the No. 1 way we subsidize rent in this country.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As rents climb higher, advocates say we need to fix the problems with Section 8 and expand it. To make it work for more people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I’m Molly Solomon.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> And I’m Erin Baldassari. From KQED, this is Sold Out: Rethinking Housing in America. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, the final chapter in our series on evictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How to keep people from getting evicted? Help pay the rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">(Sold Out theme song ends.)\u003c/span>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11908148\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11908148\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54286_009_KQED_Kemanie_03112022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54286_009_KQED_Kemanie_03112022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54286_009_KQED_Kemanie_03112022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54286_009_KQED_Kemanie_03112022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54286_009_KQED_Kemanie_03112022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54286_009_KQED_Kemanie_03112022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Kemanie holds the keys to his Novato home. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cdiv class=\"mceTemp\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Kemanie and his wife have had a housing voucher for nearly two decades now. And anytime they’ve had to move, it’s always the same thing. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">They apply to dozens of places, visit a ton of apartments and get the same answers.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And every single time it was like, no, nope, no, no.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> It didn’t seem to matter that they had good references from past landlords, even letters from neighbors. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As soon as Section 8 comes up, you see like a glaze go over their eyes like, OK, I got to deal with this conversation and move on to the next person.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music in)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Some landlords told them point-blank they wouldn’t accept Section 8, even though that’s illegal in California and a handful of other states. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Those laws are hard to enforce, though. And landlords find all sorts of ways of getting around them — like requiring a credit score of 700 or above.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You know, it was kind of, smile in our face, “Oh, yeah, but your credit score is low.” But the bottom line is most people are on Section 8 because they’re having issues financially and their credit is not very good.\u003c/span>\u003cb> \u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Or, landlords would ask them to have an income that’s at least three times the rent.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It’s like, if I make three times the monthly amount, I’m buying my own place. P\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">eriod, that’s it.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Other times there was an online application, but no box to check to say they had Section 8. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Right? And you don’t even get to talk to anybody or even see anybody or state your case. And it doesn’t say you have Section 8 on the app, so you can’t fill that out. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Usually, though, they just never heard back. There was no explanation at all.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music out)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> So, Kemanie and his wife tried harder. They wrote cover letters. And organized all their references and documentation into nice, neat little folders.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We would put a little picture, a nice little cute picture of our Black family for people to accept and like and maybe, you know, feel sorry for us.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> It was frustrating and stressful. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">To Kemanie, it felt racist.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And it really felt like redlining. Is, that’s how I felt about it, because they’re just like, no, you know.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Racial discrimination can be hard to prove, but a recent audit found it’s a pervasive problem.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The Fair Housing Advocates of Northern California conducted paired tests of white and Black renters. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And found that \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.scribd.com/document/398920895/raceaudit2016-17?secret_password=A5Sg4qdij47q2erNlj3X#fullscreen&from_embed\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">nearly 70% of the time\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, landlords in the county where Kemanie lives refused to rent to Black tenants, or used more subtle behaviors, like leaving someone on hold for hours, never calling back or steering Black applicants away from certain neighborhoods. \u003ca href=\"https://www.scribd.com/document/504967414/no-and-soi-audit-2019-20-report?secret_password=wY0jrrhNpcBCBhEVm0zi#download&from_embed\">More than half the time\u003c/a>, landlords did the same for voucher holders.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> To Kemanie, this was not news. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">He and his wife had lived their whole lives in Marin County — a community where more than 70% of the residents are white, and where the average household makes over $115,000 a year. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music in)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> It’s hard to explain it to other people. We’re Black in America. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Every day, especially also for me, being a Black man and being very intimidating to a lot of people. Every single day, when I meet somebody, I got to put a smile on my face to like, look, I’m not threatening.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Holding a Section 8 voucher in his hands worsens the daily strain of trying to find acceptance. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> And it felt like that times 10, because this time we’re looking for everyone’s approval and it’s — we’re trying to dress us up as the best we can to get accepted by people that we know maybe aren’t racist, but just aren’t as inclined to want us to be there. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That was very, very, very hard. And that was, I think, probably the most defeating part of the whole thing for us.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music out)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>MOLLY\u003c/strong>: This discrimination is why we aren’t using Kemanie’s full name. Or his wife’s name.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The experience of looking for a place to live has been so traumatic, they’re afraid to do anything that might hurt their chances of finding a home the next time they have to start looking. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Their struggles with Section 8 highlight two of the program’s biggest failures.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Only \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/publication/94146/trends-in-housing-problems-and-federal-housing-assistance.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">1 in 5\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> who qualify for rental assistance actually receives it. Meaning most people are stuck on waitlists for years — \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cbpp.org/research/housing/long-waitlists-for-housing-vouchers-show-pressing-unmet-need-for-assistance\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">even decades\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And when people do get off those waitlists, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/publications/pdf/sec8success_1.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">roughly a third\u003c/span>\u003c/a> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">lose \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">their vouchers because they can’t find any landlord willing to take them. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> That’s partly because there’s an unfair stigma around Section 8, even if it isn’t backed up by evidence. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/eva_rosen?lang=en\">Eva Rosen\u003c/a> is an assistant professor at Georgetown University, and she \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://press.princeton.edu/books/hardcover/9780691172569/the-voucher-promise\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">wrote a book on Section 8\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EVA ROSEN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Landlords sometimes don’t want to rent to big families. They often worry that voucher-holders might be more likely to do damage to the home \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">or that they might be noisier tenants. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And again, none of this is really backed up by any kind of data, but the stigma itself is very real.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This unfair stigma is made worse when you add in racism — the kind that Kemanie and his family felt. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Nationally, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/datasets/assthsg.html#2009-2021_query\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">about two-thirds of voucher holders\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> are people of color.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EVA\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> In my research with landlords, they say things like, well, I couldn’t rent to a Black person in this neighborhood because all of my other tenants are white and they would not like that.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I think racism is a big part of the reticence that we see from landlords.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Despite all these barriers, Kemanie and his family \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">were \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">able to find a place to live. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">They’ve been at their current home for three and a half years now. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And in the world of Section 8, it’s kind of a unicorn. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It’s a single-family home on a quiet cul-de-sac in Novato, a wealthy suburb north of San Francisco. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This is literally everything we could ask for. This is — we’re so incredibly happy here right now in the place that we have. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">: It’s got three bedrooms, a two-car garage, and a big, tree-lined backyard.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">There are parks nearby and great schools for their kids. And, they feel safe here. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Safety at school, safety coming home from school, you know, safety on the weekends, playing with their friends, you know, all of that.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Only \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cbpp.org/research/housing/where-families-with-children-use-housing-vouchers\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">14% of voucher holders\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> live in affluent neighborhoods like this. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Kemanie and his wife know just how rare it is. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> It’s like we’re living in a dream that we know are about to wake up from. We know at some point someone’s going to shake us and be like, “Hey, wake up.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> That wake-up call could come in just a few months.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Their landlord told them they’re thinking about selling. And their current lease lasts only until September. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">After that, there are no guarantees.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It’s all up in the air. Everything’s very unsettled for us. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music in)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> When that time comes, they’ll have to find another landlord willing to take them. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">They know from experience it won’t be easy. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">To make the system better for tenants, we need to get more landlords on board. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We’ll tell you how, coming up.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11908149\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11908149\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54283_006_KQED_Kemanie_03112022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54283_006_KQED_Kemanie_03112022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54283_006_KQED_Kemanie_03112022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54283_006_KQED_Kemanie_03112022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54283_006_KQED_Kemanie_03112022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54283_006_KQED_Kemanie_03112022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A ‘Welcome’ sign hangs by the door to the home Kemanie shares with his family in Novato. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music out)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>ERIN\u003c/strong>: When the Pruitt-Igoe public housing development in St. Louis, Missouri, opened in 1954, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1_zFIg8N9Rw\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">it was celebrated\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> as a marvel of modern architecture: 33 towers, each 11 stories tall. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1_zFIg8N9Rw\">\u003cb>\u003cem>COMMERCIAL FOR PRUITT-IGOE HOUSING DEVELOPMENT\u003c/em>\u003c/b>\u003c/a>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> With indoor plumbing, electric lights, fresh-plastered walls and the rest of the conveniences that are expected in the 20th century. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">(Music in)\u003c/span>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> But just a decade later, it was falling apart and had become a symbol of government mismanagement and neglect, drawing national attention for its horrible living conditions. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Take \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=t-cfjqh1sSY&t=23s\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">this newscast\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, from 1968: \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=t-cfjqh1sSY&t=23s\">\u003cb>\u003cem>KMOX NEWS REPORT\u003c/em>\u003c/b>\u003c/a>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">When the temperatures dropped below freezing this week, water lines in several of the Pruitt-Igoe apartment buildings broke and the subsequent flow of water turned into ice. At 2311 Dixon, a sewer line is broken, and now raw sewage bubbles out of the ground like a malevolent spring. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>ERIN\u003c/strong>: On \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.greyscape.com/modernism-was-framed-the-truth-about-pruitt-igoe/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">March 16, 1972\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, the first of its 33 towers was demolished. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Sounds: A building is being demolished; Pruitt-Igoe implodes.)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=738WpY2_JV8\">\u003cb>PRUITT-IGOE IMPLOSION\u003c/b>\u003c/a>\u003c/em>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Not only St. Louis, but the rest of the nation is viewing with great interest the results of this experiment.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">(Music out)\u003c/span>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> President Richard Nixon saw the growing frustration with public housing failures like Pruitt-Igoe. And so he took a turn towards the private market instead. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Two years after that demolition, Nixon introduced Section 8. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Again, here’s Georgetown University professor Eva Rosen.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EVA\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You’re not having to build public housing, you’re not having to maintain or renovate a public housing stock. And so it is this sort of very, in theory, economically efficient tool.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Under Nixon, Section 8 was just a pilot program.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But by the 1990s, the stage was set for it to grow. Public housing had gotten a real bad rap, and that’s when President Bill Clinton really ramped up Section 8.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>PRESIDENT BILL CLINTON\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Today I had the honor of signing the budget for programs to help the homeless to give housing vouchers to empower the poor.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music in)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> His administration changed the name from Section 8 to \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.hud.gov/program_offices/public_indian_housing/phr/about\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Housing Choice Vouchers\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EVA\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And actually in the title, you can very much notice this emphasis on choice.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: Eva says that reflects one of the goals for the program. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hope was that people could use their vouchers to move to more affluent neighborhoods. Neighborhoods with more resources, better schools and more jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>ERIN\u003c/strong>: Public housing had become extremely segregated. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">By 1989, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal//Publications/pdf/HUD-5961.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">nearly 70% of the households \u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">of the residents were people of color. Mostly women-led, Black and Latinx households.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And most of the housing developments were also in segregated and impoverished neighborhoods. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EVA\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And that was causing all kinds of problems. And it was leaving public housing residents with very little choice about where they ended up.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">: \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But Eva says the program hasn’t lived up to its promise of giving voucher holders a real choice of where to live. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And a lot of that comes down to landlords: when \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">they \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">choose to participate, and why.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music out)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EVA\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">When we introduced these private landlords into this system, we sort of just assumed that they would play along, that they would want to participate. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And that tends not always to be the case.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">For \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">some \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">landlords, Section 8 works really well.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Eugene Zinchik and his brother own a real estate and property management company in San Francisco. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And he’s been renting to voucher holders for about six or seven years now.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EUGENE\u003c/b> \u003cstrong>ZINCHIK\u003c/strong>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">There’s more stability in knowing that your rent checks are going to be coming, you know, whatever it is that happens. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">During the pandemic, most of Eugene’s Section 8 tenants stayed put, and their rent checks kept flowing in. But a lot of his tenants who didn’t have vouchers — they left.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Even without the coronavirus, Eugene says voucher holders just stick around longer. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EUGENE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">There’s less turnover for a landlord. If there’s less turnover, there’s no rent that they’re losing.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">: But Eugene says the\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> real \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">benefit\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> to landlords \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/sites/default/files/pdf/Urban-Landlords-HCV-Program.pdf\">depends a lot on where the property is\u003c/a>.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music in)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">He points to a new building he’s managing in San Francisco’s Bayview neighborhood. Even though he hasn’t found a tenant yet, Eugene already knows it’ll be someone on Section 8. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EUGENE\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Part of San Francisco is extremely, extremely expensive. Bayview is still semi-affordable for maybe, still, for a blue-collar family. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>: He says r\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">ents here are about $1,000 lower than in other parts of the city. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But landlords can actually \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://scholar.harvard.edu/files/mdesmond/files/desmondperkins.cc_.2016.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">charge a Section 8 \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">more\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> than they would with someone without a voucher.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That’s because when the government decides how much it’s willing to pay for each voucher, it doesn’t vary the amounts by neighborhood. It sets one standard for the whole city.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So it’s a pretty good deal for landlords in places like Bayview.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EUGENE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So in Bayview, in my experience, the amounts that Section 8 pays are pretty much competitive.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music out)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But landlords in high-rent places could actually \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">lose \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">money. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EUGENE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In at least half the neighborhoods in San Francisco, Section 8 what they pay per unit is just not compatible with the market rent.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>ERIN\u003c/strong>: Eva says those incentives have created an unintended consequence: Most Section 8 tenants are trapped in low-income neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EVA\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And this is where you start to understand how the program, which was designed and very much hoped to provide tenants choice, actually creates sort of an opposite scenario where they’re being pushed away from the kind of neighborhoods that they might want to end up in and forced into neighborhoods that they don’t necessarily want to be in.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Eugene says even when landlords \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">want \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">to rent to a voucher holder, it’s not that easy. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You have to jump through a lot of hoops. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">What kind of hoops? Well, let’s take a look.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music in)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">First, there are the forms. For both tenants and landlords. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EUGENE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You know, forms could be scary if you’ve never seen this form before.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">: Let’s say you do fill them out correctly. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EUGENE\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> For about two weeks, you probably hear nothing.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Then, hopefully, you get a call for an inspection. The housing authority needs to make sure these buildings are up to code. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">For that, you’ll need to take the day off work. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EUGENE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A lot of times you get a four-hour window for the inspector to come in.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> And if you have any questions, don’t try to get anyone on the phone. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EUGENE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Just talking to somebody, you’d be waiting on hold for an hour.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Eugene says it’s like dealing with the DMV.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music out)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EUGENE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You know, we’ve all been there, but you know, we don’t really want to do that unless we have to.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The federal Department of Housing and Urban Development held \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.hud.gov/sites/dfiles/PIH/documents/ListeningForumsPublicSummary012320.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">listening sessions\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> with property owners across the country back in 2018. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Most of the sessions were taken up by complaints. Eighty-two\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> percent said they had bad experiences dealing with their local housing authority. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">One of their biggest issues: how long it takes to sign up a new tenant. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The whole process can take a month or two — time spent without collecting rent. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EUGENE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">For a landlord to just sit and wait for that tenant is not, is not reasonable, especially if it’s an individual like a mom-and-pop type of shop.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So how do we improve Section 8? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">For tenants to have more choice — you know, the original goal of the program — you need more landlords with properties in more neighborhoods. Here’s Eva Rosen: \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EVA\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">When we think about landlord participation, I think we need to think about carrots and sticks.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That means tougher laws to prevent landlords from discriminating against Section 8 tenants. And better enforcement. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EVA\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That’s sort of like a stick, right? It’s a slap on the wrist. It’s a no, you’re not allowed to do this.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> And, then there’s the carrot: more voucher money for properties in wealthier neighborhoods. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It’s something the federal government is already trying. They’re basing the rent on the ZIP code, instead of one standard for the whole city.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EVA\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Because there’s no way a landlord is going to participate in the program if they’re getting less rent than they would get from a market tenant, right?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">An early test of the program \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/sites/default/files/pdf/SAFMR-Interim-Report.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">showed it worked\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. More landlords in affluent areas opened their doors to Section 8.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But in a few cities, there was a downside, too. Some landlords in low-income neighborhoods stopped renting to voucher holders. That led to a drop in the number of homes available there. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Still, the results were still promising enough that they’ve expanded it to \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cbpp.org/research/housing/a-guide-to-small-area-fair-market-rents-safmrs\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">two dozen cities\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> across the country.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11908157\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11908157\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_9801-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_9801-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_9801-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_9801-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_9801-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_9801-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_9801-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Eugene Zinchik poses inside a property he manages in San Francisco’s Bayview neighborhood. \u003ccite>(Erin Baldassari/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music in)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Another way to recruit more landlords? Cut the red tape. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EUGENE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Give those individuals that have the voucher more say of what they’re able to do. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Give the power to that individual to sign on their own behalf to take the place or not take the place.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">After all, Section 8 was supposed to be about choice. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So, Eugene says, let people make their own. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Coming up: A different solution that \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">is \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">all about choice. And cold, hard cash. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music out)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> When the coronavirus hit — and the economy shut down — one thing was clear: People needed cash. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And the federal government stepped in. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NzMNV2qH2IA\">\u003cb>WCNC\u003c/b>\u003c/a>\u003c/em>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Stimulus checks are rolling in for millions of Americans today. About 80 million people are expected to receive their payments today.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NhyfKmBfRi8\">\u003cem>\u003cb>NBC\u003c/b>\u003c/em>\u003c/a>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Well, these direct payments are what everyone is talking about because 90% of American households should be getting some money. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Before the pandemic, the idea of giving out free money in this country was kind of a hard sell. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/nataliefoster?ref_src=twsrc%5Egoogle%7Ctwcamp%5Eserp%7Ctwgr%5Eauthor\">Natalie Foster\u003c/a> is the president and co-founder of the Economic Security Project. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>NATALIE FOSTER\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Then the pandemic hit and it became clear that cash was the currency of urgency.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And it wasn’t just stimulus checks. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>NATALIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Pandemic unemployment insurance was important for supporting people in the midst of job loss, expanding tax credits like the earned income tax credit and the child tax credit. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">These were all things that the government did.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">For a lot of families, that extra money was a lifeline. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Despite a recession and a global pandemic, poverty in this country actually \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">decreased\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>NATALIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We saw a decrease in poverty, and that is because the government realized that poverty is a policy choice and we could make different choices. And so the politics of the moment allowed for us to make a different choice.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We also made a choice to keep more people housed, with eviction moratoriums and rent relief. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">For progressives and others, those pandemic-era programs were a golden opportunity t\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">o tackle poverty and housing insecurity on a grand scale. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And test an idea that’s been gaining steam over the past couple years. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cb>NEWS CLIPS\u003c/b>\u003c/em>: It’s an idea known as guaranteed basic income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A monthly, no-strings-attached cash payment given directly to individuals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A guaranteed income. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music in)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">: Basically, if you want to solve poverty, give people money. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Here’s how it would work: The money would come from the federal government, ideally in the form of a regular, monthly payment.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The amount wouldn’t make you rich, but it could help pay for your housing, your food or whatever else you need. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>: F\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">or all the excitement around guaranteed income today, it’s not actually a new idea. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Thomas Paine argued for it way back in the 18th century. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And over the years, its supporters have come from all over the political spectrum.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">From the Black Panthers, to President Richard Nixon. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cb>RECORDING OF PRESIDENT RICHARD NIXON DISCUSSING GUARANTEED INCOME\u003c/b>\u003c/em>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">What I am proposing is that the federal government build a foundation under the income of every American family with dependent children that cannot care for itself.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">From libertarian economist Milton Friedman to civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It seems to me that the civil rights movement must now begin to organize for the guaranteed annual income, begin to organize people all over our country and mobilize forces, so that we can bring to the attention of our nation, this need and this something which I believe will go a long, long way toward dealing with the Negros’ economic problem and the economic problem with many other poor people confronting our nation.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music out)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Alaska’s been doing this \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://pfd.alaska.gov/Division-Info/historical-timeline\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">since the 1980s\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, paying out oil dividends to all its residents — on average, about $1,600 a year. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But more recently, about 90 guaranteed-income experiments have popped up across the country. Most were inspired by one city: Stockton, California.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MICHAEL TUBBS\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Hello, my name is \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MichaelDTubbs?ref_src=twsrc%5Egoogle%7Ctwcamp%5Eserp%7Ctwgr%5Eauthor\">Michael Tubbs\u003c/a>. I am the former mayor of the city of Stockton, California. I’m the founder of \u003ca href=\"https://www.mayorsforagi.org/\">Mayors for a Guaranteed Income\u003c/a> and of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2022/02/former-stockton-mayor-launches-nonprofit-to-end-poverty-in-california/\">End Poverty in California.\u003c/a>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Michael led Stockton’s guaranteed-income program back in 2019. He says a lot of the issues that came across his desk all came back to the same thing.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MICHAEL\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Issues of poverty and lack and pervasive poverty and generational poverty.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Stockton was the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/business/2008/jul/28/subprimecrisis.useconomy\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">foreclosure capital\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> of the country during the Great Recession. It \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/article/us-stockton-bankruptcy/stockton-california-files-for-bankruptcy-idUSBRE85S05120120629\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">declared bankruptcy\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> in 2012. And today, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.stocktondemonstration.org/about-seed\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">about a quarter\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> of its population lives below the poverty line. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Michael wanted to bring a guaranteed income to Stockton because the old way of addressing poverty wasn’t working. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The programs we have now — like welfare or food stamps or housing vouchers — they have a lot of rules and regulations. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11882364\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11882364\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/07/RS46086_GettyImages-1208192668-qut-800x533.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/07/RS46086_GettyImages-1208192668-qut-800x533.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/07/RS46086_GettyImages-1208192668-qut-1020x680.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/07/RS46086_GettyImages-1208192668-qut-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/07/RS46086_GettyImages-1208192668-qut-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/07/RS46086_GettyImages-1208192668-qut.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Michael Tubbs, former mayor of Stockton, is seen at his office in Stockton on Feb. 7, 2020. As mayor, with the help of the Stockton Economic Empowerment Demonstration, he implemented an 18-month trial of universal basic income for 125 residents of his city. The concept has recently been gaining ground. \u003ccite>(Nick Otto/AFP via Getty Images))\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MICHAEL\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">When you’re on welfare, you have to spend so much time being with case managers, filling out forms, doing this, doing that, which robs you of the ability to do all the other things you need to do. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Guaranteed-income programs don’t require all that micromanagement, which frees up people’s time. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And, they have another benefit: You can spend the money however you need. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music in)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MICHAEL\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Whether it’s on new tires, a transmission, a new washer and dryer, school clothes, a wedding, going to visit your parents you haven’t seen in a while.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> When people in Stockton were given the choice of how to use the $500 they got each month, they tended to spend it on food and other essentials.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Some also used it to help pay for housing. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MICHAEL\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">They were able to sort of save up for a down payment to move to safer living conditions. Or some people use it to cope with sort of small rises in rent that occur: $50 here or $100 here, $125 here. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Researchers in Stockton didn’t look specifically at the impact of a guaranteed income on evictions. But the small stipend could help. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/12/12/upshot/eviction-prevention-solutions-government.html\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Most people get evicted for $600 or less\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, according to a New York Times analysis. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Just knowing you have enough money to get to the end of the month also goes a long way for your mental health.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MICHAEL\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Folks who received the guaranteed income went from elevated levels of stress to regular levels of stress. And that just was like, wow, like money really sort of affects health and mental health and well-being and how we show up in the world. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music out)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> But probably one of the biggest findings from Stockton: \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It challenged a widely held criticism of guaranteed income, that it would cause people to stop working. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The money actually had the opposite effect. \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.stocktondemonstration.org/employment\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">People worked \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">more.\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">About \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.stocktondemonstration.org/employment\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">12% went from part-time to full-time work\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. That’s more than double the control group. And participants were less likely to be unemployed. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MICHAEL\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And I wasn’t surprised, but I’m glad the data validated this belief that that $500 was not going to make anyone stop working, that people still worked.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Michael says that’s because it wasn’t enough to live on. But it gave people some breathing room. It allowed them to quit one of their part-time jobs and look for full-time work.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Or go back to school to change careers. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MICHAEL\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It allowed people the chance to live. And live a life, and live a life beyond just going through the motions and working and going to sleep and working, going to sleep. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Still, critics say you shouldn’t draw too many conclusions from one small pilot program — with only 125 participants. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Rolling out a guaranteed income nationally could have a much bigger impact on the economy. And many worry that all that extra cash would only cause prices to rise, setting off higher inflation. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guaranteed income also does nothing to solve a larger problem. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The thing we \u003ca href=\"https://www.bls.gov/news.release/cesan.nr0.htm#:~:text=%2D%2DHousing%20expenditures%20increased%203.5,dwellings%20were%20down%200.5%20percent.\">spend the most money on is housing\u003c/a>. And that just keeps going up. Taking a \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cnbc.com/2021/11/10/home-prices-are-now-rising-much-faster-than-incomes-studies-show.html\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">bigger and bigger piece\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> out of our paychecks.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MICHAEL\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guaranteed income is great, but we don’t want all that money to be spent on housing because people have other needs, right? So I think a guaranteed income is a powerful tool. But like any toolbox, you need more than one tool to really get the job done. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music in)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Guaranteed income can’t solve poverty on its own. But Michael says it’s a good place to start if we want to solve other big problems, like evictions. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Evictions perpetuate inequality, a\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">nd they push more people into poverty. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> When you’re evicted, you lose your neighborhood, your school, your support network. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You can be trapped in a cycle of debt, even become homeless. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But the solutions are within our reach, and people are already pushing for them. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Activists in Fresno are fighting for a fair shot in court. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Tenants in Antioch are demanding more protection against rising rents. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And women like \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11905386/why-black-women-are-more-likely-to-face-eviction\">Jean [Kendrick, from Episode 2]\u003c/a> are sharing their stories and calling attention to inequities we can’t unsee. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Evictions reflect our housing system: who reaps the profit and who suffers the pain.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But we have an opportunity to make the system more fair, to invest in people’s success, not just for a few, but for all. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The question is, will we take it? \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I’m Erin Baldassari.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And I’m Molly Solomon. Thank you so much for listening to Sold Out: Rethinking Housing in America. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">If you like what you hear, please leave us a review on Apple Podcasts — and share it with a friend!\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> We’ve got one more thing that we’re working on. It’s a bonus episode full of stories from you. That’ll drop in a few weeks, so stay tuned. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Sold Out is a production of KQED. This episode was written and reported by us: Molly Solomon and Erin Baldassari.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Adhiti Bandlamudi produced this episode. Kyana Moghadam is our senior producer. Brendan Willard is our sound engineer. And Rob Speight wrote our theme song.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Natalia Aldana is our senior engagement producer and Gerald Fermin is our engagement intern.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Thank you to our editor, Erika Kelly. Additional editing from Jessica Placzek and Otis Taylor Jr.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We couldn’t have made this season without Ethan Toven-Lindsey, Holly Kernan, Erika Aguilar and Vinnee Tong. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Thank you for listening! \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music out)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Let us know what you think of the show by \u003ca href=\"https://survey.alchemer.com/s3/6755022/f959eb5782fc\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">taking a quick survey\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>.\u003c/p>\n\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"To many renters, a Section 8 housing voucher is seen as a \"golden ticket,\" a federal subsidy that ensures only 30% of their income goes to rent. But actually using it is a struggle. We talk to renters and landlords about why.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1700529713,"stats":{"hasAudio":true,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":266,"wordCount":5725},"headData":{"title":"Reknitting the Safety Net: Help Pay the Rent | KQED","description":"To many renters, a Section 8 housing voucher is seen as a "golden ticket," a federal subsidy that ensures only 30% of their income goes to rent. But actually using it is a struggle. We talk to renters and landlords about why.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Reknitting the Safety Net: Help Pay the Rent","datePublished":"2022-03-14T15:54:09.000Z","dateModified":"2023-11-21T01:21:53.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}},"authorsData":[{"type":"authors","id":"11652","meta":{"index":"authors_1591205172","id":"11652","found":true},"name":"Erin Baldassari","firstName":"Erin","lastName":"Baldassari","slug":"ebaldassari","email":"ebaldassari@KQED.org","display_author_email":true,"staff_mastheads":["news"],"title":"Staff Writer","bio":"Erin Baldassari covers housing for KQED. She's a former print journalist and most recently worked as the transportation reporter for the \u003cem>Mercury News\u003c/em> and \u003cem>East Bay Times. \u003c/em>There, she focused on how the Bay Area’s housing shortage has changed the way people move around the region. She also served on the \u003cem>East Bay Times\u003c/em>’ 2017 Pulitzer Prize-winning team for coverage of the Ghost Ship Fire in Oakland. Prior to that, Erin worked as a breaking news and general assignment reporter for a variety of outlets in the Bay Area and the greater Boston area. A Tufts University alumna, Erin grew up in the foothills of the Sierra Nevada mountains and in Sonoma County. She is a life-long KQED listener.","avatar":"https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/660ce35d088ca54ad606d7e941abc652?s=600&d=blank&r=g","twitter":"e_baldi","facebook":null,"instagram":null,"linkedin":null,"sites":[{"site":"news","roles":["author","edit_others_posts"]},{"site":"science","roles":["editor"]}],"headData":{"title":"Erin Baldassari | KQED","description":"Staff Writer","ogImgSrc":"https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/660ce35d088ca54ad606d7e941abc652?s=600&d=blank&r=g","twImgSrc":"https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/660ce35d088ca54ad606d7e941abc652?s=600&d=blank&r=g"},"isLoading":false,"link":"/author/ebaldassari"},{"type":"authors","id":"11651","meta":{"index":"authors_1591205172","id":"11651","found":true},"name":"Molly Solomon","firstName":"Molly","lastName":"Solomon","slug":"msolomon","email":"msolomon@KQED.org","display_author_email":false,"staff_mastheads":["news"],"title":"Senior Editor","bio":"Molly Solomon is the senior editor of KQED's California Politics and Government Desk. Previously, she was the station's editor-at-large, with a focus on editing early childhood education, politics, and criminal justice. Before that, she managed and edited statewide election coverage for The California Newsroom, a collaboration of local public radio stations, CalMatters and NPR. Molly joined KQED in 2019 to launch the station’s housing affordability desk, where she reported on homelessness, evictions and is the co-host of KQED’s housing podcast, SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America. Before that, she was the Southwest Washington Bureau Chief for Oregon Public Broadcasting and a reporter at Hawaii Public Radio. Her stories have aired on NPR’s \u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em>, \u003cem>All Things Considered\u003c/em>, \u003cem>Here & Now\u003c/em>, \u003cem>Science Friday\u003c/em> and \u003cem>Marketplace\u003c/em>. Molly's award-winning reporting has been honored by the Best of the West, Edward R. Murrow awards, Society of Professional Journalists, National Headliner Awards, and the Asian American Journalists Association. Born and raised in Berkeley, Molly is a big fan of burritos and her scruffy terrier, Ollie.","avatar":"https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/9ad9794616923d81c9a79897161545bd?s=600&d=blank&r=g","twitter":"solomonout","facebook":null,"instagram":null,"linkedin":null,"sites":[{"site":"news","roles":["editor"]},{"site":"science","roles":["editor"]}],"headData":{"title":"Molly Solomon | KQED","description":"Senior Editor","ogImgSrc":"https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/9ad9794616923d81c9a79897161545bd?s=600&d=blank&r=g","twImgSrc":"https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/9ad9794616923d81c9a79897161545bd?s=600&d=blank&r=g"},"isLoading":false,"link":"/author/msolomon"}],"imageData":{"ogImageSize":{"file":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54278_001_KQED_Kemanie_03112022-qut-1020x680.jpg","width":1020,"height":680,"mimeType":"image/jpeg"},"twImageSize":{"file":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54278_001_KQED_Kemanie_03112022-qut-1020x680.jpg","width":1020,"height":680,"mimeType":"image/jpeg"},"twitterCard":"summary_large_image"},"tagData":{"tags":["affordable housing","Antioch","Bay Area","California","housing","housing crisis","housing rights","KQED","Michael Tubbs","novato","podcast","poverty","Rent","Section 8","sold out","soldout","Stockton","universal basic income","vouchers"]}},"source":"SOLD OUT","sourceUrl":"https://www.kqed.org/podcasts/soldout","audioUrl":"https://www.podtrac.com/pts/redirect.mp3/traffic.megaphone.fm/KQINC1525875908.mp3","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","path":"/news/11907727/reknitting-the-safety-net-help-pay-the-rent","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Falling behind on rent is the primary reason that people are evicted. So how do you keep people from falling behind in the first place? Help them pay their rent. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In this final episode of the season, we’ll look at the promise, the problems and the history of Section 8, as well as the push for guaranteed income.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch5 id=\"embed-code\" class=\"inconsolata\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC1525875908&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/h5>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>THE RENT EATS FIRST [TRANSCRIPT]\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN BALDASSARI, HOST\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Kemanie and his wife were like a lot of young couples just starting out. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It was the early 2000s. He had recently started his career as a carpenter. She was a teacher. They were both in their mid-20s.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But even with two incomes, they could barely make ends meet. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We were living in a, like, a small, tiny little one-bedroom apartment with roaches, like basically a little small ghetto.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Then their son was born. His wife stopped working to take care of him. And their budget got even tighter. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And things was hard, but we started falling behind on rent.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">How far behind were you on rent at that time?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> I was $4,000 behind on rent at the time.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY SOLOMON, HOST\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> They were living where they both grew up in Marin County, just across the Golden Gate Bridge from San Francisco.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">At that point in time there was no way for us to survive in Marin County.\u003c/span>\u003cb> \u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It didn’t help that it’s one of the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.california.com/the-most-expensive-counties-in-the-us/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">wealthiest counties in the country\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. Or that their landlord was planning on selling the apartment they were renting.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They couldn’t figure out how they were going to pay the back rent and still have money for a deposit to move somewhere new.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We would have been homeless\u003c/span>. You know, it would have been really bad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> They thought about moving in with one of their parents or leaving Marin County altogether. Then, they got some good news. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So we got it, we were out doing something — running an errand — and on the way back, my wife got the email.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music in)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> They got what some have called a “golden ticket” — a Section 8 housing voucher.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Section 8 is a federal program that helps low-income people afford rent on the private market.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Kemanie and his wife had put in their application nearly \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">a decade\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> ago. And they’d been stuck on a waiting list that never seemed to budge. When they finally got the news, it was like winning the lottery. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We both looked at each other. And was, like, yes. I mean, it was like perfect timing.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> It was a huge opportunity for them. With Section 8, they would only have to pay 30% of their income towards rent. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>KEMANIE\u003c/strong>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It was an epiphany for us because it was like, life can go on now, like we — there’s a path forward. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> They wouldn’t fall behind on bills. And they’d have a chance to catch up. They’d have some room to breathe. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">: So, they started looking for a new place to live. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music out)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And we searched and searched and searched, and went and visited and talked to people, and knowing that we had the housing voucher, we thought it was going to be easier because it was a guarantee. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">: A guarantee because most of the rent money comes from the federal government. It’s usually deposited straight into the landlord’s bank account.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And we found out that it was more of a hindrance than anything. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">(Sold Out theme song begins.)\u003c/span>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>: It’s what most Section 8 tenants discover — the voucher is not only hard to get, it’s hard to use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> These problems aren’t new. And neither is Section 8. But over the past half century, it’s become the No. 1 way we subsidize rent in this country.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As rents climb higher, advocates say we need to fix the problems with Section 8 and expand it. To make it work for more people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I’m Molly Solomon.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> And I’m Erin Baldassari. From KQED, this is Sold Out: Rethinking Housing in America. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, the final chapter in our series on evictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How to keep people from getting evicted? Help pay the rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">(Sold Out theme song ends.)\u003c/span>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11908148\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11908148\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54286_009_KQED_Kemanie_03112022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54286_009_KQED_Kemanie_03112022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54286_009_KQED_Kemanie_03112022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54286_009_KQED_Kemanie_03112022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54286_009_KQED_Kemanie_03112022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54286_009_KQED_Kemanie_03112022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Kemanie holds the keys to his Novato home. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cdiv class=\"mceTemp\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Kemanie and his wife have had a housing voucher for nearly two decades now. And anytime they’ve had to move, it’s always the same thing. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">They apply to dozens of places, visit a ton of apartments and get the same answers.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And every single time it was like, no, nope, no, no.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> It didn’t seem to matter that they had good references from past landlords, even letters from neighbors. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As soon as Section 8 comes up, you see like a glaze go over their eyes like, OK, I got to deal with this conversation and move on to the next person.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music in)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Some landlords told them point-blank they wouldn’t accept Section 8, even though that’s illegal in California and a handful of other states. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Those laws are hard to enforce, though. And landlords find all sorts of ways of getting around them — like requiring a credit score of 700 or above.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You know, it was kind of, smile in our face, “Oh, yeah, but your credit score is low.” But the bottom line is most people are on Section 8 because they’re having issues financially and their credit is not very good.\u003c/span>\u003cb> \u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Or, landlords would ask them to have an income that’s at least three times the rent.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It’s like, if I make three times the monthly amount, I’m buying my own place. P\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">eriod, that’s it.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Other times there was an online application, but no box to check to say they had Section 8. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Right? And you don’t even get to talk to anybody or even see anybody or state your case. And it doesn’t say you have Section 8 on the app, so you can’t fill that out. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Usually, though, they just never heard back. There was no explanation at all.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music out)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> So, Kemanie and his wife tried harder. They wrote cover letters. And organized all their references and documentation into nice, neat little folders.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We would put a little picture, a nice little cute picture of our Black family for people to accept and like and maybe, you know, feel sorry for us.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> It was frustrating and stressful. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">To Kemanie, it felt racist.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And it really felt like redlining. Is, that’s how I felt about it, because they’re just like, no, you know.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Racial discrimination can be hard to prove, but a recent audit found it’s a pervasive problem.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The Fair Housing Advocates of Northern California conducted paired tests of white and Black renters. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And found that \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.scribd.com/document/398920895/raceaudit2016-17?secret_password=A5Sg4qdij47q2erNlj3X#fullscreen&from_embed\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">nearly 70% of the time\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, landlords in the county where Kemanie lives refused to rent to Black tenants, or used more subtle behaviors, like leaving someone on hold for hours, never calling back or steering Black applicants away from certain neighborhoods. \u003ca href=\"https://www.scribd.com/document/504967414/no-and-soi-audit-2019-20-report?secret_password=wY0jrrhNpcBCBhEVm0zi#download&from_embed\">More than half the time\u003c/a>, landlords did the same for voucher holders.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> To Kemanie, this was not news. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">He and his wife had lived their whole lives in Marin County — a community where more than 70% of the residents are white, and where the average household makes over $115,000 a year. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music in)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> It’s hard to explain it to other people. We’re Black in America. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Every day, especially also for me, being a Black man and being very intimidating to a lot of people. Every single day, when I meet somebody, I got to put a smile on my face to like, look, I’m not threatening.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Holding a Section 8 voucher in his hands worsens the daily strain of trying to find acceptance. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> And it felt like that times 10, because this time we’re looking for everyone’s approval and it’s — we’re trying to dress us up as the best we can to get accepted by people that we know maybe aren’t racist, but just aren’t as inclined to want us to be there. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That was very, very, very hard. And that was, I think, probably the most defeating part of the whole thing for us.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music out)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>MOLLY\u003c/strong>: This discrimination is why we aren’t using Kemanie’s full name. Or his wife’s name.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The experience of looking for a place to live has been so traumatic, they’re afraid to do anything that might hurt their chances of finding a home the next time they have to start looking. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Their struggles with Section 8 highlight two of the program’s biggest failures.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Only \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/publication/94146/trends-in-housing-problems-and-federal-housing-assistance.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">1 in 5\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> who qualify for rental assistance actually receives it. Meaning most people are stuck on waitlists for years — \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cbpp.org/research/housing/long-waitlists-for-housing-vouchers-show-pressing-unmet-need-for-assistance\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">even decades\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And when people do get off those waitlists, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/publications/pdf/sec8success_1.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">roughly a third\u003c/span>\u003c/a> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">lose \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">their vouchers because they can’t find any landlord willing to take them. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> That’s partly because there’s an unfair stigma around Section 8, even if it isn’t backed up by evidence. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/eva_rosen?lang=en\">Eva Rosen\u003c/a> is an assistant professor at Georgetown University, and she \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://press.princeton.edu/books/hardcover/9780691172569/the-voucher-promise\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">wrote a book on Section 8\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EVA ROSEN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Landlords sometimes don’t want to rent to big families. They often worry that voucher-holders might be more likely to do damage to the home \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">or that they might be noisier tenants. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And again, none of this is really backed up by any kind of data, but the stigma itself is very real.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This unfair stigma is made worse when you add in racism — the kind that Kemanie and his family felt. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Nationally, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/datasets/assthsg.html#2009-2021_query\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">about two-thirds of voucher holders\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> are people of color.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EVA\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> In my research with landlords, they say things like, well, I couldn’t rent to a Black person in this neighborhood because all of my other tenants are white and they would not like that.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I think racism is a big part of the reticence that we see from landlords.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Despite all these barriers, Kemanie and his family \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">were \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">able to find a place to live. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">They’ve been at their current home for three and a half years now. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And in the world of Section 8, it’s kind of a unicorn. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It’s a single-family home on a quiet cul-de-sac in Novato, a wealthy suburb north of San Francisco. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This is literally everything we could ask for. This is — we’re so incredibly happy here right now in the place that we have. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">: It’s got three bedrooms, a two-car garage, and a big, tree-lined backyard.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">There are parks nearby and great schools for their kids. And, they feel safe here. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Safety at school, safety coming home from school, you know, safety on the weekends, playing with their friends, you know, all of that.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Only \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cbpp.org/research/housing/where-families-with-children-use-housing-vouchers\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">14% of voucher holders\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> live in affluent neighborhoods like this. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Kemanie and his wife know just how rare it is. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> It’s like we’re living in a dream that we know are about to wake up from. We know at some point someone’s going to shake us and be like, “Hey, wake up.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> That wake-up call could come in just a few months.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Their landlord told them they’re thinking about selling. And their current lease lasts only until September. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">After that, there are no guarantees.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KEMANIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It’s all up in the air. Everything’s very unsettled for us. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music in)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> When that time comes, they’ll have to find another landlord willing to take them. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">They know from experience it won’t be easy. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">To make the system better for tenants, we need to get more landlords on board. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We’ll tell you how, coming up.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11908149\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11908149\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54283_006_KQED_Kemanie_03112022-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54283_006_KQED_Kemanie_03112022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54283_006_KQED_Kemanie_03112022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54283_006_KQED_Kemanie_03112022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54283_006_KQED_Kemanie_03112022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54283_006_KQED_Kemanie_03112022-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A ‘Welcome’ sign hangs by the door to the home Kemanie shares with his family in Novato. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music out)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>ERIN\u003c/strong>: When the Pruitt-Igoe public housing development in St. Louis, Missouri, opened in 1954, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1_zFIg8N9Rw\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">it was celebrated\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> as a marvel of modern architecture: 33 towers, each 11 stories tall. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1_zFIg8N9Rw\">\u003cb>\u003cem>COMMERCIAL FOR PRUITT-IGOE HOUSING DEVELOPMENT\u003c/em>\u003c/b>\u003c/a>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> With indoor plumbing, electric lights, fresh-plastered walls and the rest of the conveniences that are expected in the 20th century. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">(Music in)\u003c/span>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> But just a decade later, it was falling apart and had become a symbol of government mismanagement and neglect, drawing national attention for its horrible living conditions. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Take \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=t-cfjqh1sSY&t=23s\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">this newscast\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, from 1968: \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=t-cfjqh1sSY&t=23s\">\u003cb>\u003cem>KMOX NEWS REPORT\u003c/em>\u003c/b>\u003c/a>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">When the temperatures dropped below freezing this week, water lines in several of the Pruitt-Igoe apartment buildings broke and the subsequent flow of water turned into ice. At 2311 Dixon, a sewer line is broken, and now raw sewage bubbles out of the ground like a malevolent spring. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>ERIN\u003c/strong>: On \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.greyscape.com/modernism-was-framed-the-truth-about-pruitt-igoe/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">March 16, 1972\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, the first of its 33 towers was demolished. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Sounds: A building is being demolished; Pruitt-Igoe implodes.)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=738WpY2_JV8\">\u003cb>PRUITT-IGOE IMPLOSION\u003c/b>\u003c/a>\u003c/em>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Not only St. Louis, but the rest of the nation is viewing with great interest the results of this experiment.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">(Music out)\u003c/span>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> President Richard Nixon saw the growing frustration with public housing failures like Pruitt-Igoe. And so he took a turn towards the private market instead. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Two years after that demolition, Nixon introduced Section 8. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Again, here’s Georgetown University professor Eva Rosen.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EVA\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You’re not having to build public housing, you’re not having to maintain or renovate a public housing stock. And so it is this sort of very, in theory, economically efficient tool.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Under Nixon, Section 8 was just a pilot program.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But by the 1990s, the stage was set for it to grow. Public housing had gotten a real bad rap, and that’s when President Bill Clinton really ramped up Section 8.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>PRESIDENT BILL CLINTON\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Today I had the honor of signing the budget for programs to help the homeless to give housing vouchers to empower the poor.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music in)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> His administration changed the name from Section 8 to \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.hud.gov/program_offices/public_indian_housing/phr/about\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Housing Choice Vouchers\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EVA\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And actually in the title, you can very much notice this emphasis on choice.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: Eva says that reflects one of the goals for the program. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hope was that people could use their vouchers to move to more affluent neighborhoods. Neighborhoods with more resources, better schools and more jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>ERIN\u003c/strong>: Public housing had become extremely segregated. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">By 1989, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal//Publications/pdf/HUD-5961.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">nearly 70% of the households \u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">of the residents were people of color. Mostly women-led, Black and Latinx households.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And most of the housing developments were also in segregated and impoverished neighborhoods. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EVA\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And that was causing all kinds of problems. And it was leaving public housing residents with very little choice about where they ended up.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">: \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But Eva says the program hasn’t lived up to its promise of giving voucher holders a real choice of where to live. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And a lot of that comes down to landlords: when \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">they \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">choose to participate, and why.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music out)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EVA\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">When we introduced these private landlords into this system, we sort of just assumed that they would play along, that they would want to participate. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And that tends not always to be the case.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">For \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">some \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">landlords, Section 8 works really well.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Eugene Zinchik and his brother own a real estate and property management company in San Francisco. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And he’s been renting to voucher holders for about six or seven years now.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EUGENE\u003c/b> \u003cstrong>ZINCHIK\u003c/strong>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">There’s more stability in knowing that your rent checks are going to be coming, you know, whatever it is that happens. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">During the pandemic, most of Eugene’s Section 8 tenants stayed put, and their rent checks kept flowing in. But a lot of his tenants who didn’t have vouchers — they left.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Even without the coronavirus, Eugene says voucher holders just stick around longer. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EUGENE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">There’s less turnover for a landlord. If there’s less turnover, there’s no rent that they’re losing.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">: But Eugene says the\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> real \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">benefit\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> to landlords \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/sites/default/files/pdf/Urban-Landlords-HCV-Program.pdf\">depends a lot on where the property is\u003c/a>.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music in)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">He points to a new building he’s managing in San Francisco’s Bayview neighborhood. Even though he hasn’t found a tenant yet, Eugene already knows it’ll be someone on Section 8. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EUGENE\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Part of San Francisco is extremely, extremely expensive. Bayview is still semi-affordable for maybe, still, for a blue-collar family. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>: He says r\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">ents here are about $1,000 lower than in other parts of the city. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But landlords can actually \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://scholar.harvard.edu/files/mdesmond/files/desmondperkins.cc_.2016.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">charge a Section 8 \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">more\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> than they would with someone without a voucher.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That’s because when the government decides how much it’s willing to pay for each voucher, it doesn’t vary the amounts by neighborhood. It sets one standard for the whole city.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So it’s a pretty good deal for landlords in places like Bayview.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EUGENE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So in Bayview, in my experience, the amounts that Section 8 pays are pretty much competitive.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music out)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But landlords in high-rent places could actually \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">lose \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">money. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EUGENE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In at least half the neighborhoods in San Francisco, Section 8 what they pay per unit is just not compatible with the market rent.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>ERIN\u003c/strong>: Eva says those incentives have created an unintended consequence: Most Section 8 tenants are trapped in low-income neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EVA\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And this is where you start to understand how the program, which was designed and very much hoped to provide tenants choice, actually creates sort of an opposite scenario where they’re being pushed away from the kind of neighborhoods that they might want to end up in and forced into neighborhoods that they don’t necessarily want to be in.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Eugene says even when landlords \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">want \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">to rent to a voucher holder, it’s not that easy. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You have to jump through a lot of hoops. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">What kind of hoops? Well, let’s take a look.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music in)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">First, there are the forms. For both tenants and landlords. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EUGENE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You know, forms could be scary if you’ve never seen this form before.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">: Let’s say you do fill them out correctly. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EUGENE\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> For about two weeks, you probably hear nothing.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Then, hopefully, you get a call for an inspection. The housing authority needs to make sure these buildings are up to code. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">For that, you’ll need to take the day off work. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EUGENE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A lot of times you get a four-hour window for the inspector to come in.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> And if you have any questions, don’t try to get anyone on the phone. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EUGENE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Just talking to somebody, you’d be waiting on hold for an hour.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Eugene says it’s like dealing with the DMV.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music out)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EUGENE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You know, we’ve all been there, but you know, we don’t really want to do that unless we have to.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The federal Department of Housing and Urban Development held \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.hud.gov/sites/dfiles/PIH/documents/ListeningForumsPublicSummary012320.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">listening sessions\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> with property owners across the country back in 2018. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Most of the sessions were taken up by complaints. Eighty-two\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> percent said they had bad experiences dealing with their local housing authority. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">One of their biggest issues: how long it takes to sign up a new tenant. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The whole process can take a month or two — time spent without collecting rent. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EUGENE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">For a landlord to just sit and wait for that tenant is not, is not reasonable, especially if it’s an individual like a mom-and-pop type of shop.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So how do we improve Section 8? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">For tenants to have more choice — you know, the original goal of the program — you need more landlords with properties in more neighborhoods. Here’s Eva Rosen: \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EVA\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">When we think about landlord participation, I think we need to think about carrots and sticks.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That means tougher laws to prevent landlords from discriminating against Section 8 tenants. And better enforcement. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EVA\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That’s sort of like a stick, right? It’s a slap on the wrist. It’s a no, you’re not allowed to do this.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> And, then there’s the carrot: more voucher money for properties in wealthier neighborhoods. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It’s something the federal government is already trying. They’re basing the rent on the ZIP code, instead of one standard for the whole city.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EVA\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Because there’s no way a landlord is going to participate in the program if they’re getting less rent than they would get from a market tenant, right?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">An early test of the program \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/sites/default/files/pdf/SAFMR-Interim-Report.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">showed it worked\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. More landlords in affluent areas opened their doors to Section 8.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But in a few cities, there was a downside, too. Some landlords in low-income neighborhoods stopped renting to voucher holders. That led to a drop in the number of homes available there. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Still, the results were still promising enough that they’ve expanded it to \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cbpp.org/research/housing/a-guide-to-small-area-fair-market-rents-safmrs\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">two dozen cities\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> across the country.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11908157\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11908157\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_9801-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_9801-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_9801-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_9801-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_9801-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_9801-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/IMG_9801-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Eugene Zinchik poses inside a property he manages in San Francisco’s Bayview neighborhood. \u003ccite>(Erin Baldassari/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music in)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Another way to recruit more landlords? Cut the red tape. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>EUGENE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Give those individuals that have the voucher more say of what they’re able to do. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Give the power to that individual to sign on their own behalf to take the place or not take the place.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">After all, Section 8 was supposed to be about choice. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So, Eugene says, let people make their own. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Coming up: A different solution that \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">is \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">all about choice. And cold, hard cash. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music out)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> When the coronavirus hit — and the economy shut down — one thing was clear: People needed cash. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And the federal government stepped in. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NzMNV2qH2IA\">\u003cb>WCNC\u003c/b>\u003c/a>\u003c/em>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Stimulus checks are rolling in for millions of Americans today. About 80 million people are expected to receive their payments today.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NhyfKmBfRi8\">\u003cem>\u003cb>NBC\u003c/b>\u003c/em>\u003c/a>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Well, these direct payments are what everyone is talking about because 90% of American households should be getting some money. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Before the pandemic, the idea of giving out free money in this country was kind of a hard sell. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/nataliefoster?ref_src=twsrc%5Egoogle%7Ctwcamp%5Eserp%7Ctwgr%5Eauthor\">Natalie Foster\u003c/a> is the president and co-founder of the Economic Security Project. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>NATALIE FOSTER\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Then the pandemic hit and it became clear that cash was the currency of urgency.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And it wasn’t just stimulus checks. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>NATALIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Pandemic unemployment insurance was important for supporting people in the midst of job loss, expanding tax credits like the earned income tax credit and the child tax credit. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">These were all things that the government did.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">For a lot of families, that extra money was a lifeline. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Despite a recession and a global pandemic, poverty in this country actually \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">decreased\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>NATALIE\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We saw a decrease in poverty, and that is because the government realized that poverty is a policy choice and we could make different choices. And so the politics of the moment allowed for us to make a different choice.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We also made a choice to keep more people housed, with eviction moratoriums and rent relief. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">For progressives and others, those pandemic-era programs were a golden opportunity t\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">o tackle poverty and housing insecurity on a grand scale. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And test an idea that’s been gaining steam over the past couple years. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cb>NEWS CLIPS\u003c/b>\u003c/em>: It’s an idea known as guaranteed basic income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A monthly, no-strings-attached cash payment given directly to individuals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A guaranteed income. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music in)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">: Basically, if you want to solve poverty, give people money. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Here’s how it would work: The money would come from the federal government, ideally in the form of a regular, monthly payment.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The amount wouldn’t make you rich, but it could help pay for your housing, your food or whatever else you need. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>: F\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">or all the excitement around guaranteed income today, it’s not actually a new idea. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Thomas Paine argued for it way back in the 18th century. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And over the years, its supporters have come from all over the political spectrum.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">From the Black Panthers, to President Richard Nixon. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cb>RECORDING OF PRESIDENT RICHARD NIXON DISCUSSING GUARANTEED INCOME\u003c/b>\u003c/em>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">What I am proposing is that the federal government build a foundation under the income of every American family with dependent children that cannot care for itself.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">From libertarian economist Milton Friedman to civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It seems to me that the civil rights movement must now begin to organize for the guaranteed annual income, begin to organize people all over our country and mobilize forces, so that we can bring to the attention of our nation, this need and this something which I believe will go a long, long way toward dealing with the Negros’ economic problem and the economic problem with many other poor people confronting our nation.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music out)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Alaska’s been doing this \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://pfd.alaska.gov/Division-Info/historical-timeline\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">since the 1980s\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, paying out oil dividends to all its residents — on average, about $1,600 a year. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But more recently, about 90 guaranteed-income experiments have popped up across the country. Most were inspired by one city: Stockton, California.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MICHAEL TUBBS\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Hello, my name is \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MichaelDTubbs?ref_src=twsrc%5Egoogle%7Ctwcamp%5Eserp%7Ctwgr%5Eauthor\">Michael Tubbs\u003c/a>. I am the former mayor of the city of Stockton, California. I’m the founder of \u003ca href=\"https://www.mayorsforagi.org/\">Mayors for a Guaranteed Income\u003c/a> and of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2022/02/former-stockton-mayor-launches-nonprofit-to-end-poverty-in-california/\">End Poverty in California.\u003c/a>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Michael led Stockton’s guaranteed-income program back in 2019. He says a lot of the issues that came across his desk all came back to the same thing.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MICHAEL\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Issues of poverty and lack and pervasive poverty and generational poverty.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Stockton was the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/business/2008/jul/28/subprimecrisis.useconomy\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">foreclosure capital\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> of the country during the Great Recession. It \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/article/us-stockton-bankruptcy/stockton-california-files-for-bankruptcy-idUSBRE85S05120120629\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">declared bankruptcy\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> in 2012. And today, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.stocktondemonstration.org/about-seed\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">about a quarter\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> of its population lives below the poverty line. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Michael wanted to bring a guaranteed income to Stockton because the old way of addressing poverty wasn’t working. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The programs we have now — like welfare or food stamps or housing vouchers — they have a lot of rules and regulations. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11882364\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11882364\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/07/RS46086_GettyImages-1208192668-qut-800x533.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/07/RS46086_GettyImages-1208192668-qut-800x533.jpeg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/07/RS46086_GettyImages-1208192668-qut-1020x680.jpeg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/07/RS46086_GettyImages-1208192668-qut-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/07/RS46086_GettyImages-1208192668-qut-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/07/RS46086_GettyImages-1208192668-qut.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Michael Tubbs, former mayor of Stockton, is seen at his office in Stockton on Feb. 7, 2020. As mayor, with the help of the Stockton Economic Empowerment Demonstration, he implemented an 18-month trial of universal basic income for 125 residents of his city. The concept has recently been gaining ground. \u003ccite>(Nick Otto/AFP via Getty Images))\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MICHAEL\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">When you’re on welfare, you have to spend so much time being with case managers, filling out forms, doing this, doing that, which robs you of the ability to do all the other things you need to do. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Guaranteed-income programs don’t require all that micromanagement, which frees up people’s time. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And, they have another benefit: You can spend the money however you need. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music in)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MICHAEL\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Whether it’s on new tires, a transmission, a new washer and dryer, school clothes, a wedding, going to visit your parents you haven’t seen in a while.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> When people in Stockton were given the choice of how to use the $500 they got each month, they tended to spend it on food and other essentials.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Some also used it to help pay for housing. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MICHAEL\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">They were able to sort of save up for a down payment to move to safer living conditions. Or some people use it to cope with sort of small rises in rent that occur: $50 here or $100 here, $125 here. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Researchers in Stockton didn’t look specifically at the impact of a guaranteed income on evictions. But the small stipend could help. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/12/12/upshot/eviction-prevention-solutions-government.html\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Most people get evicted for $600 or less\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, according to a New York Times analysis. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Just knowing you have enough money to get to the end of the month also goes a long way for your mental health.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MICHAEL\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Folks who received the guaranteed income went from elevated levels of stress to regular levels of stress. And that just was like, wow, like money really sort of affects health and mental health and well-being and how we show up in the world. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music out)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> But probably one of the biggest findings from Stockton: \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It challenged a widely held criticism of guaranteed income, that it would cause people to stop working. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The money actually had the opposite effect. \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.stocktondemonstration.org/employment\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">People worked \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">more.\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">About \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.stocktondemonstration.org/employment\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">12% went from part-time to full-time work\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. That’s more than double the control group. And participants were less likely to be unemployed. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MICHAEL\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And I wasn’t surprised, but I’m glad the data validated this belief that that $500 was not going to make anyone stop working, that people still worked.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Michael says that’s because it wasn’t enough to live on. But it gave people some breathing room. It allowed them to quit one of their part-time jobs and look for full-time work.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Or go back to school to change careers. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MICHAEL\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It allowed people the chance to live. And live a life, and live a life beyond just going through the motions and working and going to sleep and working, going to sleep. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Still, critics say you shouldn’t draw too many conclusions from one small pilot program — with only 125 participants. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Rolling out a guaranteed income nationally could have a much bigger impact on the economy. And many worry that all that extra cash would only cause prices to rise, setting off higher inflation. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guaranteed income also does nothing to solve a larger problem. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The thing we \u003ca href=\"https://www.bls.gov/news.release/cesan.nr0.htm#:~:text=%2D%2DHousing%20expenditures%20increased%203.5,dwellings%20were%20down%200.5%20percent.\">spend the most money on is housing\u003c/a>. And that just keeps going up. Taking a \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cnbc.com/2021/11/10/home-prices-are-now-rising-much-faster-than-incomes-studies-show.html\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">bigger and bigger piece\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> out of our paychecks.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MICHAEL\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guaranteed income is great, but we don’t want all that money to be spent on housing because people have other needs, right? So I think a guaranteed income is a powerful tool. But like any toolbox, you need more than one tool to really get the job done. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music in)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Guaranteed income can’t solve poverty on its own. But Michael says it’s a good place to start if we want to solve other big problems, like evictions. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Evictions perpetuate inequality, a\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">nd they push more people into poverty. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> When you’re evicted, you lose your neighborhood, your school, your support network. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You can be trapped in a cycle of debt, even become homeless. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But the solutions are within our reach, and people are already pushing for them. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Activists in Fresno are fighting for a fair shot in court. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Tenants in Antioch are demanding more protection against rising rents. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And women like \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11905386/why-black-women-are-more-likely-to-face-eviction\">Jean [Kendrick, from Episode 2]\u003c/a> are sharing their stories and calling attention to inequities we can’t unsee. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Evictions reflect our housing system: who reaps the profit and who suffers the pain.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But we have an opportunity to make the system more fair, to invest in people’s success, not just for a few, but for all. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The question is, will we take it? \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I’m Erin Baldassari.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And I’m Molly Solomon. Thank you so much for listening to Sold Out: Rethinking Housing in America. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">If you like what you hear, please leave us a review on Apple Podcasts — and share it with a friend!\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> We’ve got one more thing that we’re working on. It’s a bonus episode full of stories from you. That’ll drop in a few weeks, so stay tuned. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Sold Out is a production of KQED. This episode was written and reported by us: Molly Solomon and Erin Baldassari.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>MOLLY\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Adhiti Bandlamudi produced this episode. Kyana Moghadam is our senior producer. Brendan Willard is our sound engineer. And Rob Speight wrote our theme song.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Natalia Aldana is our senior engagement producer and Gerald Fermin is our engagement intern.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>ERIN\u003c/b>:\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Thank you to our editor, Erika Kelly. Additional editing from Jessica Placzek and Otis Taylor Jr.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We couldn’t have made this season without Ethan Toven-Lindsey, Holly Kernan, Erika Aguilar and Vinnee Tong. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Thank you for listening! \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music out)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Let us know what you think of the show by \u003ca href=\"https://survey.alchemer.com/s3/6755022/f959eb5782fc\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">taking a quick survey\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11907727/reknitting-the-safety-net-help-pay-the-rent","authors":["11652","11651"],"programs":["news_33522"],"categories":["news_8","news_33520"],"tags":["news_3921","news_19122","news_1386","news_18538","news_30775","news_1775","news_21358","news_30773","news_30774","news_9","news_20903","news_30776","news_28979","news_28426","news_1585","news_20967","news_20809","news_28541","news_28527","news_784","news_19961","news_30777"],"featImg":"news_11908146","label":"source_news_11907727","isLoading":false,"hasAllInfo":true}},"programsReducer":{"possible":{"id":"possible","title":"Possible","info":"Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. 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